历史上哪次英文演讲最棒（推荐）

第一篇：历史上哪次英文演讲最棒（推荐）

哪次演讲最棒？

大问题系列：半个世纪前，马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King）侃侃而谈自己的梦想，约翰·肯尼迪（JFK）则称自己为一个柏林人。这两次演讲都名留青史，但历史上到底哪次演讲最棒呢？我们邀请了六位撰稿人做出自己的选择。山姆·雷斯（Sam Leith）为这次讨论设下基调。

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

五十年前，马丁·路德·金站在林肯纪念堂外的台阶上，向世人高声宣布：“我有一个梦想。”那一次，我们可以毫不夸张的说，全世界的人都听到了他的话。这篇演讲中有很多段落如今原封不动地在民间流传。此外，这篇演讲和当时的黑人民间弥撒有很正式的联系，再加上其中用到《阿摩司书》中的语言，因此它本身也大量取材自民间传说。

伟大的演讲不是从天上掉下来的。丝丝缕缕的借鉴和传承把亘古的雄辩和今日的演讲联系起来。所有演讲的力量都来自于部落民族的共同语言，而历史上伟大的演讲也反过来影响塑造了各部族语言的发展。

本专栏收录的演讲里时间最早的两篇是伯里克利（Pericles）的葬礼讲话和林肯的盖提斯堡演说。虽然两者之间相距2500年，林肯的演说在主题和结构上完全重复了伯里克利的讲话。当今最为卓越的演说家之一巴拉克·奥巴马（Barack Obama）就有意在演说中多处引用林肯和金博士的词句（金博士本人当年也常引用林肯）。纳尔逊·曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）1964年受审时的演说也提到了英国的《大宪章》和美国的《权利法案》。如此等等。那么一篇伟大演讲需要满足什么条件呢？它必须论证铿锵有力，风格乃人回味，引据意味深长。在此之上，它也必须将演说者和听众联系起来。西方第一位修辞学专家亚里士多德（Aristotle）将此称为“人格诉诸”（ethos），即任何有效的演说内将演说者这一“我”和听众这一“你们”结合起来转化成“我们”的基本方式。如“朋友们、罗马人、同胞们……”

“人格诉诸”完全就是靠通过听众的语言讲话来实现的：像是会心的笑话，共同的参照点，熟悉的场合等等。如修辞理论家肯尼斯·博克（Kenneth Burke）所说：“你能在多大程度上说服另一个人，就取决于你能在多大程度上借语言、手势、语调、语序、图像、态度和思想用他的语言和其沟通，并将你的道和他的道联系起来。”

一旦实现这种“人格诉诸”，你可以将这种共同语言（以及你的听众一起）朝任何你希望的方向引领。专业人士将这种语言的转折称为“格”（如“修辞格”）。格概括了各种让语言舞动的方法：如层递法用三个用语一组让句子生色；又如反问法让你向听众提出挑战，并塑造出假想的对话；再如句首重复法再三反复一个词或短语，让你建立起一种令人无法抵抗、越来越强烈的节奏。

伟大演讲是否和有些人所认为的那样已经消亡了？答案是否定的。但是今天的演讲确实和过去的有所不同。演讲本身会根据传送方式的改变而不断改变。语言会变，习惯会变，传媒也会变。希腊语中“时机”这一概念在此非常适用。

约公元前50年西塞罗（Cicero）对罗马元老院致辞时并没有扩音设备，而且演讲耗时很长，他的听众都身在现场，这类演讲的书面记录往往是在事后由西塞罗本人整理写成的（而且很可能经过加工增色）。在报纸时代，演讲要经过第三方传递，因此需要不同的技巧，不过新技巧也不一定总是管用。《我有一个梦想》并没有登上第二天出版的《华盛顿邮报》。身负伟大演说家声名的丘吉尔（Churchill）是一位广播演说巨星，他战时在议会内进行的现场演说则相对没有那么出色，但对他来说，真正重要的听众是那些守在家里听广播的群众。电视摄像机让听众可以近距离倾听演说，这又创造了很多新的机会。理查德·尼克松（Richard Nixo）在1952年的“跳棋”演说中就借助这一新技术直接面对面向美国人民致词。

在互联网时代这一充满干扰的生态环境内，你如果花上两个小时进行曲高和寡的正式演说，很快就会失去听众的注意。虽然很多人为“原声摘要”的出现感到悲哀，但是这种现象由来已久。西塞罗当年就很喜欢这么干。不过近代先有印刷新闻，现在又有社交媒体纷纷出现。它们让精彩引言的风头盖过了综合论证，“原声摘要”才开始变得倍加突出。

技术竞争还远没有结束。在YouTube上有一段精彩的视频，其中埃德·米利班德（Ed Miliband）在多个场合回答问题时使用的全是事先准备好，几乎一样的句子。在视频中他听上去就像是个机器人。话说回来，他当然没想到我们在新闻里会先后看到多段十秒视频。他犯的错误在于他根据印刷新闻时代的标准制定战略，而没有考虑到如今大量内容可以一起发放在YouTube上，并在推特上疯传。

他不会再犯同样的错误了。演讲现在身处于电子梦想的时代，但梦想仍将继续。

山姆·雷斯是《伦敦标准晚报》的专栏作家，著有《你在和我说话？从亚里士多德到奥巴马论演讲》

林肯的三分钟散文诗

大问题专栏：哪次演讲最棒？詹姆斯·哈丁（James Harding）选择了1863年的盖提斯堡演讲

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

盖提斯堡演说既值得纪念，又便于记忆。亚伯拉罕·林肯（Abraham Lincoln）用区区270个词，发表了一篇在政治演讲中前无古人，后无来者的散文诗。他在盖提斯堡战役所在地为国家士兵公墓哀悼致词所做的这篇“简短讲话”全文完全没有偏离纪念美国阵亡将士这一主题。但是，在不到3分钟的时间里，他的讲话升华到了内战意义、自由本质和国家希望的高度。林肯本人甚至都不是该致哀活动的主要发言人。他的讲话是在政治家爱德华·埃福里特（Edward Everett）之后所做的。埃福里特是很著名的演说家，他的讲话共耗时两个小时多一点。当时，人们认为埃福里特的演说更成功。

林肯的演说是这么开头的：“八十七年前，我们的祖先在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，她孕育于自由之中，并奉献于人类生而平等的主张。”这一有如圣经般博大雄壮的开头之下掩藏着在当时的战争苦难中相当激进的一项主张。这么说是因为当时林肯所站的地方在仅仅几个月前刚爆发了一场巨大的战役，北军在这场血腥的战役中惨胜南军，双方都有数千名将士牺牲。在1863年11月的这个星期四下午，很难说清楚盖提斯堡战役中的双方到底是为了什么而战。而林肯为之提供了清楚的答案：这不仅仅是为了宪法原则而战，更是为了平等、生命、理想和对幸福的追求这些1776年独立宣言确保的理想而战。南军一直抓住宪法不放，声称法律权利在他们这一边。林肯用一句话就为北军表明了道德权利在他们这边。

但是，盖提斯堡演讲真正感人之处在于它远不只是一个政治声明。它也是对谦逊的一种表达。该演讲承认了演讲本身的不足之处。“我们前来此地要将这个战场的一部分土地奉献给为了国家的生存而牺牲生命的人们，作为最后安息之所，”林肯说道，“然而，从更广的意义上来说，我们不能奉献——我们不能神化——我们不能圣化——这块土地，因为那些曾在此奋战的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经将它化为神圣了，远非我们微薄的力量所能予以增减。”

但林肯确确实实地增加了那些烈士的神圣性。他呼吁活着的人将自己奉献给亡者追求的崇高事业，“我们要从光荣的死者身上，取得更大的热忱来奉献于他们已为之鞠躬尽瘁献出一切的使命。”听，他是用怎样的言语来呼吁人们继续追求这一事业的！“务使我们的国家，在上帝的庇佑之下，获得自由的新生，并愿民有、民治、民享的政府将永存于世。”林肯在几年前曾谈到过过类似的主题，但他之前的演讲从没有像那天那么精辟有力。

但不是所有人都欣赏这次演讲。有些听众认为林肯那天声音过于尖细，甚至带点刺耳的感觉。《泰晤士报》的记者认为林肯的演讲“荒唐可笑”，评论道“很难做出比其更陈腐、更无聊的演讲了”。林肯本人在演讲中谈到奉献之前曾说：“世界将不大会注意，也不会长久记得我们在此说过的话。” 他在这一点上大错特错了。

詹姆斯·哈丁将于八月就任BBC新闻部门负责人。他于2007至2012年间担任《泰晤士报》编辑

容忍及向神之路

大问题专栏：哪次演讲最棒？马克·图里（Mark Tully）选择了辨喜（Swami Vivekananda）于1893年在芝加哥的第一次公开演讲

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

1893年召开的第一届世界宗教会议是个历史性时刻：有史以来西方和东方的精神领袖第一次齐聚一堂。数千人蜂拥至芝加哥听他们讲话，他们听到的最惊人的言论或许出自一位30岁的印度教僧侣。他说：“印度教向世界教授了包容和对万物的接受，我对于身为其中一员而感到自豪。我们不但相信包容所有事物，我们也接受一切宗教均为真理。”当时大会上绝大多数的代表都是基督教徒，基督教可不以包容或接受著称，而且当时基督教还将印度教斥之为偶像崇拜的异端。虽然如此，在那之前从未走出过印度，也从未进行过公开演讲的辨喜在那届会议上大受欢迎，一连受邀进行了六次讲话。《纽约先驱报》说：“辨喜毫无疑问是这次大会里最伟大的人物。”他始终坚持所有宗教的思想都是向神之路，并呼吁包容，无论是在当时，还是在今天这些思想都是非常中肯的教诲。他第一次演说的结尾词是这样的：“我强烈期盼今晨纪念大会所敲响的钟声会成为一切狂热主义、一切用剑或用笔进行的迫害、一切朝向同一目标前进的人们之间不仁感情的丧钟。”

基督教领袖对于他们的宗教并非是唯一的向神之路这一看法深感恼怒。坎特贝雷大主教（Archbishop of Canterbury）拒绝和这次大会有任何意义上的联系，害怕该会议造成“基督教和其它宗教平起平坐、不分轩轾”的印象。利奥十三世教皇（Pope Leo XIII）严责了在那届大会上发言的罗马天主教代表，并禁止教众未来再参加这样“乱七八糟的会议”。

辨喜在那届大会上的讲话直到今天依然打动着许多追求灵性，但不信奉宗教的人士。这些人否定基于信仰的宗教，寻求对神的感受体验。辨喜如是说：“印度教的核心并不在于为了笃信某一教义或信条而进行奋斗和尝试，而在于明悟，不在于信仰，而在于存在和改变。”同时，他也展望未来说：“印度教将会成为一个体系内不存在迫害或偏见的宗教……其全部的内容、全部的力量都会集中在帮助人类实现自身真实的神性。”这正是今天这么多人寻寻觅觅的一种宗教。

马克·图里担任BBC驻印度部长22年

曼德拉不动如山的信念

大问题系列：哪次演讲最棒？在吉莉安·斯罗佛（Gillian Slovo）眼中，那就是1964年纳尔逊·曼德拉在被告席内所做的演讲

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

人们总是会忍不住跳到这篇演讲激动人心的结尾：“我把自己奉献到这场非洲人民的斗争中……”这席话出自比勒陀利亚一间寂静的法院内，每个词都说得那么煞费苦心，每两个短语间都隔着停顿。“我和白人专政斗争过，我也和黑人专政斗争过。我所怀抱的理想，是一个民主自由的社会，让大家都能和谐生活，享有平等的机会。”然后是纸张翻页的沙沙声，接下去那句话今天听到依然会让我感到脊椎有一股热流通过：“我希望为这个理想而活，并实现这个理想。但如果需要，为了这个理想，我愿意献出生命。”

纳尔逊·曼德拉结尾的这句话并不是毫无意义的即兴之作。他和九名伙伴面对的是多起企图暴力推翻政府罪指控。如果罪名成立，他们可能会被判死刑。而当时他们会被判有罪这一点毫无悬念。曼德拉代表自己和其他被告所做的演讲并没有含糊其辞。他说：“但是，我并不否认暴力活动是由我策划的。”事后，当时另一位被告告诉我：“当他把自己送上去迎接死亡的时候，我所想到的是，等一下，我们也有份参与！”

在全世界的注视下，法院最终没有判处他们死刑，而判以无期徒刑，不得假释。

除了最后几句话，这篇演讲初看上去并不能算是热情澎湃。该演讲仔细架构出种族隔离时期的生活现实，并解释为什么在经过几十年的和平抗议后，非国大（ANC）要开始付诸武力。演讲的很多时间都花在反驳他受到共产主义者或是外籍人士煽动这些指控。他说：“我首先把自己看作是一个非洲爱国者，”之后他也承认他对无阶级社会的向往以及对英国民主制度的尊敬。

在那年四月的这一天，曼德拉并不知道历史的洪流最终会逆转，他并不知道自己会被释放，还会成为新南非的总统。正是这一点让他1964年的演讲那么有力：准备付诸武力，为自由而死的曼德拉和出面领导南非走向和平的曼德拉是同一个人。他的信念不动如山。在他震撼人心的结尾词之前，他说白人惧怕民主。“但我们不能让这种恐惧阻挠我们达到保证种族和谐和人人自由的唯一解决方法。”这是他在1964年所说的话，30年后，他证明了这些话的正确性。

吉莉安·斯罗佛是一位剧作家，并著有12部小说，包括《冰路》。她出生于南非，现在是英语国际笔会主席。

2500年后依然激进

大问题系列：哪篇演讲最棒？喜剧演员，古典主义者纳塔莉·黑尼斯（Natalie Haynes）的选择是伯里克利在公元前431年所做的葬礼演讲

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

伯里克利以杰出的演讲著称，但他流传于世的演讲中最著名的一篇其实是出自修昔底德（Thucydides）之手。修昔底德愉快地承认他有时记不清别人具体用什么词，而是将他对其言语的大致印象写下。但不管具体用词出自谁人之手，这篇纪念和斯巴达人交战第一年中阵亡的将士们的挽词都是古今中外最美妙的民主赞词。更难得的是，虽然雅典当时选择直接民主制度作为其政治系统，修昔底德本人并不太赞成这一制度。

伯里克利宣称：“我们的制度之所以被称为民主政治，是因为政权在全体公民手中，而不是在少数人控制之下。解决私人纠纷时，法律面前人人平等。而挑选公职所考量的是候选人的才能，而不是财富。任何人，只要他能够对城邦有所贡献，就绝不会因为贫穷而湮没无闻。”

这些话出自一位保守派历史学家之手，付之于一位富有政治家之口，即使在2500年后的今天听上去依然激进。雅典最大的骄傲在于任何人只要有才干，就能拥有政治实力。他们当时还没有先进到将妇女和外邦人也包括在内，不过这显然是一个不错的开始。

伯里克利明白雅典对于其民主制度多么自豪。这篇演讲是在一场伤亡惨重、似乎永无尽头的战争开始之初时所做的。几个月之后，一场瘟疫杀死了大量包括伯里克利在内的雅典人。但是雅典之后继续这场战争几十年，坚持捍卫自己的价值。

伯里克利赞美了雅典的政治、雅典的人民，甚至雅典的教育系统。他悼念了那些战死的将士，因为他们相信失去这样一座城市将会是不可想像的一场灾难。他提醒幸存者他们也愿为这座城市赴汤蹈火，并以带有忧郁悲伤情调的华丽辞藻结尾：告诉听众致哀并散会。

纳塔莉·黑尼斯是一位喜剧演员，电台主持人，著有《现代生活的古代指南》一书。

希拉里·克林顿清晰的呼声

大问题系列：哪篇演讲最棒？迪娜·布朗（Tina Brown）选择了希拉里·克林顿（Hillary Clinton）1995年在北京所做的“女性战号”

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

这篇演讲引发了一场运动。1995年9月，希拉里·克林顿前往北京主持第四届联合国妇女大会。因为当时中美关系紧张程度不断升温，该次大会的准备工作问题多多。她受到各方施压让她退出这次大会。但她最终选择无视其在媒体和国会内的批评者。因为替女性大声疾呼是迫在眉睫的要务。

当然，中美关系的紧张让这次大会更加倍受注目。当希拉里身穿淡粉色的第一夫人套装进入会议厅时，全世界的眼睛都盯着她。厅里挤满了各国代表。她记得当时特别紧张，害怕让国家，丈夫或自己失望。她很清楚自己讲话的语调和语气都必须慎重小心。她后来说：“不管你乐不乐意，女人如果在公开场合流露过多情感总是会受到批评。”

她知道自己必须对中国违反人权的纪录进行点名，同时也得谈到全世界范围内侵害女性的问题。因此，在清楚地呼吁世界倾听所有女性的声音之后，她开始了其演讲的结束语。这段结尾直到近20年后的今天，依然是全世界女性权益决定性的战号。“仅仅因为婴孩性别为女，就得不到喂食，被活活溺死、闷死或被打断脊骨，这是对人权的践踏。妇女和女孩遭到贩卖，被迫卖淫，这是对人权的践踏。因为嫁妆太少，女性被浇上汽油活活烧死，这是对人权的践踏。小女孩承受痛苦不人道的生殖器切割习俗所害，这是对人权的践踏……”就这样，她滔滔不绝地列举其罪状清单，直至该演讲激动人心的结尾：“如果这次大会只能有一条讯息得以流传，我希望它是：„人权即女权，女权即人权‟，再无异议。”

也许中国政府能阻止这一演讲出现在电视上，但全世界的女性从未忘记。今年早些时候我在纽约林肯中心举行的世界女性峰会上为希拉里做演讲前的引言。她现在已是美国的前国务卿了。在这次峰会的讲话中，希拉里总结了世界女性面对的各种问题，并在结尾复述了她当年在北京最精彩的几句讲词。当她讲到“再无异议”时，全场2500名年龄国籍各不相同的女性全部起立向她报以响亮坚定的喝彩。

迪娜·布朗是《每日野兽》和《新闻周刊》的总编

麦考利呼吁人们心中的正直

大问题系列：哪篇演讲最棒？《经济学人》特约编辑乔尼·格里蒙德（Johnny Grimond）选择了1833年麦考利的犹太人权利演讲

From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, July/August 2013

伟大的演讲者会凭借其修辞技巧让听众心中唤出的感情狂流加强其理性辩证的力量。1833年4月17日托马斯·巴宾顿·麦考利（Thomas Babington Macaulay）在英国下议院内展示了这一技巧。他将自己三年前的第一次演讲重组，论证了政府应该解除其设在英国犹太人身上的最后一道法律限制——禁止犹太人成为议员。几年前类似的限制已从非圣公宗新教徒和天主教徒身上移除。

麦考利采取的方法是一一孤立出支持保持这类限制的论据，然后逐个击破。在这么做的过程中，他呼吁听众用常识看待这一问题，并从听众们都有正直的秉性出发，先把问题概括泛化，再进一步举例。

“如果说政治中有什么主张是颠簸不破的，那就是对他国的眷恋是国内治理混乱的结果。偏执者惯用的一个伎俩是向某些臣民施以暴政，让他们生活困苦，之后又抱怨这些人向国外求助减轻痛苦。先是亲手把社会分化，再反过来奇怪为什么人民不团结……如果犹太人不把英格兰当作母亲，其真正的原因恰恰是英格兰在以继母的方式对待他们。”

他用生动的句子组成奔腾的段落，坚定地阐述自己地观点：“英格兰根本不把犹太人当作国民看待，而我们却反过来因为其不热爱英格兰而斥责他们。我们把他们当作奴隶，却奇怪为什么他们不能如同胞般对待我们。我们迫他们只能从事不体面的行当，却又批评其不接受光明正大的职业。我们一直禁止他们私有土地，却又抱怨他们一天到晚只知道行商。我们把他们所有出人头地的道路全部封死，却又鄙视他们沉溺于贪婪的庇护之下。”

然后他打了一个淋漓透彻的比喻：“如果欧洲所有的红发人士在几个世纪以来一直受到暴行压迫，从这个国家被驱逐，在那个国家又受到监禁，财产被褫夺，无力反抗，人们以极站不住脚的证据给其冠以子虚乌有的罪名，被拖在马尾后，被吊死，被折磨，被活活焚烧。即使情况变得有所好转时，他们还是受到各种没有尊严的限制，受到恶言侮辱，在一些国家被局限在特定街区生活，一旦走到其它地区就会遭到暴民丢掷石头，人人避之不及，在所有地方都无权当任执政官或是其他荣誉职务。如果情况是这样，还会有红发绅士的爱国主义吗？”

这席话说服了下议院，但上议院依然无动于衷。犹太人的民权残缺直到1858年才被移除。但在那中间的几年里，所有最终被证明无效的反对意见都一直围绕麦考利的论点展开。今天，他的观点依然和当年他进行这一演讲时一样贴切，一样有力。

乔尼·格里蒙德是《经济学人》的特约编辑,前外国编辑，也是该报《风格指南》的作者

第二篇：美国历史上最经典演讲Elizabeth Glaser

Elizabeth Glaser

1992 Democratic National Convention Address

delivered 14 July 1992, New York, NY

I'm Elizabeth Glaser.Eleven years ago, while giving birth to my first child, I hemorrhaged and was transfused with seven pints of blood.Four years later, I found out that I had been infected with the AIDS virus and had unknowingly passed it to my daughter, Ariel, through my breast milk, and my son, Jake, in utero.Twenty years ago I wanted to be at the Democratic Convention because it was a way to participate in my country.Today, I am here because it's a matter of life and death.Exactly--Exactly four years ago my daughter died of AIDS.She did not survive the Reagan Administration.I am here because my son and I may not survive four more years of leaders who say they care, but do nothing.I--I am in a race with the clock.This is not about being a Republican or an Independent or a Democrat.It's about the future--for each and every one of us.I started out just a mom--fighting for the life of her child.But along the way I learned how unfair America can be today, not just for people who have HIV, but for many, many people--poor people, gay people, people of color, children.A strange spokesperson for such a group: a well-to-do white woman.But I have learned my lesson the hard way, and I know that America has lost her path and is at risk of losing her soul.America wake up: We are all in a struggle between life and death.I understand--I understand the sense of frustration and despair in our country, because I know firsthand about shouting for help and getting no answer.I went to Washington to tell Presidents Reagan and Bush that much, much more had to be done for AIDS research and care, and that children couldn't be forgotten.The first time, when nothing happened, I thought, “They just didn't hear me.” The second time, when nothing happened, I thought, “Maybe I didn't shout loud enough.” But now I realize they don't hear because they don't want to listen.When you cry for help and no one listens, you start to lose your hope.I began to lose faith in America.I felt my country was letting me down--and it was.This is not the America I was raised to be proud of.I was raised to believe that other's problems were my problems as well.But when I tell most people about HIV, in hopes that they will help and care, I see the look in their eyes: “It's not my problem,” they're thinking.Well, it's everyone's problem and we need a leader who will tell us that.We need a visionary to guide us--to say it wasn't all right for Ryan White to be banned from school because he had AIDS, to say it wasn't alright for a man or a woman to be denied a job because they're infected with this virus.We need a leader who is truly committed to educating us.I believe in America, but not with a leadership of selfishness and greed--where the wealthy get health care and insurance and the poor don't.Do you know--Do you know how much my AIDS care costs? Over 40,000 dollars a year.Someone without insurance can't afford this.Even the drugs that I hope will keep me alive are out of reach for others.Is their life any less valuable? Of course not.This is not the America I was raised to be proud of--where rich people get care and drugs that poor people can't.We need health care for all.We need a leader who will say this and do something about it.I believe in America, but not a leadership that talks about problems but is incapable of solving them--two HIV commission reports with recommendations about what to do to solve this crisis sitting on shelves, gathering dust.We need a leader who will not only listen to these recommendations, but implement them.I believe in America, but not with a leadership that doesn't hold government accountable.I go to Washington to the National Institutes of Health and say, “Show me what you're doing on HIV.” They hate it when I come because I try to tell them how to do it better.But that's why I love being a taxpayer, because it's my money and they must feel accountable.I believe in an America where our leaders talk straight.When anyone tells President Bush that the battle against AIDS is seriously under-funded, he juggles the numbers to mislead the public into thinking we're spending twice as much as we really are.While they play games with numbers, people are dying.I believe in America, but an America where there is a light in every home.A thousand points of light just wasn't enough: My house has been dark for too long.Once every generation, history brings us to an important crossroads.Sometimes in life there is that moment when it's possible to make a change for the better.This is one of those moments.For me, this is not politics.This is a crisis of caring.In this hall is the future--women, men of all colors saying, “Take America back.” We are--We are just real people wanting a more hopeful life.But words and ideas are not enough.Good thoughts won't save my family.What's the point of caring if we don't do something about it? A President and a Congress that can work together so we can get out of this gridlock and move ahead, because I don't win my war if the President cares and the Congress, or if the Congress cares and the President doesn't support the ideas.The people in this hall this week, the Democratic Party, all of us can begin to deliver that partnership, and in November we can all bring it home.My daughter lived seven years, and in her last y

第三篇：历史上最牛的演讲

历史上最牛的演讲

历史上最牛的演讲?甲骨文总裁拉里埃里森在耶鲁大学的演讲

这是甲骨文公司总裁Larry Ellison(Oracle CEO)在耶鲁大学Yale University 给2000级毕业生the graduating class of 2000所作的演讲全文，由于他句句惊人，很冷，最后被耶鲁大学保安请下讲台。该演讲号称历史最牛之演讲，但是否classic则不得而知，美国出版的一本大学经典演讲集未将其收入其中。

演讲全文如下：

耶鲁的毕业生们，我很抱歉---如果你们不喜欢这样的开场白。我想请你们为我做一件事。请你---好好看一看周围，看一看站在你左边的同学，看一看站在你右边的同学。

请你设想这样的情况：从现在起5年之后，10年之后，或30年之后，今天站在你左边的这个人会是一个失败者；右边的这个人，同样，也是个失败者。而你，站在中间的家伙，你以为会怎样？一样是失败者。失败的经历。失败的优等生。

说实话，今天我站在这里，并没有看到一千个毕业生的灿烂未来。我没有看到一千个行业的一千名卓越领导者，我只看到了一千个失败者。你们感到沮丧，这是可以理解的。为什么，我，埃里森，一个退学生，竟然在美国最具声望的学府里这样厚颜地散布异端？我来告诉你原因。因为，我，埃里森，这个行星上第二富有的人，是个退学生，而你不是。因为比尔盖茨，这个行星上最富有的人---就目前而言---是个退学生，而你不是。因为艾伦，这个行星上第三富有的人，也退了学，而你没有。再来一点证据吧，因为戴尔，这个行星上第九富有的人---他的排位还在不断上升，也是个退学生。而你，不是。你们非常沮丧，这是可以理解的。

你们将来需要这些有用的工作习惯。你将来需要这种“治疗”`。你需要它们，因为你没辍学，所以你永远不会成为世界上最富有的人。哦，当然，你可以，也许，以你的方式进步到第10位，第11位，就像Steve。不过，我没有告诉你他在为谁工作，是吧？根据记载，他是研究生时辍的学，开化得稍晚了些。

现在，我猜想你们中间很多人，也许是绝大多数人，正在琢磨，“能做什么？我究竟有没有前途？”当然没有。太晚了，你们已经吸收了太多东西，以为自己懂得太多。你们再也不是19岁了。你们有了``内置``的帽子，哦，我指的可不是你们脑袋上的学位帽。

嗯......你们已经非常沮丧啦。这是可以理解的。所以，现在可能是讨论实质的时候啦---绝不是为了你们，2000年毕业生。你们已经被报销，不予考虑了。我想，你们就偷偷摸摸去干那年薪20万的可怜工作吧，在那里，工资单是由你两年前辍学的同班同学签字开出来的。事实上，我是寄希望于眼下还没有毕业的同学。我要对他们说，离开这里。收拾好你的东西，带着你的点子，别再回来。退学吧，开始行动。

我要告诉你，一顶帽子一套学位服必然要让你沦落......就像这些保安马上要把我从这个讲台上撵走一样必然......（此时，拉里埃里森被带离了讲台）

“Graduates of Yale University, I apologize if you have endured this type of prologue before, but I want you to do something for me.Please, take a good look around you.Look at the classmate on your left.Look at the classmate on your right.Now, consider this: five years from now, 10 years from now, even thirty years from now, odds are the person on your left is going to be a loser.The person on your right, meanwhile, will also be a loser.And you, in the middle? What can you expect? Loser.Loserhood.Loser Cum Laude.In fact, as I look out before me today, I don’t see a thousand hopes for a bright tomorrow.I don’t see a thousand future leaders in a thousand industries.I see a thousand losers.You’re upset.That’s understandable.After all, how can I,Lawrence ”Larry“ Ellison, college dropout, have the audacity to spout such heresy to the graduating class of one of the nation’s most prestigious institutions?

I’ll tell you why.Because I, Lawrence ”Larry“ Ellison, second richest man on the planet, am college dropout, and you are not.Because Bill Gates, richest man on the planet-for now anyway-is a college dropout, and you are not.Because Paul Allen, the third richest man on the planet, dropped out of college, and you did not.And for good measure, because Michael Dell, No.9 on the list and moving up fast, is a college dropout, and you, yet again, are not.Hmm...you’re very upset.That’s understandable.So let me stroke your Egos for a moment by pointing out, quite sincerely, that your diplomas were not attained in vain.Most of you, I imagine, have spent four to five years here, and in many ways what you’ve learned and endured will serve you well in the years ahead.You’ve established good work habits.You’ve established a network of people that will help you down the road.And you’ve established what will be lifelong relationships with the word ”therapy.“ All that of is good.For in truth, you will need that network.You will need those strong work habits.You will need that therapy.You will need them because you didn’t drop out, and so you will never be among the richest people in the world.Oh sure, you may, perhaps, work your way up to #10 or #11, like Steve Ballmer.But then, I don’t have to tell you who he really works for, do I? And for the record, he dropped out of grad school.Bit of a late bloomer.Finally, I realize that many of you, and hopefully by now most of you, Are wondering, ”Is there anything I can do? Is there any hope for me at all? Actually, no.It’s too late.You’ve absorbed too much, think you know too much.You’re not 9 anymore.You have a built-in cap,and I’m not referring to the

mortarboards on your heads.Hmm...you’re really very upset.That’s understandable.So perhaps this Could be a good time to bring up the silver lining.Not for you, Class of ’00.You are a write-off, so I’ll let you slink off to your pathetic $200,000-a-year jobs, where your cheques will be signed by former classmates who dropped out two years ago.Instead, I want to give hope to any underclassmen here today.I say to you, and I can’t stress this enough: leave.Pack your things and your ideas and don’t come back.Drop out.Start up.For I can tell you that a cap and gown will keep you down just as surely as these security guards dragging me off this stage are keeping me down..."

第四篇：美国历史上最经典演讲John F. Kennedy

John F.Kennedy

Ich bin ein Berliner(“I am a 'Berliner'”)

delivered 26 June 1963, West Berlin

I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin.And I am proud--And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who--

--who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.Two thousand years ago--Two thousand years ago, the proudest boast was “civis Romanus sum.”1 Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is “Ich bin ein Berliner.”(I appreciate my interpreter translating my German.)

There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world.Let them come to Berlin.There are some who say--There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future.Let them come to Berlin.And there are some who say, in Europe and elsewhere, we can work with the Communists.Let them come to Berlin.And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress.Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen.Let them come to Berlin.Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect.But we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in--to prevent them from leaving us.I want to say on behalf of my countrymen who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride, that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years.I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope, and the determination of the city of West Berlin.While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system--for all the world to see--we take no satisfaction in it;for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.What is--What is true of this city is true of Germany: Real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice.In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people.You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main.So let me ask you, as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free.When all are free, then we look--can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe.When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.All--All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin.And, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words “Ich bin ein Berliner.”

第五篇：美国历史上最经典演讲 Franklin Delano Roosevelt

Franklin Delano Roosevelt

First Fireside Chat

“The Banking Crisis”

My friends:

I want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the United States about banking--to talk with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking, but more particularly with the overwhelming majority of you who use banks for the making of deposits and the drawing of checks.I want to tell you what has been done in the last few days, and why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be.I recognize that the many proclamations from State capitols and from Washington, the legislation, the Treasury regulations, and so forth, couched for the most part in banking and legal terms, ought to be explained for the benefit of the average citizen.I owe this, in particular, because of the fortitude and the good temper with which everybody has accepted the inconvenience and hardships of the banking holiday.And I know that when you understand what we in Washington have been about, I shall continue to have your cooperation as fully as I have had your sympathy and your help during the past week.First of all, let me state the simple fact that when you deposit money in a bank, the bank does not put the money into a safe deposit vault.It invests your money in many different forms of credit--in bonds, in commercial paper, in mortgages and in many other kinds of loans.In other words, the bank puts your money to work to keep the wheels of industry and of agriculture turning around.A comparatively small part of the money that you put into the bank is kept in currency--an amount which in normal times is wholly sufficient to cover the cash needs of the average citizen.In other words, the total amount of all the currency in the country is only a comparatively small proportion of the total deposits in all the banks of the country.What, then, happened during the last few days of February and the first few days of March? Because of undermined confidence on the part of the public, there was a general rush by a large portion of our population to turn bank deposits into currency or gold--a rush so great that

the soundest banks couldn't get enough currency to meet the demand.The reason for this was that on the spur of the moment it was, of course, impossible to sell perfectly sound assets of a bank and convert them into cash, except at panic prices far below their real value.By the afternoon of March third, a week ago last Friday, scarcely a bank in the country was open to do business.Proclamations closing them, in whole or in part, had been issued by the Governors in almost all the states.It was then that I issued the proclamation providing for the national bank holiday, and this was the first step in the Government¡¯s reconstruction of our financial and economic fabric.The second step, last Thursday, was the legislation promptly and patriotically passed by the Congress confirming my proclamation and broadening my powers so that it became possible in view of the requirement of time to extend the holiday and lift the ban of that holiday gradually in the days to come.This law also gave authority to develop a program of rehabilitation of our banking facilities.And I want to tell our citizens in every part of the Nation that the national Congress--Republicans and Democrats alike--showed by this action a devotion to public welfare and a realization of the emergency and the necessity for speed that it is difficult to match in all our history.The third stage has been the series of regulations permitting the banks to continue their functions to take care of the distribution of food and household necessities and the payment of payrolls.This bank holiday, while resulting in many cases in great inconvenience, is affording us the opportunity to supply the currency necessary to meet the situation.Remember that no sound bank is a dollar worse off than it was when it closed its doors last week.Neither is any bank which may turn out not to be in a position for immediate opening.The new law allows the twelve Federal Reserve Banks to issue additional currency on good assets and thus the banks that reopen will be able to meet every legitimate call.The new currency is being sent out by the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in large volume to every part of the country.It is sound currency because it is backed by actual, good assets.Another question you will ask is this: Why are all the banks not to be reopened at the same time? The answer is simple and I know you will understand it: Your Government does not intend that the history of the past few years shall be repeated.We do not want and will not have another epidemic of bank failures.As a result, we start tomorrow, Monday, with the opening of banks in the twelve Federal Reserve Bank cities--those banks, which on first examination by the Treasury, have already been found to be all right.That will be followed on Tuesday by the resumption of all other functions by banks already found to be sound in cities where there are recognized clearing houses.That means about two hundred and fifty cities of the United States.In other words, we are moving as fast as the mechanics of the situation will allow us.On Wednesday and succeeding days, banks in smaller places all through the country will resume business, subject, of course, to the Government's physical ability to complete its survey It is necessary that the reopening of banks be extended over a period in order to permit the banks to make applications for the necessary loans, to obtain currency needed to meet their requirements, and to enable the Government to make common sense checkups.Please let me make it clear to you that if your bank does not open the first day you are by no means justified in believing that it will not open.A bank that opens on one of the subsequent days is in exactly the same status as the bank that opens tomorrow.I know that many people are worrying about State banks that are not members of the Federal Reserve System.There is no occasion for that worry.These banks can and will receive assistance from member banks and from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation.And, of course, they are under the immediate control of the State banking authorities.These State banks are following the same course as the National banks except that they get their licenses to resume business from the State authorities, and these authorities have been asked by the Secretary of the Treasury to permit their good banks to open up on the same schedule as the national banks.And so I am confident that the State Banking Departments will be as careful as the national Government in the policy relating to the opening of banks and will follow the same broad theory.It is possible that when the banks resume a very few people who have not recovered from their fear may again begin withdrawals.Let me make it clear to you that the banks will take care of all needs, except, of course, the hysterical demands of hoarders, and it is my belief that hoarding during the past week has become an exceedingly unfashionable pastime in every part of our nation.It needs no prophet to tell you that when the people find that they can get their money--that they can get it when they want it for all legitimate purposes--the phantom of fear will soon be laid.People will again be glad to have their money

where it will be safely taken care of and where they can use it conveniently at any time.I can assure you, my friends, that it is safer to keep your money in a reopened bank than it is to keep it under the mattress.The success of our whole national program depends, of course, on the cooperation of the public--on its intelligent support and its use of a reliable system.Remember that the essential accomplishment of the new legislation is that it makes it possible for banks more readily to convert their assets into cash than was the case before.More liberal provision has been made for banks to borrow on these assets at the Reserve Banks and more liberal provision has also been made for issuing currency on the security of these good assets.This currency is not fiat currency.It is issued only on adequate security, and every good bank has an abundance of such security.One more point before I close.There will be, of course, some banks unable to reopen without being reorganized.The new law allows the Government to assist in making these reorganizations quickly and effectively and even allows the Government to subscribe to at least a part of any new capital that may be required.I hope you can see, my friends, from this essential recital of what your Government is doing that there is nothing complex, nothing radical in the process.We have had a bad banking situation.Some of our bankers had shown themselves either incompetent or dishonest in their handling of the people¡¯s funds.They had used the money entrusted to them in speculations and unwise loans.This was, of course, not true in the vast majority of our banks, but it was true in enough of them to shock the people of the United States, for a time, into a sense of insecurity and to put them into a frame of mind where they did not differentiate, but seemed to assume that the acts of a comparative few had tainted them all.And so it became the Government¡¯s job to straighten out this situation and do it as quickly as possible.And that job is being performed.I do not promise you that every bank will be reopened or that individual losses will not be suffered, but there will be no losses that possibly could be avoided;and there would have been more and greater losses had we continued to drift.I can even promise you salvation for some,at least, of the sorely presses banks.We shall be engaged not merely in reopening sound banks but in the creation of more sound banks through reorganization.It has been wonderful to me to catch the note of confidence from all over the country.I can never be sufficiently grateful to the people for the loyal support that they have given me in their acceptance of the judgment that has dictated our course, even though all our processes may not have seemed clear to them.After all, there is an element in the readjustment of our financial system more important than currency, more important than gold, and that is the confidence of the people themselves.Confidence and courage are the essentials of success in carrying out our plan.You people must have faith;you must not be stampeded by rumors or guesses.Let us unite in banishing fear.We have provided the machinery to restore our financial system, and it is up to you to support and make it work.It is your problem, my friends, your problem no less than it is mine.Together we cannot fail.