美国总统就职演说演说赏析2

第一篇：美国总统就职演说演说赏析2

摘要:肯尼迪的总统就职演说辞一直被认为是一篇演讲中的经典之作。本论文从文体学的角度,在词法、句

法、修辞、语篇等各个层面,对肯尼迪的就职演说辞进行分析,揭示其文体特征,以帮助大家更好地欣赏肯尼迪的演

讲艺术,并学习一些演讲中的语言技巧,提高演讲水平。关键词:就职演说辞;文体分析;修辞手段

中图分类号:H152

文献标识码:A

文章编号:1004 —3926(2004)06 —0407 —04 收稿日期:200420 作者简介:熊莉(19699 个单词的句子7 句, 占总数的 1315 %;含1029 个单词的句子有17 个,占总数的 3217 %;含30241 [10 ] 徐振忠1 英语演说辞文体刍议[J ] 1 外国语,1 美国新任总统奥巴马与前总统肯尼迪之间在诸多方面有着极为相似的地方, 尤其是他们的就职

演说背景、演说内容以及演说策略中所采用的修辞格。分析两位总统的就职演说背景、演说内容和演说中所采取的策略, 分析美国在其国内和世界范围内所采取的政策中的变革与传承关系, 可以提高人们对美国文化 从1789 年美国第一任总统华盛顿就职以来, 美国历届新任总统在就职典礼上发表演说已经成为 惯例。作为一种政治演讲, 总统就职演说可以展现 总统个人的风采和执政理念。本文将通过对比肯尼 迪与奥巴马就职演说的背景、内容以及演说策略中 修辞格的运用, 来评析两位总统就职演说所承载的 美国政治与文化的传承与变革。本世纪六十年代, 国际局势动荡不安。% 第三世界各国人民纷纷起来斗争, 要求独立、争

取民主和自由。当时的美国经济很不景气, 国内政局也很不称定, 政府领导阶层缺乏胆识和 活力。就在这关键的时刻, 约翰· 肯尼迪在竞选中获胜, 成为美国最年轻的总统。

用词准确是这篇演说的一个明显特点。肯尼迪对当时人们的心理可以说是了如指掌。他知道自己执政正是全世界处于冷战状态, 整个世界分成两个敌对阵营, 即社会主义阵营和 西方阵营

。至于如何赢得国内民众的支持和赞助1 如何博得世界舆论界的青睐, 这对于肯尼 迪来说还不是胸有成竹的事。他必须号召美国人民参加斗争, ∃

反对人类的共同敌人 苛政、贫困、疾病和斗争。至于如何通过演说来激发听众的感情, 使它产生强大的反响力, 那就要看他 演说的本领了∃ 众所周知, 与林肯一样, 肯尼迪酷爱语言, 他不仅善于用语言传达政策, 更善于 几语言创造他所希望的情绪、态度、气氛或觉醒。他的演说在用词方面达到的凝炼程度, 在 其他总统的演说中是不常见的。如看起来

·意思很简单厂姊妹” , 但仔细咀嚼就不难发现其含意所指我们知道当时的美国 “。, , 4 # ·

已经赫赫育招1 在国际上处于举足轻重的地位, 战后, 国家垄断资本主义迅速发

麟国内生产

和件技发暖达到了登峰造极为地步再加 , ’上它到处插手侵略扩张许多小国家由于经济、, , 军事实力薄刃沟象坟个个郊害伯它对它敬而远之相反留给人们的印象是总统在从事 , , , , 一项伟大为吏命呼于斋劝揭小国家摆脱贫困为枷谈与它们建文友好的关系彼此间应亲 , , , 如姊床倩司手足无疑文是肯尼也总统想通过宣传他为沂谓和平” 政策来鼓动群众赢 ,。

“、得国际朋友从表面上着美国政府似乎十分慷慨愿意提共援助但实示上却丧明了美国向来称王称霸以, ，∃, 老大哥自居把推行扩张主义政策随寸侵洛租凉夺≅8Α 国财富的企图作为向外施行的一种特殊政策 ,、。至此, 一个野心勃勃为资产阶吸政客为面住这里, 一肾尼渔再欠重申

着干, 而是叨人男艰池作对。

是标傍“ 民主, 和‘自由” , 伎俩。

“ 美国并没有在制造任何分歧和争端根木无意与哪个国家对 , ” 这又从侧面暴露了羊国政府的野心在自己的人民面前总 , , , , 好让人民相卿自己拥护自己这也是资产阶级演说家惯用的

” ’“ Ι 此、%8, 这个汤耳导豪竟毋不过了游响肯尼迪Ε阵常注意演井为方式, 没有把话说

。绝对而留有一点余地让人们深思回味 ,。“ 我们不作住何保证只是提出要求而已从中 ，”。

。他暗示了对方必须对您为走议作认真思考这徉自信、狂妄科学的发展也会导致人类毁灭、。重复使用” : 88 ,(.> 0(, 6(= +.Δ : < / : 88 ,(.> 0(, ∋ 3 一> : < 8),+ 护这样的句型不仅能形成对称, , , 一

使整个句子具有强烈的节奏感而且能深化

主题, 听起来真切生动回味无穷下面再请看一些重复句型的使用演说从第六段到第、。

。十一段∃ ’, 2(开头都使用了同释的句型

% ∋(, + 一+ 0 , ’。。8, , 8 , 2(2(% ∋(0 + < : % Η 8/ Ο Π.【Ο < Θ

: 88‘+ 0 ⋯

“ , ”!2(% ∋(0 + < + , 0 % “ % + 0

一

“ , ”(%∋(0 + 6 已几Μ∃8 4)0 % +..+ 6 3 7 8)+ 0。

二“ , ” 2(%∋ : % 9(.8/ 每0 0 + > 78Δ , ∃。扩，和

∃ , ∃ “ ⋯

“ 以及在第十五至第十八段中重复使用了”Ρ + % 7(% 7 0)/ + 0、这个句型。

这种童复现象颇具有语言魅力观众或读者丝毫感觉不到冗词赘句相反让人感。, 到前后呼应∃, 又段落分明结构井然1 同时说话的语气也得到了加强整篇演说洋洋洒洒生 ,。, 动富有感情色彩无疑这种巧妙的布局增强了语言的连贯性 ,。,。

三比喻 Χ);3.+ 0(, Θ Μ+ + + ∋、一篇优秀的文章常常少不了修辞祛演说更是这样肯尼迪这篇演说可以说是一本修辞 。学大全文中大量使用隐喻∃、提喻、夸张等手法尤其以隐喻见长 ,。

下面我们就举例说明

一

稳喻 < ‘+ % : 6 ∋(.不!∋(0 + 9 ∋(,((8)0 ∋8Δ 4 Η “;∋% 6(9 + 1 7 Δ ，.)/)‘!∀

% ∋ + 7 :(΢(, % ∋+ %);+.一+ < 一/+ / ”6 淞)/ “ 6 :.“ ·

Κ 在这里肯尼迪将寻求社会主义国家的帮助比作是骑虎难下

。、, 作为当时社会主义国家的敌对阵营美国政府当然不希望看到自己的盟国成为社会主义国家

·的同盟者作为政府代言人的总统叠然也不例外他竭力呼吁盟友不要与社会主义阵营站在 。一起遥相呼应, 这也从侧面反映了肯尼迪对社会主义国家所持的态度Β

≅3 七

」

。一5 % ∋)0 6 + : + + ,3 8.+ =(83 %)(<(, ∋(6 + + : < <(% 7+ +(> + %∋ + 6.+ Δ(, ∋(0 % 一“+ 6(9 +.0∃ 6 :.:∃ ∀ 川

这里肯尼迪又把和平革命的希望_______比作为随时都有可能成为敌对国的牺牲品” 然 “

”

“

一

。而他要保证它在咖安全不使其离已就得施行他的特殊政策这就表朋肯尼迪决不会甘 , , , , 心示弱为了确保他的政策的贯彻执行他会不惜一切代价甚至动武力决心与社会主义。, , , 阵营对。一着干类似这样的隐喻还很多读者不妨在阅读过程中细细加以品味譬如1 。

二‘、一、演说背景

奥巴马在竞选总统中得到了肯尼迪家族的支 持, 被视为是可以继承肯尼迪政治遗产的“年轻 人”。巧合的是, 奥巴马生于肯尼迪就任总统的

1961年。奥巴马与肯尼迪确有几分相似, 两人的

祖辈都具有移民背景: 肯尼迪的祖父移民自爱尔 兰, 而奥巴马的父亲来自于非洲肯尼亚。他们的父 辈都曾经历初到美国时的不公正待遇, 激发了他们 努力奋斗的决心和意志。两人都毕业于哈佛大学, 都是参议员出身, 都因在民主党全国代表大会上的 精彩发言而一夜走红。也都写过畅销书: 肯尼迪在

1956年出版的《勇敢者的画像》, 被译成了几十种

文字, 并为他赢得了普利策传记文学奖;时隔50 年后全面阐述奥巴马政治理念和政策主张的《无 畏的希望: 重申美国梦》, 也为民主党和他本人赢 得了广大选民。

1961年1月21日肯尼迪就任总统时, 美国国

内正处于战后第四次经济危机, 民权运动高涨;国 际上, 苏联的咄咄逼人、西欧和日本的迅速发展、亚非拉的崛起, 都使美国的全球扩张受挫。于是, 肯尼迪在大选中就提出了“新边疆”的口号, 倡 导在科学技术、经济发展、战争与和平等各个领域 开拓新天地;加上他年轻气盛、身世显赫, 美国人 纷纷投票支持他。而奥巴马在竞选中以“变革” 为主题, 强调结束伊拉克战争、实现能源自给、停 止减税政策和普及医疗保险等, 并承诺实现党派团 结、在国际上重建同盟关系、恢复美国领导地位。奥巴马就职演说的主题和目的, 就是唤醒人民的信 心、决心以及对国家的责任感, 共同渡过美国现在 面临的经济危机难关。

美国第35任总统肯尼迪和第44任总统奥巴马 都是美国历史上较为年轻的当选总统。他们都有着 法学的教育背景, 擅长公共演讲;他们借助当时的 科技媒体发表就职演说, 影响范围都达到了空前的 程度。当年, 肯尼迪之所以能够战胜尼克松, 在很 大程度上归功于广播电视的力量, 而今奥巴马战胜 麦凯恩, 则得益于网络媒体的发展对美国人产生很 大的感召力, 从而获得广大选民的支持。

二、演说内容

在演说中, 两位总统都提到先辈的忍辱负重, 追求自由平等和独立。用先辈的经历说话, 既表明 了该政府建立在各届政府执政理念基础上的合法性 和形象, 也是政治上的煽情, 起到了更大的鼓舞 作用。

美国人有着浓重的领袖情结, 即使面临巨大的 危机, 美国人依然看重世界的领袖地位。肯尼迪号 召“建立一个把东西南北联在一起的伟大的全球 联盟来对付这些敌人, 以确保人类享有更为富有成 效的生活”;而奥巴马在演讲中说, “对于每个追 求和平和自尊的国家和个人而言, 美国都是朋友, 我们愿意再次领导大家踏上追寻之旅。”力主在维 护美国霸主地位的同时, 使世界格局发生一些 变化。

两位总统都欲平衡社会各个阶层的力量。在为 富人阶层谋利益的同时, 针对中下层民众减税, 加 大公共开支, 加强医疗保障, 加大教育投入等。肯 尼迪相信, 如果什么事物有足够的力量去感动人

卢丙华: 变革与传承———奥巴马与肯尼迪就职演说评析

B IAN J IANG J ING J I YU WEN HUA 59 民, 并且在历史上留下痕迹, 就可以离人民的心更近一些。而奥巴马在演说中强调“偏袒富人的国 家无法长久”, 与肯尼迪的“一个自由社会如若不 能帮助众多的穷人, 也就无法保全少数的富人”, 具有相同的含义。

肯尼迪通过较为特殊的结构聚焦“自由”

(1 iberty)这一全体国民乃至整个世界都熟知和关

注的话题, 表达了确保自由的存在和自由胜利的勇 气和决心。作为典型的美国总统就职演说, 整体上 还是借助了欧美人共同的宗教信仰和生活习俗, 特 别是民主自由、美国理想等途径来传达其一般会话 含义。而在本质上, 联系着奥巴马与肯尼迪的, 是 他们那种开创未来的历史感。

三、演说策略

两位总统在演说中都采用了第一人称的复数使 用。一方面, 这样的演说使听众感到亲切, 容易赢 得支持;另一方面, 可以唤起一种团体意识, 使演 说具有很强的煽动性。为了使就职演说充分体现它 所负载的美国历史与文化含义, 给听众留下深刻印 象, 他们主要采用了以下几种修辞手段。

1.排比parallelism。排比是指用结构相似、语

气一致、关系并列的一组语句, 接连表达几个相关 意思的一种修辞方式。运用排比演讲, 可使演讲产 生感人肺腑、振奋人心的威力;可使演讲的气势如 同磅礴的江水, 汹涌向前;可使人感情奔放四溢、豪情万丈。肯尼迪的演讲中在如何处理“两大强 大阵营”的关系问题上, 运用了结构相同的四个 短语“让双方⋯⋯”表示强调和层层深入。通过 排比, 既使得他对这些团体的承诺划分出层次, 也 与对敌对国家的要求显示出差异, 展示其政策的区 别性和思维的严密性。奥巴马在缅怀先辈时接连用 了三个“为了我们⋯⋯忍辱负重, 辛勤耕作, 乃 至征战、牺牲⋯⋯”排比句的使用可谓是别具匠 心, 使整篇文章布局合理, 层次分明, 加强语气。这种结构方法是极讲究的, 既能全面深刻地表达主 旨, 体现出层次和分寸, 又能使演讲从整体上产生 朗朗的节奏、激越的韵律和明快向上的气势。

2.反复repetition。反复是指通过重复同一单

词、词组或语句使人加深印象, 重复部分往往含有 强烈的情感或优美的节奏。演讲中相同的语言形式 反复地使用叫“重复”。演讲中为加强印象、突出 主题及展现情感等, 经常运用相同语言形式的 “重复艺术”, 不断对重要词语进行重复。如: 肯 尼迪的就职演说中针对不同的对象运用了“ To those⋯⋯(对那些⋯⋯)”;奥巴马在讲到面临的

挑战时, 连续三个段落的开头都用了“Today(今 天)⋯⋯”

3.头韵alliteration。头韵是英国文学作品中使

用相当广泛的一种语音修辞手法。这种押韵的技巧 在肯尼迪的演说中也有所体现, 读起来朗朗上口、音韵优美。如: “friend and foe”(朋友和敌人)在 肯尼迪和奥巴马的演说中均有出现。“foe(敌 人)”是“enemy(敌人)”的较为文雅或古老的 形式, 一般来说, 人们会使用“enemy”。在这里 使用“foe”是为了和“friend”重复辅音[ f ] , 增 强了节奏感、感染力和演讲的气势。

4.对照antithesis。对照是运用在意义或感情 上对立的词, 以形成鲜明的对比或对照。对照不同 于比喻, 它把两个概念对比, 不是指出其相似点, 而是指出其差异。使用对照法来增强语势和使演说 更为生动形象。如: 肯尼迪的演说中, “如果一个 自由的社会不能帮助贫穷的大多数, 那么它也不能 拯救富有的少数人”的“the many(多数)”和 “the few(少数)”与“the rich(富人)”和“the poor(穷人)”。这和奥巴马演说中“你们不可能

拖垮我们, 我们定将战胜你们”的“you(你们)” 和“we(我们)”与“outlast(拖垮)”和“defeat(战胜)”, 在两个分句中交错使用, 使句子整体上

达到一种平衡。表现出他们期望在历史与现实的衔 接时刻, 唤起民众的信心、力量和献身精神, 以牢 牢地抓住听众的心。

5.隐喻metaphor。隐喻又称“暗喻”, 它直接

把被比喻物说成比喻物, 是明喻的隐含形式。在肯 尼迪和奥巴马的就职演说中, 大量隐喻的使用让听 众意会, 从而增强了演说的美感和表现力。如肯尼 迪的演说中把“美洲”比作“家园”, 把不容许别 国干涉美洲的事务, 形象地说成“仍然想做自己 家园的主人”。而奥巴马在演说中将美国所面临的 世界经济危机和国际形势比喻成“严峻的寒冬” 和“可能会发生的风暴”。比喻形象、贴切、有 力, 既简练、含蓄, 又寓意深长。

此外, 肯尼迪与奥巴马在就职演说中还引用了 《圣经》中的话语, 使演讲表达准确、富有感染 力。又引用了一些名人先贤的话, 或采撷一些警 句、成语、谚语和典籍中的话, 使演讲生色增辉。把奥巴马与前总统肯尼迪的就职演讲进行比较, 从 很多角度和不同程度上可以说, 奥巴马是肯尼迪的 传承者。参考文献:

[ 1 ] 李志坤,刘宗强.肯尼迪就职演说词的语用含义探究[ J ].三峡大学学报:人文社会科学版, 2008(4).[ 2 ] 任泽湘.约翰·肯尼迪就职演说辞格探析[ J ].郧阳师范高等专科学校学报, 2006, 26(3).[ 3 ] 李天道.外国演讲辞名篇快读[M ].成都:四川文艺出版社, 2004.[ 4 ] 方梦之,张顺梅,等.译学辞典[M ].上海:上海外语教育出版社, 2003.[ 5 ] 张汉熙,王立礼.高级英语:修订本第二册[M ].北京:外语教学与研究出版社, 1995.[ 6 ] 武传涛.著名演讲辞鉴赏[M ].济南:山东人民出版社, 1996.[ 7 ] 谢祖钧.英语修辞[M ].北京:机械工业出版社, 1988.[摘 要] 巴拉克·胡赛因·奥巴马在2008年美国总统选举中获胜,当选美国第56届总统,当晚他发表了获

胜演讲。这篇演讲条理分明、框架清晰、语气温和、富有亲和力、激情四射、富有感染力,演讲用词具有大众化、平民化特征。句式表达具有多样性,使语言表达强略得当,舒展自如。在修辞上使用了大量的排比、反复、对比等手法, 公众演讲作为一种极为特殊的文体,既不同于日常谈 话、即席演说等口语体裁,又不同于小说、戏剧、诗歌等文学 体裁。它兼具口语和书面语两种文体的语言特点,同时,又 和这两种文体有着明显的差异。它扬口语浅显易懂之长,弃 口语松散杂乱之短;既保留了书面语庄重文雅之风,又不失 口语生动感人之韵,使人听来感到铿锵悦耳,感情充沛,极富 感染力和号召力。“文体”一词,源于英文的“style”,它包含 着语体和风格两方面的涵义。[ 1 ]它既可指某一时代的文风, 又可指某一作家使用语言的习惯;既可指某种体裁的语言特 点,又可指某一作品的语言特色。本文就语言文体风格方 面,从语篇风格、词汇风格、句式风格、修辞风格等方面对奥 巴马的获胜演讲(victory speech)作一些具体的分析。巴拉克·胡赛因·奥巴马(Barack Hussein Obama J r.)在2008年11月4日美国总统选举中获胜,当选美国第56 届总统,并成为美国历史上首位非洲裔总统。他的演讲技巧 在当晚获胜演讲中被发挥得淋漓尽致。此演说言辞华美,气 势雄伟,极富感染力,被认为是一篇演讲中的经典之作。一 语篇风格(一)语篇结构

这篇演讲条理分明,框架清晰,独具匠心的语篇结构是 其一大特色。“结构工整的演讲比结构零乱的演讲更易于为 听众所理解。”[ 2 ]研究表明:清晰的结构是与听众的理解力 和记忆力紧密相连的;它会影响听众对演讲者的可信度的判 定。而结构在很大程度上也影响着演讲的质量。演讲的组 篇应按人们对事物的自然反应及思维模式进行。一篇好的 演讲必需重点突出,层次分明,结构工整。[ 2 ]总统获胜演说是 一种具有深远历史意义和广泛影响力的语篇。其结构模式 3 [收稿日期] 200828 [基金项目] 湖南省教育科学“十一五”规划2008年度立项课题(高等教育XJK08CGD008号)[作者简介] 曾亚平(1963—),女,湖南湘潭人,湖南农业大学外国语学院副教授.研究方向:应用语言学.第3期曾亚平,黄振定:论奥巴马总统竞选获胜演讲的文体风格 当然不容忽视。奥巴马的演讲可分为四个部分: 1.阐述了这次总统选举的历史意义。暗示奥巴马的当 选符合广大民众的意愿,因此,他的当选也是民众的胜利。2.用细腻的笔触和激昂的语言,真诚地传递出对竞选

对手、竞争党派、亲朋好友、广大选民乃至国际社会的由衷感 激、深情答谢和高度赞誉。

3.用简洁的笔墨和精炼的语言,准确地传达出对建国

历程、时代功勋、国际挑战、政治方略和政治信念的精要评价 和精辟回答。

3.用518个字的特写方式,重点讲述了了一位亚特兰

大的106岁的黑人老妇人安·尼克松·库柏热心投票的爱 国热情,并从她的视角回顾了美国经济的发展、壮大以及繁 荣的过程,也回顾了美国消除种族歧视、性别歧视成为一个 人人平等的民主社会的历程,以此来审视现实和展望美好的 未来。

(二)语篇特色

一篇演讲的语篇风格相当关键,因为它决定了这篇演讲 的整体基调,而其他所有文体因素均以语篇为基础。尽管有 时语篇并不像其他文体特征表现得那么清楚直接,但对于整 篇演讲是否成功,语篇起到了至关重要的作用。分析奥巴马 的总统获胜演讲,我们不难发现其具有以下语篇风格: 1.语气温和,富有亲和力

奥巴马作为美国历史上首位非洲裔总统,来自美国的中 低层,富有社区工作经验,了解普通美国民众的心声,强调 “平等”、“自由”,他的获胜演讲辞语气温和,富有亲和力。例如在第一段中: Hello, Chicago.If there is anyone out there who still doubts thatAmerica is a p lace where all things are possible;who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time;who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.在演讲的一开头,奥巴马不是直接称呼“我的朋友们”

或“女士们、先生们”之类,一句“Hello, Chicago”便与众不 同,随着下面潮水涌动的欢呼,这一句已经代表所有。美国 总统们的获胜和就职演说第一段一般都是很抽象的语言,而 奥巴马在第一段开头,正如肯尼迪总统就职演说中所说的: “我们不把今天看成是一个政党胜利的日子,而看做庆祝自 由的佳节。它既象征着结束,也象征着开始;它意味着继业, 又意味着更新。”[ 3 ]他用三个“如果”引出话题,最后用一句 “你们今晚正是对那些疑问作出了回答”,通过这三个反复, 首先表明了美国的伟大,再次强调了自己的当选完全是大多 数美国公民的认同,他的当选是广大人民的胜利,最后让听

众有了“我们的总统、人民的政府、为人民的政府”诞生了的 共鸣。

2.激情四射,富有感染力

美国历史上出现过多个优秀的政治家,如林肯、肯尼迪 和马丁·路德·金,他们成功的第一步都源自热情奔放、富 有号召力的演讲。在传媒日益发达的当代,这一点尤其重 要,因为演讲直接关系到能否感动选民、取得共鸣,奥巴马的 演讲,既激情四射、振奋人心,又格调高雅,富有感染力。如 第二、三、四段中使用了多组长排比句,他将大选人们排长队 投票的场景,将全社会各层次人们全部列举出来向所有人宣 告:美国在发生改变,美国会因为他的当选而发生改变,美国 仍然充满希望和活力,美国因为所有人的融合而强大。而其 中的:Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of individuals or a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States ofAmerica.“我们是,我们永远是美利坚合众国”是极度富有感染 力的,演讲在这里达到第一个高潮。能在开篇就引导出一个 高潮是成功演说的开始。这样的演讲开篇是很有力量和感 染力的。如第六段的: I just received a very gracious call from SenatorMcCain.He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he’s fought even longer and harder for the country he loves.He has endured sac2 rifices forAmerica thatmost of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and self2 less leader....在这一段他高度赞扬了自己的竞选对手美国共和党总 统候选人麦凯恩参议员,而且是极其诚恳和足够力度的评 价,不带半点讽刺。我们不仅能看到这些赞扬,更能看到他 的风度与尊重,当然,这么完美的对手同样可以起到肯定自 己的作用。二 词汇风格

作为情景语境的三个主要变项, 话语范围(field of dis2 course)、话语方式(mode of discourse)和话语基调(tenor of discourse)共同作用产生了语域(register)。语域(register)是 指“一个特定群体所用的特殊语言变体”。[ 4 ]一个语域与其 他语域的区别常见于其所用的独特的词汇。词汇的长度通 常和该文章语体是否为正式语篇密切相关。传统上我们把 包含六个以上(包括六个)字母或三个音节以上(含三个)的单词称为大词(big word)。这些词往往来自于拉丁语,希 腊语或法语,或者有着复杂的内部结构。[ 4 ]大词在正式书面 体中出现较多。在奥巴马的这篇演讲中, 全文共有1949个 单词, 其中410个为包含6个或6个字母以上的大词, 占总 数的21% , 比美国总统获胜演讲或就职演讲的单词的大词 所占的百分比27.7%要低些。如果我们排除包含恰好6个 字母的单词, 这个数目就减少到329 个,仅占总单词数的 16.8%。总的来说, 我们可以看出奥巴马的这篇演讲用词 具有十分大众化、平民化的特征。这与奥巴马的支持者大多 来自美国社会的中下层民众有关,奥巴马希望通过词汇的使 用来暗示:他是普通民众的总统,而非美国少数上流阶层的 代言人。

除此之外, 我们知道公众演讲都具有很强的鼓动性, 演 89 湖 南 大 学 学 报(社会科学版)2009年

讲者常常借助形容词的灵活使用达到鼓动听众的效果。但 在这篇演讲中,为了避免拉开与民众之间的距离,奥巴马尽 量避免使用形容词,很多应该使用形容词的地方都用名词代 替,使演讲显得更加客观、公正。在这篇演讲中共有94个形 容词, 仅占总词数的4.8% , 远远少于美国总统获胜演讲或 就职演说的形容词的平均含词量7.4%。然而, 大部分形容 词还是表达了演讲者强烈的主观判断和个人情感。比如 fundamental, divided, shared, individual, national, thriving, false, hopeful, long, steep, worst等。这样既可以使自己的 演讲更贴近民众,又不失恢宏气势。

人称代词在英语政治语篇中的应用很广泛。在这篇获

胜演讲中,“we”共计使用47次,“us”12次,“our”27次,合计 87次。而“I, me, my ”只有31次,“he”使用了2次,用来指 竞选对手麦卡恩,“she”使用了4次,指安妮·尼克松·古博(106岁的老人,她见证了美国的发展)。“they, them, their” 19次。奥巴马的演讲中,使用得最多的是第一人称代词,尤 其是第一人称复数代词“we”,及它的变体:“us, our, ”等。不少情形下,第二人称代词“you”的使用都由第一人称代词 所代替。大量使用“we”就等于把讲话人放到听话人的同一 立场之上,或更精确地说,是把听话人拉到了自己的一边,这 样一来就会使听众感到更亲切,就更容易赢得听众的支持。分析演讲稿,我们还发现,“you”、“your”的出现使听众感觉 到自己就是那个“you”,不自觉地和新总统“we”开始对话, 听众和总统间的距离不知不觉就缩小了。当演讲者用“we” 来代替“I”时,可以营造一种友好的气氛,另一方面人们对即 将上任的新一届总统抱有很高的期望值,希望他能“解决能 源危机,修复与许多国家的关系,并将美国从经济危机的泥 沼中带出来”。[ 5 ]奥巴马通过“we”与“I”的成功置换,达到了 “前面的路还很长、很艰辛,我需要你们的参与”的效果,从 而树立了一个锐意改革、人民至上的新一代美国领导人形 象,使演讲具有了强烈的煽动性。三 句式风格

奥巴马获胜演讲有单词数1949个,句子83个,平均句

长为23.48个单词。其中含40个单词以上的句子为13个, 含30—39个单词的句子15个, 含20—29个单词的句子16 个, 含10—19个单词的句子18个, 21个句子含有10个以 下的单词。根据以上统计, 和所有美国总统的演讲平均句 长19.2个单词相比, 这些数据显示出, 奥巴马的获胜演讲平均句长较长,超过了美国总统就职演说的平均单句含词 量,也明显超过了各类文体的平均句长17.8字。因此,奥巴 马的总统竞选获胜演讲具有较明显的书面语特征,这是由演 讲的内容、功能、发表场合及发表方式所决定的。总统获胜 演讲的内容涉及政治,发表场合较严肃,可以事先准备,避免 了口语体的随意性。从句子类型来看,简单句有13句,占总 句数的15.7%;主从复合句有69句,占总句数的83.1%;并 列复合句有1句,占总句数的1.2%。以上数据显示出,奥 巴马的获胜演讲中,句子以主从复合句为主,其次为简单句, 并列复合句含量最少。演讲中句式的复杂性主要源于名词 的后置现象。几乎没有所有格“’s”来替代后置修饰的现象。相反往往有本来可以用前置修饰却用后置修饰代替的现象。后置修饰语的增多,使限定更加精确,能提供更多信息,还可 以使语言更加庄重,使内容更加严肃,并能起到强调的作用。简单句和短句结构简单,表意明确,有明显的强调功能,如 “Yes, we can”在演讲中多次出现;复合句和长句容量大,能 表达复杂的思想内容。本来简单句、短句常常出现在口语体 中,复合句、长句常常出现在书面文体中。而这两种句式在 奥巴马获胜演讲中呈平均分布,体现了句式的多样性特征, 使语言表达强略得当,舒展自如,避免了单调乏味。另一方 面也体现出,奥巴马获胜演讲辞在具有口语性特征的同时也 具有较强的书面语特征,并以书面语特征为主。

四 修辞风格

政治演说的目的主要在于向听众宣扬政治主张,这样的 演讲必须具有说服力和强烈的煽动性。因此,演讲者常常借 助于各种修辞手段来达到这些效果。在奥巴马的演讲中被 使用的修辞手法主要有四种:排比、反复、对比以及暗喻。使 用这些修辞手法可使语句结构整齐匀称,显示形式的整体 美,演说起来声调铿锵,使听者感到语意特别丰富,力量特别 集中,说理十分有力。

1.排比(parallelism)排比是一种修辞手段。它是指把结构相同、意义并重、语气一致的词、短语、句子、甚至段落排成串,形成一个整 体。[ 6 ]排比是奥巴马获胜演讲中使用最频繁的修辞手法。例如:(1)If there is anyone out there who still doubts thatAmeri2 ca is a p lace where all things are possible;who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time;who still ques2 tions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.这里

是三个定语从句构成的排比,强调如果有任何人怀疑美国精 神的鲜活,那么今天我的当选是最好的答案。这里也间接说 明了奥巴马当选的意义。

(2)It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of whatwe did on this day, in this election, at this defining mo2 ment, change has come to America.这里是三个介词短语构成 的排比,蕴含今天是美国划时代的日子,因为它迎来了变革。

(3)There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be cre2 ated;new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.这是五个不定式短语的排比,表达了今后任务的繁重

及艰辛。

(4)And above all, Iwill ask you join in the work of rema2 king this nation the onlyway it’s been done in America for twoone yearsso95.[ 2 ] 熊莉.从就职演说辞看肯尼迪演说的文体风格[ J ].西南民族

大学学报(人文社科版), 2004,(6): 40723.[ 5 ] Barack Obama.Victory Speech http [ EB /OL ]./ /www.xiexiebang.com / language11 / 05 / content-7176921.htm, 2008.11.04.[ 6 ] 胡壮麟.理论文体学[M ].北京: 外语教学与研究出版社, 2000.[ 7 ] 秦秀白.英语语体和文体要略[M ].上海: 上海外语教育出版

社, 2002.[ 8 ] Halliday, M.A.K.&Hasan, R.Cohesion in English[M ].Lon2 don: Longman Group Limited, 1976.[ 9 ] 王佐良, 丁往道.英语文体学引论[M ].北京:外语教学与研究 出版社, 1987.

第二篇：美国总统就职演说演说赏析3

一、引言

美国总统就职演说是具有代表性的一种政治演说，它由总 统在就职时向国内外公开发表、宣布自己的施政纲领，说服公 众接受并支持自己的观点。美国总统就职演说作为一种独特 而重要的文体，是一个研究热点。这其中学者们研究关注的焦 点之一就是肯尼迪的就职演说。第35 任美国总统约翰·菲茨 杰拉德·肯尼迪的就职演说与富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福的 第一次就职演说被并称为20 世纪最令人难忘的两次美国总统 就职演说，共计1355 个单词的演说成为激励型语言和呼吁公 民义务的典范之作。在他的就职演说后，约有四分之三的美国 民众认可了新总统。该演说何以具有如此的说服力？本文拟 从象似角度作出解读。

二、象似性原则与肯尼迪演说

语言的象似性是指语言的能指和所指之间，亦即语言的形 式和内容之间有一种必然的联系，两者之间的关系是可以论证 的，是有理可据的。（沈家煊，1993；赵艳芳，2001：155-162）象 似性在语言教学、英汉对比、语用分析、文体分析中应用广泛。支配语言的象似性用法的法则称之为象似性原则。象似性原 则频频现身于各类语篇中，使语篇呈现出不同的文体特征。从 象似性的角度对就职演说加以研究能揭示其文体效果产生的 深层原因，并且对于欣赏和学习演讲技巧具有一定的指导意 义。为了论述方便，笔者将从距离象似性、数量象似性、对称象 似性、顺序象似性、标记象似性等几个方面对肯尼迪的就职演 说加以分析。

（一）距离象似性

海曼（Haiman，1983：872）提出，语言表达式之间的距离对 应它们所表示概念之间的距离。雷考夫和约翰逊（Lakoff and Johnson，1980：126-133）从隐喻的角度讨论了距离象似性问题。他们提出，语言成分的毗邻程度体现了概念之间互相影响的 程度。请看下面的例子：

And so，my fellowAmericans ask not what your country can do for you；ask what you can do for your country．My fellow citizens of the world，ask notwhatAmericawill do foryou，but what togetherwe can do for the freedom of man．

一般说来，我们常用的是“do not ask what．．．”的句式。而 在这两句当中，肯尼迪有意将“not”置于“what”之前（当然也有 出于对称考虑的需要），“not”和问的内容紧密相连，充分表达 了肯尼迪对什么该问，什么不该问的看法，很好地激励了美国 人民和世界人民去做他们该做的事情。

语篇中距离象似性与模写，字符距离，词语间距；社会距 离，交谈者距离；融合，插入，迂回，整散结构等修辞格及文体特 征紧密联系。（王寅，2000）肯尼迪虽赢得了1960 年的总统大 选，但是他的年轻、天主教身份、美国民众的有限支持使得民众 对他能否公正的履行总统职务疑虑重重。为了消除疑虑，肯尼 迪可谓不遗余力。他的就职演说中出现频率最高的词是“我 们”，始终强调他本人是其中一份子。肯尼迪拉近了高高在上 的总统与普通民众的距离；放低了姿态号召公众用宗教的宽容 心服务于国家的安康；跨越了意识形态的鸿沟，呼吁全人类团 结起来，共同反对专制、贫困、疾病和战争。肯尼迪作为美国总 统前所未有的与普通民众站在了一起，激发了民众内心的价值 和情感。

（二）数量象似性

数量象似性指语言符号的数量与其所表示概念的量和复 杂程度存在一致性关系。（王寅，2001：352）数量象似性其实 也是雷考夫和约翰逊（Lakoff and Johnson，1980：127）所说的空 间隐喻起作用的结果。语言表达式是容器，它们的意义是容器 的内容。当我们看到容器很小的时候，我们认为它们的内容也 少。当我们看到容器很大的时候，我们通常认为它们的内容 也很多。把这一思想应用到管道隐喻上，我们会得到如下认 识：形式越多，内容越多。新任总统要通过就职演说有限的篇 幅，清晰、恰当地传达出尽可能多的信息，以激发民众情感共 鸣，赢得信任和支持。肯尼迪就职演说全文1355 个单词，句法 形式多样，包含了简单句、复合句、复杂句、长句和短句。总统 在表达决心，发出号召的时候偏向于结构上复杂，语义上也复 杂的句子。请看下面的例子：

Let the word go forth from this time and place，to friend and foe alike，that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans，born in this century，tempered by war，disciplined by a hard and bitter peace，proud of our ancient heritage，and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed，and towhichwe are committed today at home and around the world． 这个句子信息密度强，五个短语描写新一代美国人，两个

“to which．．．”定语从句限定“human rights”，强有力地表现出

作者简介：莫艳艳（1982—），女，河南洛阳人，洛阳师范学院外国语学院教师，研究方向：应用语言学。

Vol.23.NO.5 Oct.2010 湖北函授大学学报

Journal of HUBEI Correspondence University 第23 卷第5 期 2010 年10 月 153 新一代美国人的经历和特点足以确保他们完成父辈传下的光 荣使命，也清楚地向全世界表达出美国捍卫人权的决心。同样地，下面的句子通过插入语、并列及头韵的运用恰当 地传达了美国人愿为确保自由的生存及最终胜利付出任何代 价。

Let every nation know，whether it wishes us well or ill，that we shall pay any price，bear any burden，meet any hardship，support any friend，oppose any foe，in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty．

句法形式的多样化既使得演说张弛有度，时刻吸引民众的 注意力，又使得演说向心力极强，随时激发民众共鸣。

（三）对称象似性

对称象似性是指“在概念上具有同等重要性和并列关系的 信息在表达上具有对称性”。（赵艳芳，2001：161）人具有追求 对称的欲望，而这种欲望源于人体自身所具有的基本对称性。（Norrman，1999：62-63）在政治演讲中，演讲者出于表达并列 意义的需要，也出于满足听众追求对称的天性从而激起其共鸣 的考虑，大量地使用并列结构。

该演说中肯尼迪用了六个以“To．．．”开头的并列结构来表 达美国对不同程度的盟友，对联合国，对敌方阵营的不同态度。这些态度对于美国的外交政策同等重要，因此处于并置的地 位。同时，这些结构的并置也起到了一种对照的作用，极为清 晰地传达出了美国对外政策的不同，起到了敦促各国保持或寻 求与美国建立良好关系的作用。他还用了四个“Let both sides．．．” 这样的并列结构来劝说和敦促以苏联为首的敌方阵营 采取与美国一样的政策。这样的并列结构对帮助美国树立正 面形象，赢得更多的支持起到了积极的作用。肯尼迪采用的并 列对照结构还有很多，如“symbolising an end as well as a beginning，signifying renewal as well as change”，“United，there is little we cannot do．．Divided，there is little we can do．．．”等。

（四）标记象似性

顺序象似性指语言形式的顺序与时间顺序具有一致性，并 且与文化观念密切相关。（王寅，2001：361）

标记象似性指“标记性从无到有的顺序象似于认知的自然 顺序及组词的一般顺序；有标记性象似于额外意义，无标记性 象似于可预测的信息。”（王寅，2001：369）一般说来，主语放在 句子开头是无标记形式，句子使用主语是无标记形式；相反，倒 装句和祈使句是有标记形式。请看下面例句：

In your hands，my fellow citizens more than mine，will rest the final success or failure of our course．

该倒装句具有明显的标记特征，比正常语序更能传达出肯 尼迪作为新任总统亲民，充分重视普通民众的良好形象。该演说沿袭古希腊、罗马的修辞、文风，精心选用圣经语言 句式，注意音韵效果，其风格严肃而庄重。因此，演说中出现的 let somebody do something 这样的口语表达便极具标记性特征。区别于口语表达Let me do it / Let’s sing the song together，演 说中的表达含有一种号召、命令的口吻，恰当地传达出美国人 的决心。第三、四段的两个句子译成汉语当然可以是：从现在 起，从这个地方开始，让这个信息传递到我们的朋友，也传递到 我们的敌人那里⋯⋯，让每个国家都知道⋯⋯。但这样的口气 太婉转了一些而与演说的格调不相称。当代美国惯用法词典 A Dictionary of Contemporary American Usage（Evans）的有关 讲解是这样的：let is also used to form a peculiar imperative that includes the speaker along with the person addressed，as in Let us be true to each other。这样一来，“let”句型就有一种号召的口 吻，us 也指我们以外的某人或某些人。《圣经》中“创世纪”第1 章3，4，15 段也有类似的句型。

And God said，let there be light；and there was light． And God saw the light，that itwas good；and God divided the light from the darkness．And let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven to give light upon the earth and it was so． 对于熟悉《圣经》的大多数美国民众而言，演说中“let”句 型的多次出现有强烈的暗示。他们是美国新任总统尊重的对 象、信任的对象和团结的对象。

三、结语

政治家们很大程度上依赖语言劝说民众接受他们的政治 主张和改革措施。他们精心准备和策划的演说要能构激发民 众在情感、价值观念上的共鸣才能促使其作出有意识的、合理 的判断。肯尼迪从考虑就职演说时就希望，希望用词可以激起 和平的希望，确定一个新时代的乐观基调。肯尼迪亲自撰写的 就职演说流畅地表达了他的意图，达到了以上目的。从象似性 角度看，该演说因同时运用距离象似性原则、数量象似性原则、对称象似性原则及标记象似性原则，而取得了良好的文体效 果，有效地实现其劝说和激励民众的目的。

参考文献：

［1］胡壮麟．美国功能语言学家Givon 的研究现状［J］．国外语言学，1996，（4）：1 ～ 10． ［2］沈家煊．句法的象似性问题［J］．外语教学与研究，1993，（1）：2 ～ 8．

［3］王寅．象似性：取得文体特征的重要手段［J］．四川外语学院学报，2000，（4）：39 ～ 43． ［4］王寅．语义理论与语言教学［M］．上海：上海外语教育出版社，2001． ［5］赵艳芳．认知语言学概论［M］．上海：上海外语教育出版社，2001．__

论肯尼迪就职演说一文的语言特征 重庆三峡学院外国语系 马仁良

[摘 要]约翰肯尼迪于1961 年1 月20 日所作的就职演说通篇充满了名句名言, 语言精辟, 言简意赅, 是一篇十分经典 的演说, 本文将从语言的修辞和语言的结构以及语言的风格对其语言特征加以论述。[关键词]语言特征 修辞 语言风格 语言结构

1、引言

为了非常有力地表达其观点和决定以及向他的敌人提出建 议, 肯尼迪用了大量变化多样的修辞格句子类型。他根据需要, 不断变化, 从很短的句子, 甚至从句子片段到相当长而复杂的句 子结构, 最引人注目的是他大量地使用平行结构和对照以及明 喻、重复、夸张、倒装、反问、头韵, 肯尼迪在演说中那强硬的措 词, 连同他坚毅的下颚、响亮的声音, 一起赋予这一演说以非凡 的力量。他不仅大量使用修辞, 而且在语言结构和语言风格方面 借用圣经的语言风格和引用圣经里的词语，2、平行结构

大量的平行结构, 爱憎分明的激情词语, 是这篇演说词最具

特色的地方。他在演说一开始就用了一个平行结构的句子, 他说 道,W e observe today no t a victo ry of a party but a celebrat ion of freedom , symbo lizing an end asw ell as a beginning, signifying renew al as w ell as change.在这个经过精心雕琢的句子里, 肯尼 迪极力强调了他就任美国总统这一事件的重大意义: 它不仅意 味着民主党战胜共和党的胜利(victo ry of a party), 而且他的 当选是人民按照自己的意志选择国家元首的自由权利的体现(celebrat ion of freedom)它标志着前一届总统(艾森豪威尔)任 期的结束, 同时也象征着新一届总统(肯尼迪)的任期的开始, 因 而这是一个承前启后, 继往开来的大事件(symbo lizing an end asw ell as a beginning, signifying renew al asw ell as change)。肯 尼迪在谈到维护自由, 使其长存不灭时说道: ⋯.w e shall pay any p rice, bear any burden, meet any hardsh ip , suppo rt any friend, oppo se any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.在这个平行结构中的几个动词短语的平行使用, 使语言 更加简练, 结构平衡匀称, 声音铿锵有力, 观点鲜明突出, 很有号 召力。另外在谈到发挥联合国的作用时, 他用了三个不定式的平行结构, 他说: ⋯w e renew our p ledge of suppo rt—— to p revent it from becom ing merely a fo rum fo r invect ive, to st rengthen its sh ield of the new and thew eak, and to enlarge the area in w h ich its w rit may run.他在谈到与美国有着同样文化和精神渊源的 西方世界, 谈到第三世界新独立的国家, 谈到生活在亚洲和非洲 贫困国家的人民, 谈到拉丁美洲, 谈到主权国家的世界性大会 ——联合国以及美国的敌人社会主义国家的时候, 一共用了六 个平行句, 在这些句子中他的语气有所侧重, 立场和态度鲜明, 他说到: To tho se o ld allies w ho se cultural and sp iritual o rigins w e share,w e p ledge the loyalty of faithful friends, ⋯.To tho se new states w hom w e w elcome to the rank s of the free w e p ledge our wo rd that one fo rm of co lonial cont ro l shall no t have passed aw ay merely to be rep laced by a far mo re iron tyranny.To tho se peop le in the huts and villages of half the globe st ruggling to break the bonds of mass m isery, w e p ledge our best effo rts to help them help them selves, ⋯.To our sister republics south of our bo rder,w e offer a special p ledge, ⋯.To that wo rld assembly of sovereign states, the U nited N at ions, our last best hope in an age w here the inst ruments of w ar have far outpaced the inst ruments of peace,w e renew our p ledge of suppo rt, ⋯.F inally, to tho se nat ions w ho would make them selves our adversary,w e offer no t a p ledge but a request.接着肯尼迪在向社会主义国家发出呼吁时又连续用了四个“let bo th sides⋯”这样的平行结构, 他说到: L et bo th sides exp lo re w hat p roblem s unite us instead of belabo ring tho se p roblem s w h ich divide us.L et bo th sides, fo r the first t ime, fo rmulate serious and p recise p ropo sals fo r the inspect ion and cont ro l of arm s, and bring the abso lute pow er to dest roy o ther nat ions under the abso lute cont ro l of all nat ions.L et bo th sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terro rs.Together let us exp lo re the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean dep th s, and encourage the arts and commerce.L et bo th sides unite to heed, in all co rners of the earth, the command of Isaiah —— to“undo the heavy burdens, and(to)let the opp ressed go free.”可是在发出呼吁之前他却一方面摆出 一副既友善又恐吓的样子说道: So let us begin anew —— remembering on bo th sides that civility is no t a sign of w eakness, and sincerity is alw ays subject to p roof.L et us never nego t iate out of fear, but let us never fear to nego t iate.从以上 的例子中我们可以看出肯尼迪用了多种平行结构, 既有句子结 构的平行也有动词原形、分词和动词不定式的平行, 这是这篇演 讲稿的最突出的特色之一。

3、隐语的运用

肯尼迪在这篇演说词中运用了很多隐语, 隐语在其中起到

了形象生动和画龙点睛的效果。例一, 肯尼迪在谈到过去有些国 家寻求社会主义国家的援助, 到头来却失去了自由, 认为这是一 种非常愚蠢的行为时, 暗示和威胁这些国家不要投入到社会主 义国家的怀抱, 他说到: ⋯ in the past, tho se w ho foo lish ly sough t pow er by riding the back of the t iger ended up inside 其 中的by riding the back of the t iger 是隐语, 意思为“骑虎难下;骑虎者终为虎噬”, 意指谋求社会主义国家的帮助最终将被社会 主义国家所吞噬。这样的比喻非常形象, 也很深刻。例二, 肯尼迪 在对南美洲国家以老大哥的口吻说要特别作出保证时用了两个 隐语, 一个是But th is peaceful revo lut ion of hope canno t become the p rey of ho st ile pow ers.另一个是.A nd let every o ther pow er know that th is hem isphere intends to remain the master of its ow n house.第一个中将th is peaceful revo lut ion of hope(充满希 望的和平革命)比作了the p rey of ho st ile pow ers(敌对国家的猎 物), 但美国决不会让它成为现实, 决不会让任何敌对国家颠覆 能给我们任何国家带来进步希望的和平革命。第二个中将 Americas(南美洲)比作a house, 意指这个地区决不允许任何 其他国家干涉其内部事物, 让南美洲各国成为这个地区的主人, 这是多么漂亮的话呀。例三, 在谈到帮助联合国扩大其影响和行 使其权利, 不要让联合国成为各国相互谩骂的场所的时候, 他说 道: ⋯to p revent it from becom ingmerely a fo rum fo r invect ive, to st rengthen its sh ield of the new and the w eak, and to enlarge the area in w h ich its w rit may run.这段中多处用隐语, 一是把 the p lace w here discussions are conducted by the members of the U nited N at ions 比作a fo rum fo r invect ive(各国谩骂的场 所);二是把the pow er of the U nited N at ions 比作a sh ield, 其真 正的含义是to st rengthen the pow er of the U nited N at ions to p ro tect the new ly independent and the w eak count ries 三是把 w rit 比作the U nited N at ions Charter(联合国宪章)。例四, 在谈 到和社会主义国家合作时, 他说: A nd, if a beachhead of cooperat ion may push back the jungle of susp icion, ⋯。将a small beginning of cooperat ion 比作a“beachhead”;将deep and w idesp read susp icion 比作a“jungle”其含义是: 如果初次的合 作能够减少彼此之间深深的疑虑的话, 那我们就开始合作吧, ⋯。例五, 肯尼迪在谈到在美国历史上只有几代人能在自由面临 极度危险的时候才被赋予保卫自由的任务, 今天这一重任落在 了我们这一代人的身上, 我们决不退缩, 要勇敢地承担起这一重 任时说: The energy, the devo t ion w h ich w e bring to the endeavo r w ill ligh t our count ry and all w ho serve it, and the glow from that fire can t ruly ligh t the wo rld.在这里肯尼迪把 the energy, the faith, the devo t ion of the American peop le 比作 the glow from that fire that w ill ligh t the U nited States and the wo rld。

4、大量的重复

肯尼迪为了使自己的演讲更加深入人心, 更能激发人民的 斗志, 他多次采用重复的修辞手法, 来强化自己的观点, 如: 1)to our sister republics south of our bo rder, w e offer a special p ledge: to convert our g ood wo rds into g ood deeds, in new alliance fo r p rogress, to assist freeman and free governments in cast ing off the chains of poverty.2)bring the absolu te pow er to dest roy o ther nat ions under the absolu te cont ro l of all nat ions.3)The energy, the devo t ion w h ich w e bring to the — 105 —

科技信息人文社科

endeavo r w ill lig h t our count ry and all w ho serve it, and the glow from that fire can t ruly lig h t the wo rld.4)⋯and unw illing to w itness o r perm it the slow undo ing of these human righ ts to w h ich th is nat ion has alw ays been comm itted , and to w h ich w e are comm itted today at home and around the wo rld 5)Fo r man ho lds in h is mo rtal hands the pow er to abo lish all f orm sof human poverty and all f orm s of human life.6)A nd yet the same revo lut ionary belief fo r w h ich our fo rbears fough t is st ill at issue around the globe, the belief that the righ ts of man come no t from the genero sity of the state nut from the hand of God.5、鲜明的对照 对照是故意把相反的字词、短语或从句等平行或平衡地排

列起来, 以便表述相反或相对的概念的修辞方法。其作用是可以 深刻地揭示和突出事物的对立和矛盾, 可以使语言简练, 声韵和 谐, 起到鲜明对照的效果。肯尼迪为了达到这样的效果, 多处使 用对照这一修辞方法。如: 1)If a free society canno t help the many w ho are poo r, it canno t save the few w ho are rich.2)L et bo th sides exp lo re w hat p roblem s unite us instead of belabo ring tho se p roblem s w h ich divide us.3)U nited, there is lit t le w e canno t do in a ho st of co416.[ 3 ]张汉熙.《高级英语》〔第二册〕[M ].外语教学与研究出 版社, 1995, 51-57.[4 ]张鑫友, 刘世平.《高级英语》(第二册)学习指南[M ].中 国地质大学出版社, 1996, 69-79.— 106 —

第三篇：美国总统就职演说

奥巴马

Hello, Chicago.If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled.Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states.We are, and always will be, the United States of America.It's the answer that led those who've been told for so long by so many to be cynical and fearful and doubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this election at this defining moment change has come to America.A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Sen.McCain.Sen.McCain fought long and hard in this campaign.And he's fought even longer and harder for the country that he loves.He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine.We are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader.I congratulate him;I congratulate Gov.Palin for all that they've achieved.And I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart, and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on the train home to Delaware, the vice president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation's next first lady Michelle Obama.Sasha and Malia I love you both more than you can imagine.And you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the new White House.And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother's watching, along with the family that made me who I am.I miss them tonight.I know that my debt to them is beyond measure.To my sister Maya, my sister Alma, all my other brothers and sisters, thank you so much for all the support that you've given me.I am grateful to them.1 And to my campaign manager, David Plouffe, the unsung hero of this campaign, who built the best--the best political campaign, I think, in the history of the United States of America.To my chief strategist David Axelrod who's been a partner with me every step of the way.To the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to.It belongs to you.It belongs to you.I was never the likeliest candidate for this office.We didn't start with much money or many endorsements.Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington.It began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to the cause.It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep.It drew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on doors of perfect strangers, and from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized and proved that more than two centuries later a government of the people, by the people, and for the people has not perished from the Earth.This is your victory.And I know you didn't do this just to win an election.And I know you didn't do it for me.You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead.For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime--two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after the children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage or pay their doctors' bills or save enough for their child's college education.There's new energy to harness, new jobs to be created, new schools to build, and threats to meet, alliances to repair.The road ahead will be long.Our climb will be steep.We may not get there in one year or even in one term.But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there.I promise you, we as a people will get there.There will be setbacks and false starts.There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president.And we know the government can't solve 2 every problem.But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face.I will listen to you, especially when we disagree.And, above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation, the only way it's been done in America for 221 years--block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter cannot end on this autumn night.This victory alone is not the change we seek.It is only the chance for us to make that change.And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.It can't happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves but each other.Let us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.In this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people.Let's resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long.Let's remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House, a party founded on the values of self-reliance and individual liberty and national unity.Those are values that we all share.And while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, we are not enemies but friends.Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices.I need your help.And I will be your president, too.And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces, to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of the world, our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand

To those--to those who would tear the world down: We will defeat you.To those who seek peace and security: We support you.And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright: Tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.3 That's the true genius of America: that America can change.Our union can be perfected.What we've already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations.But one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta.She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.She was born just a generation past slavery;a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky;when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons--because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America--the heartache and the hope;the struggle and the progress;the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.Yes we can.When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose.Yes we can.When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved.Yes we can.She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that “We Shall Overcome.” Yes we can.A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change.。

Yes we can.America, we have come so far.We have seen so much.But there is so much more to do.So tonight, let us ask ourselves--if our children should live to see the next century;if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?

This is our chance to answer that call.This is our moment.This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids;to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace;to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one;that while we breathe, we hope.And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and 4 those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.Thank you.God bless you.And may God bless the United States of America.美国是一个任何事情都有可能发生的国家,对于这一点如果还有任何人心存怀疑,对民主的力量还表示疑虑的话,今晚就是对这一问题的最好回答。

这个答案早已经印在了到处悬挂在学校和教堂的竞选条幅上,人们随处可见;这些人们已经等待了三四个小时,对于他们当中的大多数,这是有生以来第一次经历这样的过程,因为他们坚信这一时刻注定与众不同,而这种不同便有可能源自他们所发出的声音。

这个答案出自这些人之口,无论是青年还是老年,穷人还是富人,民主党还是共和党,黑人还是白人,拉丁裔、亚裔还是美国本土人,同性恋者还是异性恋者,残疾人还是非残疾人——他们向世界发出了这样的信息——我们从来不分红色之州和蓝色之州,我们永远都是美利坚合众国。

这个答案告诉了那些一直以来充满焦虑、恐惧和怀疑的人们,我们可以将双手放在历史的转折点上,将它再次带向充满希望的美好明天。

这一刻我们已经等待了太久,但是今晚,由于我们在这一决定性的时刻所作出的选择,美国便迎来了它崭新的一刻。

我刚刚接到了来自麦凯恩议员的电话。他在这场漫长而艰难的选举中一直努力着,而他为他所热爱的国家所付出的努力甚至更加艰辛而久远。可能我们当中的很多人甚至都无法想象,麦凯恩议员从何时便开始为我们的国家奉献自己,而我们却早已享受到了这位勇敢无私的领导者为国家所做出的贡献。对于他和佩林所付出的努力,我表示衷心的感谢,同时我也期待着,能够和他们一同努力,共同实现我们这几个月来所做出的承诺。

我要感谢我的竞选伙伴,新当选的美国副总统乔·拜登,这一路走来,他始终遵循着自己内心深处的那个声音,他始终代表着那些和他一起在斯克兰顿街边长大,一起坐着火车回到故乡特拉华州的人们的声音。

如果没有过去这16年来挚友的支持,没有稳定的家庭和对生活的爱,没有我们国家的下一位第一夫人,米歇尔·奥巴马,今晚我将不可能站在这里。萨莎和玛丽亚,我爱你们,你们已经得到了一只新的小狗,它将和我们一起入住白宫。还有我的祖母,虽然她已经不能和我们一起分享这一刻,但是我知道,她正和我的家人一起,注视着我,陪我经历着这一刻。我不会忘记,是他们养育我成人,今晚我是如此的想念他们,我知道,我所亏欠他们的,是永远无法报答的恩情。

对我的竞选负责人大卫·普罗菲,我的首席战略家大卫·亚克瑟罗德以及有史以来最优秀的竞选团队,我想对你们说的是——是你们成就了今天的一切,我将永远感激你们所付出的这一切。

但是,最重要的是,我将永远不会忘记,这个胜利是真正属于你们的!我一直都不是最有希望的那个候选人,一开始的时候我们便没有那么多的资金或支持。我们的竞选之路并不是从华盛顿的高楼礼堂中开始的,它从德梅因的后院、协和酒店的客厅以及查尔斯顿的门廊中迈出了第一步。

它由那些需要从自己有限的存款中拿出5美元、10美元和20美元的工人们建立起来;那些摒弃了他们那一代人冷漠神话的年轻人,那些远离家乡亲人在外打拼却只能赚得微薄工资的人们,那些抵抗着刺骨的寒冷和灼人的炎热敲响了陌生人家大门的人们,是你们给了它 成长的力量;数以百万计的美国人民自愿组织起来,他们想要去证明两个多世纪之后,一个由人民组成的政府,一个属于人民的政府,一个为了人民的政府是不会从地球上消亡的,这就是属于你们的胜利!我知道,你们这样做并不只是想赢得一场选举,我也知道,你们这样做并不是为我一个人。你们这样做,是因为你们了解前方的任务是如何的艰巨。甚至就在我们庆祝的同时,我们也清楚地明白,明天将要面临的挑战是多么巨大——两大战争,一个处于危险中的星球,本世纪最严重的经济危机。就在我们站在这里的同时,我们清楚地知道,还有许多勇敢的美国人正在伊拉克的沙漠和阿富汗的群山中醒来,为了我们而冒着生命的危险。还有许许多多的父母们,只有在自己的孩子入睡后才能躺下,他们为房子的贷款和医院的账单还有孩子们的学费而发愁。放心,我们会注入新的能量,创造新的就业机会,建设新的学校,面对威胁与挑战,修复我们的联盟。

前方的道路还很漫长。我们所面临的山峰是险峻的。或许一年甚至很长一段时间我们都无法攀上峰顶,但是美国——我从来没有像今晚这样坚信,我们最终一定会到达。我向你保证——我们的民族最终会到达山顶的。

也许会有挫折坎坷,作为总统我所做出的决定和政策必定会遭到一些人的反对,而我们也知道政府不能够解决所有问题。但是我将会诚实地告诉你们我们所面对的挑战。我会耐心倾听你们的心声,尤其是在遇到分歧的时候。而最重要的是,我将会让你们加入到重建我们国家的队伍当中来,沿着美国这221年来一直所走的那条道路——一块块砖瓦,一双双手,一点点堆砌出我们的家园。

21个月之前的那个冬天所开始的,不会在这个秋天的夜晚结束。这个胜利本身并不是我们所要找寻的改变——这只是一个改变的机会。如果我们回到老路上,那么一切都不会得到改变。没有你们,这一切也不会得到改变。

那么,就让我们重新召唤起爱国主义、公仆之心以及国家责任的精神来,每个人都参与其中,一起努力,不单只是关心自身,而是互相照顾。让我们记住这场经济危机所教会我们的一点,如果主街道遭受了打击,那么华尔街也不可能幸免——在这个国家,我们作为一个民族,一个整体,同存亡共荣辱。

让我们摒弃掉那些长久以来一直危害我们的政治生活的那些幼稚琐碎的党派之争。让我们记住,是这个国家的人第一次将共和党的横幅挂在了白宫之上,而共和党的建立便是基于对自力更生、独立自由和国家统一价值的肯定。这一价值是我们所共享的,即便民主党今晚赢得了大选,我们也会怀着谦虚的心态,去消除这一分歧和隔膜。在面临着比今天更严重的国家分裂时,林肯说过,“我们不是敌人,而是朋友。。我们友情的纽带,或会因情绪激动而绷紧,但决不可折断。”而对于那些我还没有赢得支持的选民们——也许我还没有赢得你们的选票,但是我听到了你们声音,我需要你们的帮助,而我也同样是你们的总统。

对于那些远在大洋彼岸的,在国会和皇宫中,在我们这个世界被遗忘的角落中围在收音机旁关注着大选之夜的人们——我们的故事是不同的,但是我们的命运却是紧紧连在一起的,美国领袖新的一天的黎明即将到来。对于那些会将世界四分五裂的人们,我们将打败你们,对于那些渴求和平和安全的人们,我们将支持你们。而对于所有那些想知道,自由女神像手中的火炬是否还会依旧闪耀光芒的人们,今晚我们再次证明了,我们民族的真正实力并不只是来自于武力和财富,而是来自于我们理想的力量:民主,自由,机遇以及永不屈服的希望。美国真正的天赋在于,它懂得改变。我们的联盟会不断完善自己。而我们已经取得的成就给了我们希望,让我们坚信我们能够并且即将取得成功。

这次选举拥有许多故事和数不清的第一次,它们将被世世代代流传。但是今晚在我脑海中一直浮现的,是亚特兰大一位女性选民。她就像成千上万的其他选民一样,排在队伍中喊出自己的心声,唯一不同的是——安·尼克松·库伯已经106岁了。她出生的时候正是奴隶制度解除之后;那时候还没有汽车和飞机;像她一样的人那个时候是没有选举权的,因为她是女人,还因为她皮肤的颜色。

但是今晚,我思考着她所经历的这一个世纪的美国——心痛和希望;斗争与进步;我们被告知我们不能做什么的时代,以及美国人的信条:是的,我们可以!在那个女性不能发出声音的时代,在那个女性的希望被剥夺的时代,她看着她们站了起来,大声说出自己的想法,投出了自己的选票。是的,我们可以!当绝望和大萧条袭来的时候,她看到了一个民族通过新政、新的工作和新的共同目的感战胜了恐惧。是的,我们可以!当炸弹在珍珠港爆炸,当暴政威胁这个世界的时候,她见证了一代人的强大,见证了民主得到了捍卫。是的,我们可以!她见证了蒙哥马利汽车暴动,见证了塞尔玛大桥事件,遇到了那位来自亚特兰大的牧师,他告诉人们“我们终将会克服一切。”是的,我们可以!人类登上了月球,柏林墙倒塌了,世界由于我们自身的科学和想象力被连接到了一起。而在这一年,在这次选举中,她的手指触摸到了屏幕,她投出了自己的一票,因为在美国经历了106年的变迁,经历了最好的与最坏的时代后,她了解美国是如何变化的。是的,我们可以!美国,我们已经走了这么远,我们已经看到了这么多,但是仍然有许多事情等待着我们去做。那么今晚,让我们扪心自问——如果我们的孩子看到了下一个世纪;如果我的女儿也能够和安·尼克松·库伯一样幸运地活到了106岁,那么他们将会看到怎样的变化？我们又将会取得什么样的进步？

对于我们来说,这正是一个对这一疑问给出回答的机会。这是我们的时刻,这是我们的时代——让我们的人民重新回去工作,为我们的孩子打开机会的大门;积累财富,促进和平;重拾美国梦,重申基本的真象——相对于大多数而言,我们是独一无二的;当我们呼吸时,我们希望,在我们面对讥笑、怀疑以及别人对我们说我们不能的时候,我们将会用凝聚了人类精神的永恒信条作出回应: 是的,我们可以!谢谢你们,愿上帝保佑你们,愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。乔治布什

January 20, 2001

President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:

The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation;and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story.A story we continue, but whose end we will not see.It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story.A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws;and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea.Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along;and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country.The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth;and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it.Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation;and this is my solemn pledge, “I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.” I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil.We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens.Every child must be taught these principles.Every citizen must uphold them;and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility.A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small.If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism.If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share.Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment.It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos.This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good.Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us.We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives;we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent;we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans;we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge;and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom.We will defend our allies and our interests;we will show purpose without arrogance;we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength;and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate.In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault.Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty.Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer.Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.I can pledge our nation to a goal, “When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.”

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience.Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments.We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love.The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles, “to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.” In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort;to defend needed reforms against easy attacks;to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens.Citizens, not spectators;citizens, not subjects;responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?” Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, “our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.”

We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose.Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today;to make our country more just and generous;to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues.This story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.谢谢大家！

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们，这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。

首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。

站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。

在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。

这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。

在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一，是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此，我郑重宣誓：我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。

对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想，才能使我们心系一处，超越自己，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民，只有接受这些原则，才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色今天，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。

有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是，对我们美国来说，我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导；如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的受害者将是平民百姓。

我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任；在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。

美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。

在大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们；如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。

我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。

反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。

正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。

当我们静心思考，我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，我们都必须承认，孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。

哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民；不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时，我们大家都会因此变得渺小。

对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，更是整个国家的义务。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。

我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界：当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上，我们决不会袖手旁观。

正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。

鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。

我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道，通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终自由。

我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性；依赖于我们的公民义务，家庭纽带和基本的公正；依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动，正是它们指引我们走向自由。

在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言，每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。

我为人处事的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。

(同胞们)，你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益；要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击；要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民，而不是旁观者，更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心的公民，共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。

美国人民慷慨、强大、体面，这并非因为我们信任我们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了，无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。

在《独立宣言》签署之后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰?佩齐曾给托马斯?杰弗逊写信说：“我们知道，身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗？”

杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。

我们不是这个故事的作者，是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空，并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的努力在履行着各自的职责。

带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。

这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美国！

克林顿

January 20, 1993

My fellow citizens :

Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals;life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift;a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity is the world to come;the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act;with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service;to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done;enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.”

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.Thank you, and God bless you all.比尔•克林顿 第一次就职演讲

星期三,1993年1月20日

同胞们：

今天，我们庆祝美国复兴的奇迹。这个仪式虽在隆冬举行，然而，我们通过自己的言语和向世界展示的面容、却促使春回大地--回到了世界上这个最古老的民主国家，并带来了重新创造美国的远见和勇气。

当我国的缔造者勇敢地向世界宣布美国独立，并向上帝表明自 己的目的时，他们知道，美国若要永存，就必须变革。不是为变革而变革，而是为了维护美国的理想--为了生命、自由和追求幸福而变革。尽管我们随着当今时代 的节拍前进，但我们的使命永恒不变。每一代美国人，部必须为作为一个美国人意味着什么下定义。今天，在冷战阴影下成长起来的一代人，在世界上负起了新的责 任。这个世界虽然沐浴着自由的阳光，但仍受到旧仇宿怨和新的祸患的威胁。

我们在无与伦比的繁荣中长大，继承了仍然是世界上最强大的经济。但由于企业倒闭，工资增长停滞、不平等状况加剧，人民的分歧加深，我们的经济已经削弱。

当乔治•华盛顿第一次宣读我刚才宜读的誓言时，人们骑马把 那个信息缓慢地传遍大地，继而又来船把它传过海洋。而现在，这个仪式的情景和声音即刻向全球几十亿人播放。通信和商务具有全球性，投资具有流动性；技术几 乎具有魔力；改善生活的理想现在具有 17 普遍性。今天，我们美国人通过同世界各地人民进行和平竞争来谋求生存。各种深远而强大的力量正在震撼和改造我们的世 界，当今时代的当务之急是我们能否使变革成为我们的朋友，而不是成为我们的敌人。

这个新世界已经使几百万能够参与竞争并且取胜的美国人过上 了富裕的生活。但是，当多数人干得越多反而挣得越少的时候，当有些人根本不可能工作的时候，当保健费用的重负使众多家庭不堪承受、使大大小小的企业濒临破 产的时候，当犯罪活动的恐惧使守法公民不能自由行动的时候，当千百万贫穷儿童甚至不能想象我们呼唤他们过的那种生活的时候，我们就没有使变革成为我们的朋 友。我们知道，我们必须面对严酷的事实真相，并采取强有力的步骤。但我们没有这样做，而是听之任之，以致损耗了我们的资源，破坏了我们的经济，动摇了我们 的信心。

我们面临惊人的挑战，但我们同样具有惊人的力量，美国人历来是不安现状、不断追求和充满希望的民族，今天，我们必须把前人的远见卓识和坚强意志带到我们的任务中去。从革命，内战，大萧条，直到民权运动，我国人民总是下定决心，从历次危机中构筑我国历史的支柱。

托马斯•杰斐逊认为，为了维护我国的根基，我们需要时常进行激动人心的变革。美国同胞们，我们的时代就是变革的时代，让我们拥抱这个时代吧！

我们的民主制度不仅要成为举世称羡的目标，而且要成为举国复兴的动力。美国没有任何错误的东西不能被正确的东西所纠正。因此，我们今天立下誓言，要结束这个僵持停顿、放任自流的时代，一个复兴美国的新时代已经开始。

我们要复兴美国，就必须鼓足勇气。我们必须做前人无需做的 事情。我们必须更多地投资于人民，投资于他们的工作和未来，与此同时，我们必须减少巨额债务。而且，我们必须在一个需要为每个机会而竞争的世界上做到这一 切。这样做并不容易：这样做要求作出牺牲。但是，这是做得到的，而且能做得公平合理。我们不是为牺牲而牺牲，我们必须像家庭供养子女那样供养自己的国家。

我国的缔造者是用子孙后代的眼光来审视自己的。我们也必须 这样做。凡是注意过孩子蒙?o人睡的人，都知道后代意味着什么，后代就是将要到来的世界--我们为之坚持自己的理想，我们向之借用这个星球，我们对之负有 神圣的责任。我们必须做美国最拿手的事情：为所有的人提供更多的机会，要所有的人负起更多的责任。

现在是破除只求向政府和别人免费索取的恶习的时候了。让我们大家不仅为自己和家庭，而且为社区和国家担负起更多的责任吧。

我们要复兴美国，就必须恢复我们民主制度的活力。这个美丽的首都，就像文明的曙光出现以来的每一个首都一样，常常是尔虞我诈、明争暗斗之地。大腕人物争权夺势，没完没了地为官员的更替升降而烦神，却忘记了那些用辛勤和汗水把我们送到这里来，并养活了我们的人。

美国人理应得到更好的回报。在这个城市里，今天有人想把事 情办得更好一些。因此，我要时所有在场的人说：让我们下定决心改革政治，使权力和特权的喧嚣不再压倒人民的呼 声。让我们撇开个人利益。这样我们就能觉察美 国的病痛，并看到官的希望。让我们下定决心，使政府成为富兰克林•罗斯福所说的进行“大胆而持久试验”的地方，成为一个面向未来而不是留恋过去的政府。让 我们把这个首都归还给它所属于的人民。

我们要复兴美国，就必须迎接国内外的种种挑战。国外和国内事务之间已不再有明确的界限--世界经济，世界环境，世界艾滋病危机，世界军备竞赛，这一切都在影响着我们大家。

我们在国内进行重建的同时，面对这个新世界的挑战不会退缩不前，也下会坐失良机。我们将同盟友一起努力进行变革，以免被变革所吞没。当我们的重要利益受到挑战，或者，当国际社会的意志和良知受到蔑视，我们将采取行动--可能时就采用和平外交手段，必要时就使用武力。

今天，在波斯湾、索马里和任何其他地方为国效力的勇敢的美国人，都证明了我们的决心。

但是，我们最伟大的力量是我们思想的威力。这些思想在许多国家仍然处于萌芽阶段。看到这些思想在世界各地被接受，我们感到欢欣鼓舞。我们的希望，我们的心，与每一个大陆正在建立民主和自由的人们是连在一起的。他们的事业也是美国的事业。

美国人民唤来了我们今天所庆祝的变革。你们毫不含糊地齐声疾呼。你们以前所未有的人数参加了投票。你们使国会、总统职务和政治进程本身全都面目一新。是的，是你们，我的美国同胞们，促使春回大地。

现在，我们必须做这个季节需要做的工作。现在，我就运用我的全部职权转向这项工作。我请求国会同我一道做这项工作。任何总统、任何国会、任何政府都不能单独完成这一使命。同胞们，在我国复兴的过程中，你们也必须发挥作用。

我向新一代美国年轻人挑战，要求你们投入这一奉献的季节--按照你们的理想主义行动起来，使不幸的儿童得到帮助，使贫困的人们得到关怀，使四分五裂的社区恢复联系。要做的事情很多--确实够多的，以至几百万在精神上仍然年轻的人也可作出奉献。

在奉献过程中，我们认识到相互需要这一简单而又强大的真 理。我们必须相互关心.今天，我们不仅是在赞颂美国，我们再一次把自己奉献给美国的理想：这个理想在革命中诞生，在两个世纪的挑战中更新；这个理想经受了 认识的考验，大家认识到，若不是命运的安排，幸运者或不幸者有可能互换位置；这个理想由于一种信念而变得崇高，即我国能够从纷繁的多佯性中实现最深刻的统 一性，这个理想洋溢着一种信：美国漫长而英勇的旅程必将永远继续。同胞们，在我恻即将跨入21世纪之际，让我们以旺盛的精力和满腔的希望，以坚定的信心和 严明的纪律开始工作，直到把工作完成。《圣经》说：“我们行善，不可丧志，若不灰心，到了时候，就要收成。”

在这个欢乐的山巅，我们听见山谷里传来了要我们作出奉献的召唤。我们听到了号角声。我们已经换岗。现在，我们必须以各自的方式，在上帝的帮助下响应这一召唤。

谢谢大家。上帝保佑大家。

里根

TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?

We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.23

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.罗纳德-里根 第一次就职演说

第40任总统(1981年-1989年)

议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。

总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。

我们国家的事业在继续前进。合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。

尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动。

我们深受其害的经济弊病，几十年来一直袭击着我们。这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。它们之所以终将消失，是因为我们作为现在的美国人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。

在当前这场危机中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。政府的管理就是问题所在。

我们时常误以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么，我们之中谁还能去管理他人呢。

我们大家--不论政府官员还是平民百姓--必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋求的解决办法必须是公平的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。

我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而。我们必须关心一个被忽视了大久的特殊利益集团。这个集团没有区域之分，没有人种之分，没有民族之分，没有 政党之分，这个 25 集团由许许多多的男人与女人组成，他们生产粮食，巡逻街头，管理厂矿，教育儿童，照料家务和治疗疾病。他们是专业人员、实业家、店主、职 员、出租汽车司机和货车驾驶员，总而言之，他们就是“我们人民”--这个称之为美国人的民族。

本届政府的日标是必须建立一种健全的、生气勃勃的和不断发展的经济，为全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会，让美国重新工作起 来，意味着让全体美国人重新工作起来。制止通货膨胀，意味着让全体美国人从失控的生活费用所造成的恐惧中解脱出来。人人都应分担“新开端”的富有成效的工 作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。我国制度和力量的核心是理想主义和公正态度，有了这些，我们就能建立起强大、繁荣、国内稳定并同全世界和平相处的美国。

因此，在我们开始之际，让我们看看实际情况。我们是一个拥有政府的国家--而不是一个拥有国家的政府。这一点使我们在世界合国中独树一帜，我们的政府 除了人民授予的权力，没有任何别的权力。目前，政府权力的膨胀已显示出超过被统治者同意的迹象，制止并扭转这种状况的时候到了。

我打算压缩联邦机构的规模和权力，并要求大家承认联邦政府被授予的权力同各州或人民保留的权利这两者之间的区别。我们大家都需要提醒：不是联邦政府创 立了各州，而是各州创立了联邦政府。因此，请不要误会，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它发挥作用--同我们一起合作，而不是凌驾于我们之上；同我们并肩 而立，而不是骑在我们的背上。政府能够而且必须提供机会，而不是扼杀机会，它能够而且必须促进生产力，而不是抑制生产力。

如果我们要探究这么多年来我们为什么能取得这么大成就，并获得了世界上任何一个民族未曾获得的繁荣昌盛，其原因是在这片土地上，我们使人类的能力和个 人的才智得到了前所未有的发挥。在这里，个人所享有并得以确保的自由和尊严超过了世界上任何其他地方。为这种自由所付出的代价有时相当高昂，但我们从来没 有不愿意付出这代价。

我们目前的困难，与政府机构因为不必要的过度膨胀而干预、侵扰我们的生活同步增加，这决不是偶然的巧合。我们是一个泱泱大国，不能自囿于小小的梦想，现在正是认识到这一点的时候。我们并非注定走向衰落，尽管有些人想让我们相信这一点。我不相信，无论我们做些什么，我们都将命该如此，但我相信，如果我们 什么也不做，我们将的确命该如此。

为此，让我们以掌握的一切创造力来开创一个国家复兴的时代吧。让我们重新拿出决心、勇气和力量，让我们重新建立起我们的信念和希望吧。我们完全有权去做英雄梦。

有人告诉我们在他的身上发现一本日记。扉页上写着这样的标题：“我的誓言”。他写下了这样的话语：“美国必须赢得这场战争。为此，我会奋斗，我会拯救，我会牺牲，我会忍受，我会并将尽我最大的努力英勇奋战，就好比所有的战争问题都将由我一个人来肩负。”

第四篇：美国总统就职演说名言

美国历任总统就职演说名句

（一）*我对我祖国的召唤，永远只能敬奉如仪。

I was summoned by my country ,whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love.——乔治·华盛顿首任就职演说(1789.4.30)*同胞们：我再度奉人民之召执行总统职务.只要适当时机一到,我将会尽力表现出我心中对这份殊荣及美利坚人民对我的信任所怀有的崇高的感受。宪法规定总统在执行公务之前,需先行宣誓就职。现在我在你们面前宣誓:在我执掌政府期间，若企图故意触犯法律,除承受宪法惩罚外,还接受在现在这个庄严的仪式中所有见证人的严厉谴责。

Fellow Citizens:

I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate.When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office.This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may(besides incurring constitutional punishment)be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.——乔治·华盛顿连任就职演说(1789.4.30)*像我们这样的政府,不论存在多久，都是全人类知识与道德普遍传播的证明。

The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people.——约翰·亚当斯首任就职演说(1797.3.4)*当一个并非尽善尽奏的人从这个职位卸任时，很少能像就任时那样深浮众望。

I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it.*让我们恢复社会的和谐与友爱，因为没有它们，自由甚至生活本身，就将成为枯燥而无味的事情。

Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.*与各国和平相处，加强商业往来，并保持真诚的友谊,但不与任何国家结盟。Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none.——托马斯·杰斐逊首任就职演说(1801.3.4)*在宝贵的新闻自由与败坏新闻道德之间，并无一条明确的界限。

No other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.——托马斯·杰斐逊连任就职演说(1805.3.4)

*如果世界还有公正可言，这些论断的真实性将不会受到怀疑，至少子孙后代对此会给予公正的评价。

If there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned;posterity at least will do justice to them.——詹姆斯·麦迪逊首任就职演说(1809.3.4)

*如果我们能继续坚持目前已完成的事业,而且坚定地走已经开辟的路,我们一定会胜利。If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far and in the path already traced , we can not fail.——詹姆斯·门罗首任就职演说(1817.3.4)

*在调解现存的或可能发生的争端和冲突时，应表现出一个强国所具有的宽容而不能以一个英雄民族所固有的感情用事。

In the adjustment of may differences that may exist or arise to exhibit the forbearance becoming a powerful nation rather the sensibility belonging to a gallant people.——安德鲁·杰克逊首任就职演说(1829.3.4)

*人民不会抛弃一个坚守岗位、诚实尽力的公仆。

The kindness of a people who never yet deserted a public servant honestly laboring in their cause.——马丁·范布伦首任就职演说(1837.3.4)

*真正的自由精神是奉献、坚定、勇敢、不妥协，但实行自由权利必须小心、温和、宽容。The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in the principle , that secured is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs.——威廉·哈里逊首任就职演说(1841.3.4)

*我们的制度可以稳固地把我们的领土拓展到所能及的范围。

Our system may be safely extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial limits.——詹姆斯·波尔克首任就职演说(1845.3.4)

*这一职位虽然可满足一种极高的奢望,但它所赋予的责任却是可畏的。

The position which I have been called to fill, though sufficient to satisfy the loftiest ambition, is surrounded by fearful responsibilities.——扎克里·泰勒首任就职演说(1849.3.4)

*虽然我们的历史有限,然而未来却是无穷的。If your past is limited , your future is boundless

——富兰克林·皮尔斯首任就职演说(1853.3.4)

*我们必须以公正的态度对待所有国家,也要求它门以相同的态度对待我们。

We ought to do justice in a kindly spirit to all nations and require justice from them in return

——詹姆斯·布坎南首任就职演说(185.3.4)

从自然状态来说，我们是不可分的。我们不能相互分开，也不能在中间修筑道不可逾越的隔离墙。一对夫妻可以离婚，彼此不再见面，不再来往，但是我们国家的各个地区不能这样。它们仍得相互面对，并继续交往。

Physically speaking, we can not separate.We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them.A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this.They can not but remain face to face , and intercourse , either amicable or hostile，must continue between them.——亚伯拉罕·林肯（1861.3.4）

*我们对任何人也不怀恶意，我们对所有的人都宽大为怀，坚持正义；上帝既使我们认识正义，让我们继续努力向前，完成我们正在进行的事业；包扎起国家的创伤，关心那些为战争作出牺牲的人，关心他们的遗孀和孤儿——尽一切力量，以求在我们自己之间，以及我们和所有的国家之间实现并维护一个公正和持久的和平。

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.——亚伯拉罕·林肯（1865.3.4）

*我将公正地与其他各国友好相处，像平等地对待个人一样。

I Would deal with nations as equitable law requires individuals to deal with each other.*我希望全国上下相互宽容，下定决心,为建立一个幸福联邦贡献自己的力量。

I ask patient forbearance one toward another throughout the land, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do his share toward cementing a happy union.——尤利塞斯·辛普森·格兰特（1869.3.4）

*我们不论在文化上还是在军事上都占有绝对优势.因此，我们应该宽厚地对待印第安人。过去不善待他们是应好好考虑的,应取得他们的信任。

Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization should make us lenient toward the Indian.The wrong inflicted upon him should be taken into account and the balance placed to his credit.——尤利塞斯·辛普森·格兰特（1873.3.4）

*总统职位之争应本着友好、平和的原则予以调节,而且一旦这种调节、疏导的工作完成,全国上下就应该一致遵从。

Conflicting claims to the Presidency must be amicably and peaceably adjusted, and that when so adjusted the general acquiescence of the nation ought surely to fellow.——拉什福德·伯查德·海斯（1877.3.5）

*问题悬而未决，万邦不得安宁

It has been said that unsettled questions have no pity for the repose of nations.——詹姆斯·艾布拉姆·加菲尔德（1881.3.5）

*通过以身作则,当然也要不失官事活动之庄重,来引导同胞们采取一种有助于廉正,并促进节俭和繁荣的简朴的生活方式。

May do much by their example to encourage, consistently with the dignity of their official functions, that plain way of life which among their fellow-citizens aids integrity and promotes thrift and prosperity.——格罗弗·克利夫兰（1885.3.4）

*我们还没有达到理想的境界。并非所有的人都幸福富足，也非所有的人都行善守法。

We have not attained and ideal condition.Not all of our people are happy and prosperous;not all of them are virtuous and law-abiding.*我并不怀疑未来，在我们的道路上曾危机四伏，但我们已经发现并完全克服了它们。

I do not mistrust the future.Dangers have been in frequent ambush along our path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all.——本杰明·哈利森（1889.3.4）

*即使一个强壮的人,具有坚强的体魄,对生活有坚定而积极的追求,并敢于承受持久的劳动,也可能存在潜在的、不易发现的致命的疾病，从而使他突然倒下。

The strong man who in the confidence of sturdy health courts the sternest activities of life and rejoices in the hardihood of constant labor may still have lurking near his vitals the unheeded disease that dooms him to sudden collapse.*如果对于我们的力量和资源不要太过于自信的话,会使,我们更明智。

We will be wise if we temper our confidence and faith in our national strength and resources with the frank concession.*我们的任务不是惩罚，而是纠正错误.如果为了解除人民日常生活的负担,我们减少那些长期享有的、不正常的、不合理的待遇，这是基于正义和公正而采取的必要措施。

Our mission is not punishment, but the rectification of wrong.If in lifting burdens from the daily life of our people we reduce inordinate and unequal advantages too long enjoyed, this is but a necessary incident of our return to right and justice.——格罗弗·克利夫兰（1893.3.4）

*我们应该同时具备“观念的正确”和“行动的稳健”。

We must be both “sure wee right” and “make haste slowly”.*节约是政府个部门任何时候都应遵守的原则.在目前工商业萧条、民心沮丧之际，尤其要强调这一原则。

Economy is demanded in every branch of the Government at all times.But especially in periods, like the present, of depression in business and distress among the people.*值此入不敷出之时，举债之风,实不可长。

It will suffice while it lasts, but it can not last long while the outlays of the Government are greater than its receipts.*有利于生产者的立法，便是对全国有利的立法。Legislation helpful to producers is beneficial to all.——威廉·麦金莱（1897.3.4）

*诚实、才华和勤劳是公职人员最应具备的条件。

Honesty, capacity, and industry are nowhere more indispensable than in public employment.*“怀有希望并不可耻”。预言厄运的人并不是共和国建造者。

“Hope make

not ashamed” The prophets of evil were not the builders of the Republic.——威廉·麦金莱（1901.3.4）

*我们享受了很多的给予，因此也完全有理由被期望承受很多的付出。Much has been given us, and much will rightfully be expected from us.*不论是国家或个人,公正和宽厚都强者而不是弱者的表现。

But justice and generosity in a nation, as in individual, count most when shown not by the weak but the strong.*我们希望和平，但这一和平必须是公正的和平，正义的。是因为我们认为那是正当的，而不是因为我们胆怯。

We wish peace, but we wish the peace of justice, the peace of righteousness.We wish it because we think it is right and not because we are afraid.*我们不再遇到先辈们曾遇过的危险,但却正面临先辈们所未能预知的危险。

Our forefathers faced certain perils which we have outgrown.We now face other perils, the very existence of which it was impossible that they should foresee.*我们没有理由惧怕未来，却有足够的理由严肃地面对未来。

There is not good reason why we should fear the future, but there is every reason why we should face it seriously.——西奥多·罗斯福（1905.3.4）

在美国44任、56届总统的就职演说中,留下了不少传诵后世的名篇。其中某些经典名言更是扬名天下,下面是笔者摘录其中的部分名句与网友资源共享。1月24日已经发布了(一)现在发布

（二）,奥巴马就职演说全文已发于1月21日。

*我们一直对自己工业上的成就感到骄傲，但至今为止，却从未冷静地计算一下这一切所花费的社会代价；人的代价，生活所毁灭的代价，以及精力由于负担过重而崩溃的代价。----伍德罗·威尔逊首任就职演说（1913.3.4）

*我们的政策是对最卑微的人和最强有力的人一视同仁,并一心一意维护这一正义而公道的标准,我们为此而感到自豪.但我们对这一政策在实行中的不足之处,却非常粗心大意,而急于求成。

----伍德罗·威尔逊首任就职演说（1913.3.4）

*公正，只有公正，才永远是我们的座右铭。----伍德罗·威尔逊首任就职演说（1913.3.4）

*我们已经完成的工作并不值得太骄傲，共同福祉才是我们努力的目标。

----沃伦·哈丁首任就职演说（1921.3.4）

*我们深信只有做一个开放的、坦率的、执着的和谨慎的美国人,我们才能最好地服务于国家,并成功地履行我们对全人类的各种义务。----卡尔文·柯立芝就职演说（1925.3.4）

*我们国家所面临的问题是向更高水平迈进的问题,而不是衰退的问题。----赫伯特·胡佛就职演说（1929.3.4）

*我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身----会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力限于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。”

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福首任就职演说(1933.3.4)

*幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上；它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬间即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福首任就职演说(1933.3.4)

*复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念，祖国要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福首任就职演说(1933.3.4)

*我们的首要任务是给人民工作。

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福首任就职演说(1933.3.4)

*使科学由人类的无情的主人转化成有用的奴仆。

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福第二次就任就职演说(1937.1.20)

*我们不承认自己不能找到一条应付经济恐慌的对策，„„我们拒绝把关系到自己共同福祉的问题留给机遇或灾难的狂飙来解决。

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福第二次就任就职演说(1937.1.20)

*麻木不仁、不负责任以及无情的自私已再度出现。这种繁荣的象征有可能变成灾难的预兆。

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福第二次就任就职演说(1937.1.20)

*对我们进步的检验不在于我们是否为那些已经拥有了许多东西的人锦上添花。而在于我们是否为那些拥有甚少的人提供富足。

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福第二次就任就职演说(1937.1.20)

*国家的寿命并不取决于年代的久远,而是取决于人们的精神的生命力。

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福第三次就任就职演说(1941.1.20)

*我们已经知道了一个朴素的真理，正如爱默生所说:“想要拥有一个朋友的唯一办法就是自己成为别人的朋友。”

——富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福第四次就任就职演说(1945.1.20)

*更大量的生产是带来繁荣与和平的关键,而更大量生产的关键是对现代科技知识的一个更广阔、更富有活力的应用。只有通过帮助的那些最不幸的人去自助，人类大家庭中所有人才能都享有公平和富足的生活。

——哈里·杜鲁门就职演说(1949.1.20)

*我们美国人知道而且也看到世界之领导地位与帝国主义之间的不同。

——德怀特·艾森豪威尔首次就职演说(1953.1.20)

*我们要尊重世界上每一个国家的认同精神以及特有的传统,且永远不会以我们的力量试图把我们所珍视的政治和经济制度强加于其他民族。

——德怀特·艾森豪威尔首次就职演说(1953.1.20)

*世界上还有如此多的地方存在着贫困、不和谐和危险。

——德怀特·艾森豪威尔连任就职演说(1957.1.20)

*我们事业的最后成功或者失败是掌握在你们手里,而不是我的手里。

——约翰·F·肯尼迪就职演说(1961.1.20)

*这是一场反对人类共同的敌人：专制、贫困、疾病和战争本身的斗争。

——约翰·F·肯尼迪就职演说(1961.1.20)

* 我的美国同胞们，不要问你们的国家能为你做些什么，而要问你能为你的国家做些什么。全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，问问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

——约翰·F·肯尼迪就职演说(1961.1.20)

*那种不公正地待人和浪费资源是我们真正的敌人。----林顿·约翰逊就职演说（1965年1月20日）

*我们必须努力提供那种能增加每个公民成功机会的知识和环境。----林顿·约翰逊就职演说（1965年1月20日）

*总有一个世界足以让人们以自己的方式找到幸福和快乐。

----林顿·约翰逊就职演说（1965年1月20日）

*历史所赐予我们的最大荣誉,就是和平的缔造者这一桂冠。----理查德·尼克松首次就职演说（1969.1.20.）

*正是我们协力相助使这个世界成为人类的安居之地。----理查德·尼克松首次就职演说（1969.1.20.）

*今天我们的危机正好相反。我们的物质充裕，但精神上却感到贫乏；我们能极其准确地登上月球,但地球上却仍是一片紊乱和冲突。

----理查德·尼克松首次就职演说（1969.1.20.）

*对于精神的危机,我们需要用精神来解答。

要寻找到答案，我们唯一的办法就是从我们自身上寻找。----理查德·尼克松首次就职演说（1969.1.20.）

*当一个人的邻居不能享有自由时,他就不能算是真正地享有自由。要前进，就要大家一起前进。

----理查德·尼克松首次就职演说（1969.1.20.）

*在我们自己的生活中,不能只问政府能为我们做什么,而是要问我能为自己做写什么?在我们共同面对挑战时,不能只是问政府能够提供什么帮助,而是要问我能提供怎样的帮助?----理查德·尼克松连任就职演说（1973.1.20）

*现在是恢复我们对自己、对美国的信心的时候了。----理查德·尼克松连任就职演说（1973.1.20）

*我们已经知道“更多” 并不一定就是“更好”。----吉米·卡特就任就职演说（1977.1.20）

*促进其他国家自由的最好方法,就是在这里证实我们的民主制度是值得仿效的榜样。----吉米·卡特就任就职演说（1977.1.20）

*令我们深受其害的经济弊端，是由几十年累积而来的,这些弊病虽不会在几天、几星期或几个月之内消失，但它们终将会消失。

----罗纳德·里根首任就职演说（1981.1.20）

*在目前这场危机中，政府的管理并不是解决问题的答案，而是问题本身。----罗纳德·里根首任就职演说（1981.1.20）

*我们当前所面临的困难,以及由于政府不必要的过度膨胀所造成的对我们的生活的干预，两者绝非巧合。

----罗纳德·里根首任就职演说（1981.1.20）

*政府不是我们的主人,它是我们的公仆。----罗纳德·里根连任就职演说（1985.1.20）

*历史是一幅不断展开的缎带;历史也是一次旅程。当我们继续行进的时候，我们一定会想到行走在我们前面的人。

----罗纳德·里根连任就职演说（1985.1.20）

* 我的座右铭：关键的时候要团结一心;重要关头要博采众议；对一切事情要宽宏大量。----乔治·布什就职演说（1989.1.20）

*我们的意志总比我们拥有的资金更强大，意志总是我们最为需要的。----乔治·布什就职演说（1989.1.20）

*“我把历史看作是一本有许多页码的书籍，每一页都记录了心想事成的每一天。微风吹过，翻开了新的一页，新的故事开始了----乔治·布什就职演说（1989.1.20）

*美国要世世代代存在下去,就必须改革。----比尔·克林顿首任就职演说（1993.1.20）

*不是为变革而变革，而是为了保持美国的理想----生活方式、自由和对幸福的追求。----比尔·克林顿首任就职演说（1993.1.20）

*美国没有任何错误之处是无法被其正确之处纠正的。----比尔·克林顿首任就职演说（1993.1.20）

*我们保证结束这个僵持停顿和放任自流的时代--开始一个美国振兴的新时期。----比尔·克林顿首任就职演说（1993.1.20）

*我们还看不到我们的后代的面孔，也永远不会知道他们的名字，但是当他们谈论到我们的时候，希望他们会说我们把祖国领进了新的世纪，把有活力的美国梦留给了所有的子孙。----比尔·克林顿连任就职演说（1997.1.20）

*一个文明社会要求每个人怀有善意，彼此尊重、行事公平，懂得宽恕。

----乔治·W.布什首任就职演说（2001.1.20）

*如果我们的国家不领导争取自由的事业，这个事业就没有领袖。----乔治·W.布什首任就职演说（2001.1.20）

*一个民主制度中的最重要的使命是靠每一个人完成的。----乔治·W.布什首任就职演说（2001.1.20）

*永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去体现我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。----乔治·W.布什首任就职演说（2001.1.20）

*自由在我们的国土上的生存，越来越有赖于它在其他国土上的胜利。在我们的世界里，和平的最大希望，寄托于自由在全世界的扩展。----乔治·W.布什连任就职演说（2005.1.20）

第五篇：历届美国总统就职演说

美国历届总统就职演说——克林顿（第一次）

作 者：study_lvdao 发表时间：2005-9-2

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First Inaugural Address of William J.Clinton;January 20, 1993

My fellow citizens : Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.This ceremony is held in the depth of winter.But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals;life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.Though we march to the music of our time, our

mission is timeless.Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.Communications and commerce are global;investment is mobile;technology is almost magical;and ambition for a better life is now universal.We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it.But when most people are working harder for less;when others cannot work at all;when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small;when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom;and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.But we have not done so.Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has er ‘].;khfzsdfdhxkl;j

‘[oded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.Let us embrace it.Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift;a new season of American renewal has begun.To renew America, we must be bold.We must do what no generation has had to do before.We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt.And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.It will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.We can do no less.Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is.Posterity is the world to come;the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other.Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called “bold, persistent experimentation,” a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable.Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers.Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act;with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary.The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.Their cause is America's cause.The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today.You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.You have cast your votes in historic numbers.And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself.Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring.Now, we must do the work the season demands.To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office.I ask the Congress to join with me.But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone.My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal.I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service;to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities.There is so much to be done;enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.And we must care for one another.Today, we do more than celebrate America;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.The scripture says, “And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.” From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley.We have heard the trumpets.We have changed the guard.And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.Thank you, and God bless you all.美国历届总统就职演说——克林顿（第二次）

作 者：study_lvdao 发表时间：2005-9-2

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Second Inaugural Address of William J.Clinton;January 20, 1997

My fellow citizens : At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century.It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs, a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come.We must keep our old democracy forever young.Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal.It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century.And what a century it has been.America became the world's mightiest industrial power;saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war;and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age;built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all;split the atom and explored the heavens;invented the computer and the microchip;and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose.We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast.We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency.Those choices made all the difference.At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today.We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement.America stands alone as the world's indispensable nation.Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth.Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment.Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government.Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution.We,-the American people, we are the solution.Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.As times change, so government must change.We need a new government for a new century-humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves;a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less.Yet where it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less.The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity,-not a guarantee, but a real opportunity to build better lives.Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us.Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship.And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century.There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read;hiring people off welfare rolls;coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime;taking time out of our own lives to serve others.Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation.Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century.For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future, will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart? The divide of race has been America's constant curse.And each new wave of immigrants gives new targets to old prejudices.Prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different.These forces have nearly destroyed our nation in the past.They plague us still.They fuel the fanaticism of terror.And they torment the lives of millions in fractured nations all around the world.These obsessions cripple both those who hate and, of course, those who are hated, robbing both of what they might become.We cannot, we will not, succumb to the dark impulses that lurk in the far regions of the soul everywhere.We shall overcome them.And we shall replace them with the generous spirit of a people who feel at home with one another.Our rich texture of racial, religious and political diversity will be a Godsend in the 21st century.Great rewards will come to those who can live together, learn together, work together, forge new ties that bind together.As this new era approaches we can already see its broad outlines.Ten years ago, the Internet was the mystical province of physicists;today, it is a commonplace encyclopedia for millions of schoolchildren.Scientists now are decoding the blueprint of human life.Cures for our most feared illnesses seem close at hand.The world is no longer divided into two hostile camps.Instead, now we are building bonds with nations that once were our adversaries.Growing connections of commerce and culture give us a chance to lift the fortunes and spirits of people the world over.And for the very first time in all of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.My fellow Americans, as we look back at this remarkable century, we may ask, can we hope not just to follow, but even to surpass the achievements of the 20th century in America and to avoid the awful bloodshed that stained its legacy? To that question, every American here and every American in our land today must answer a resounding “Yes.” This is the heart of our task.With a new vision of government, a new sense of responsibility, a new spirit of community, we will sustain America's journey.The promise we sought in a new land we will find again in a land of new promise.In this new land, education will be every citizen's most prized possession.Our schools will have the highest standards in the world, igniting the spark of possibility in the eyes of every girl and every boy.And the doors of higher education will be open to all.The knowledge and power of the Information Age will be within reach not just of the few, but of every classroom, every library, every child.Parents and children will have time not only to work, but to read and play together.And the plans they make at their kitchen table will be those of a better home, a better job, the certain chance to go to college.Our streets will echo again with the laughter of our children, because no one will try to shoot them or sell them drugs anymore.Everyone who can work, will work, with today's permanent under class part of tomorrow's growing middle class.New miracles of medicine at last will reach not only those who can claim care now, but the children and hardworking families too long denied.We will stand mighty for peace and freedom, and maintain a strong defense against terror and destruction.Our children will sleep free from the threat of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons.Ports and airports, farms and factories will thrive with trade and innovation and ideas.And the world's greatest democracy will lead a whole world of democracies.Our land of new promise will be a nation that meets its obligations, a nation that balances its budget, but never loses the balance of its values.A nation where our grandparents have secure retirement and health care, and their grandchildren know we have made the reforms necessary to sustain those benefits for their time.A nation that fortifies the world's most productive economy even as it protects the great natural bounty of our water, air, and majestic land.And in this land of new promise, we will have reformed our politics so that the voice of the people will always speak louder than the din of narrow interests, regaining the participation and deserving the trust of all Americans.Fellow citizens, let us build that America, a nation ever moving forward toward realizing the full potential of all its citizens.Prosperity and power, yes, they are important, and we must maintain them.But let us never forget: The greatest progress we have made, and the greatest progress we have yet to make, is in the human heart.In the end, all the world's wealth and a thousand armies are no match for the strength and decency of the human spirit.Thirty-four years ago, the man whose life we celebrate today spoke to us down there, at the other end of this Mall, in words that moved the conscience of a nation.Like a prophet of old, he told of his dream that one day America would rise up and treat all its citizens as equals before the law and in the heart.Martin Luther King's dream was the American Dream.His quest is our quest: the ceaseless striving to live out our true creed.Our history has been built on such dreams and labors.And by our dreams and labors we will redeem the promise of America in the 21st century.To that effort I pledge all my strength and every power of my office.I ask the members of Congress here to join in that pledge.The American people returned to office a President of one party and a Congress of another.Surely, they did not do this to advance the politics of petty bickering and extreme partisanship they plainly deplore.No, they call on us instead to be repairers of the breach, and to move on with America's mission.America demands and deserves big things from us,-and nothing big ever came from being small.Let us remember the timeless wisdom of Cardinal Bernardin, when facing the end of his own life.He said, “It is wrong to waste the precious gift of time, on acrimony and division.” Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time.For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end.But the journey of our America must go on.And so, my fellow Americans, we must be strong, for there is much to dare.The demands of our time are great and they are different.Let us meet them with faith and courage, with patience and a grateful and happy heart.Let us shape the hope of this day into the noblest chapter in our history.Yes, let us build our bridge.A bridge wide enough and strong enough for every American to cross over to a blessed land of new promise.May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see, whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new century with the American Dream alive for all her children;with the American promise of a more perfect union a reality for all her people;with America's bright flame of freedom spreading throughout all the world.From the height of this place and the summit of this century, let us go forth.May God strengthen our hands for the good work ahead, and always, always bless our America.