马丁路德金演讲 中文翻译

第一篇：马丁路德金演讲 中文翻译

马丁路德金演讲-我们向何处去

南方基督教领袖会议 亚特兰大，佐治亚 1967年8月16日

现在为了回答“我们向何处去”这一问题，也是我们的主题，我们必须首先明确我们的现状。当初拟定宪法时，一个不可思议的公式规定黑人在纳税和选举权方面只是一个完整人的60﹪。如今又一个匪夷所思的公式规定黑人是一个完整人的50%。对于生活中的好事，黑人大约只享有白人所享受的一半；而生活中的不愉快，黑人却要承受白人所面对的两倍。因此，所有黑人中有一半人住着低标准的住房。而且黑人的收入只是白人的一半。每当我们审视生活中的负面经历时，黑人总是占着双倍的分额。黑人失业者是白人的两倍。黑人婴儿的死亡率是白人的两倍，从黑人所占的总人口比率上看，在越南死亡的黑人是白人的两倍。

其他领域也有同样惊人的数字。在小学，黑人比白人落后一至三年，并且在他们种族隔离的学校，学生人均所得到的补贴比白人的学校少得多。20个上大学的学生中，只有一个是黑人。在职的黑人中，75﹪的人从事的是粗活。

这就是我们的现状。我们的出路在哪里？首先，我们必须维护自己的尊严和价值。我们必须要在一个仍然压迫着我们的体制中站起来，形成牢不可破且有威严的价值感。我们再不能因为自己是黑人而感到羞耻。要在几百年来灌输黑人是卑微的、无足轻重的人民心中唤起他们做人的尊严绝非易事。

黑色的描述和黑人的贡献

甚至语义学似乎也合谋把黑色的说成是丑陋和卑劣的。罗杰特分类词典中与黑色相关的同义词有120个，其中至少60个微词匿影藏行，例如，肮脏、煤烟、狰狞的、魔鬼的和令人作呕的。而与白色相关的同义词约有134个，他们却毫无例外都褒奖洋溢，诸如纯洁、洁净、贞洁和纯真此类词等。白色的（善意的）谎言总比黑色的（恶意的）谎言要好。家庭中最为人所不齿的成员被称为“黑羊”（既败家子）。奥西。戴维斯曾建议或许应重造英语语言，从而教师将不再迫不得已因教黑人孩子60种方式蔑视自己使他们延续不断怀有不应有的自卑感，而教白人孩子134种方式宠爱自己而使他们继续怀有一种错误的优越感。

忽视黑人对美国生活的贡献从而剥夺其做人的权利的倾向，早如美国最早的史书所记，近如每日晨报所载。为了打破这种文化扼杀，黑人必须奋起申明自己高贵的人格。任何忽略这一要点为黑人争取自由的任何运动都将徒劳无功。只要心灵被奴役，肉体就永远不会得到解放。心理上的自由，即强烈的自尊感，是战胜肉体受奴役之漫漫长夜中最强有力的武器。无论是林肯的“解放宣言”还是约翰逊的“民权法案”都不能完全带来这种自由。黑人惟有发自内心并用坚定的人格的笔墨签下自己的解放宣言才会得到真正的自由。黑人必须大胆无虑地抛弃那自我否定的枷锁，竭尽全力以自尊自重的精神，对自己、对世界说：“我非等闲之辈。我是人，我是一个有尊严，有荣誉的人。我有富有而高贵的历史。那是一段多么痛苦的受剥削的历史。是的，我从祖先那里继承了我的奴隶身份，但我并不为此感到羞愧。让我羞愧的是那些充满罪恶的人迫使我成为奴隶。”是的，我们必须站起来说：“我是黑人，我是美丽的。”黑人需要这种自我肯定，而白人对黑人所犯下的罪行使得这种自我肯定显得更为必要。

主要的挑战

另一个主要的挑战是在经济和政治上如何增强我们的势力。无庸质疑，黑人极其需要这种合法的权力。事实上，黑人所面临的一个严峻的问题就是权力匮乏。从南方陈旧的种植园到北方较新的贫民区，黑人一直被迫过者一种无声无息且无权无势的生活。由于被剥夺了决定自己生活和命运的权力，他们只能对这个白人权力机构所做出的专断的、有时是反复无常的决策听之任之。那些种植园和贫民区是由掌权的人开辟的，既可限制那些无权的人，又可使他们的无权状况延续下去。因此，改变贫民区的问题就是权力的问题---要求改变的权力和致力于维持社会现状的权力这两种力量之间的冲突。对于权力正确的理解应该是实现目的的能力。它意指能引发社会、政治、经济变化所需的力量。沃尔特鲁瑟曾为权力下过定义。他说：“权力就是像U.A.W（汽车工人联合会）这样的工会能使像通用汽车这样世界上最强大的公司想说‘不’时说‘是’的能力。这就是权力。”

我们中有许多人是传道士，而且我们所有的人都有自己的道德信念和所关心的事，也因此经常与权力有冲突。如果使用得当，权力并没有什么问题。问题是我们有些哲学家曲解了它。历史上的一大问题就是常把爱和权力的概念对立起来---把它们看作两极化的对立面---结果爱被认为须放弃权力，而权利则意味着对爱的屏弃。

正是这种曲解使得研究权力意志的哲学家尼采拒绝基督教的爱的概念。也是这种曲解诱使基督教的神学家们，以基督的爱的思想的名义拒绝尼采的权力意志的哲学。现在我们必须得把这一曲解改正过来。我们需要认识到没有爱的权力是毫无节制的、易被滥用的，而没有权力的爱则是多愁善感的、苍白无力的。最理想的权力是实现公正所需的爱，最理想的公正是改正任何阻挠爱的权力。这就是我们走向未来时必须要理解的。事实表明，我们在自己的国家对此有过误解及混淆，并因此导致了美国黑人曾试图用没有爱和良知的权力实现他们的目标。

这是导致一些极端分子今天倡导黑人应从白人手中谋求夺取他们曾深恶痛绝的毁灭性的、无良知的权力。正是这种邪恶的权力和没有权势的道义的冲突构成了我们时代的主要危机。

制定一个计划？

我们必须制定计划推动我们国家实现有保障的年收入。倘若是在本世纪初，这个提议或许会因其缺乏主动性和责任感而受到嘲笑和谴责。当时社会，经济地位被看作是衡量一个人的能力和才能的标准。并且以那时的衡量标准，财物的匮乏表明个人缺乏勤劳的习惯和道德观念。对于人类动机和我们经济体制的盲目运作的理解上，我们已取得了很大的进步。现在我们懂得，是我们混乱的经济市场操作和歧视盛行才使得人们无所事事，从而使他们违背自己的意愿长期或不断失业。今天，我希望穷人将不再像从前那样，因在我们的意识中被标榜为劣等或无能而常常被解雇。我们还必须懂得，无论经济如何快速发展都无法消除一切贫困。

这一问题表明我们的工作重点必须是双重的。我们要不提供全面就业，要不就要创收。无论如何，要想尽一切办法使人们成为消费者。一旦他们处于这样的位置，我们就必须关注个人的潜力不被浪费。我们应为那些找不到传统工作的人开拓新的对社会有益的工作形式。1879年，亨利 乔治在他所著的“进步与贫穷“一书中就预见到了这样的形态：

事实上，人们从事改善人类处境的工作，从事传播知识、增强实力、丰富文学财富，以及升华思想的工作并不是为了谋生。这不同于奴隶被迫做工，奴隶做工是由于任务本身或工头所迫，或就是处于动物本能。而这种新的人类的工作，它本身能为生活带来保障，并创造一种消除了匮乏的社会形态。

倘使能大规模地增加这种工作，我们可能会发现，如果把住房和教育问题放在消除贫困之后，那么随着贫穷的消除，它们也会有所改善。被改造成购买者的穷人会依靠自己的力量大举改善其恶劣的住房状况。当有了额外的金钱这一武器，承受双重痛苦的黑人在他们反歧视的斗争中将会有更大的收效。

此外，广泛的经济保障必然会带来许多积极的心理上的改变。当命运掌握在自己手中，并有渠道寻求自我提高时，人的尊严就会达到颠峰。当不再用金钱的天平不公正地衡量一个人的价值时，夫妻子女间的冲突就会减少。

我们的国家有能力做到这些。约翰・肯尼斯・加尔布莱斯说每年大约200亿美元就可以实现有保障的年收入。今天我想对你们说，如果我们国家一年能花350亿美元在越南发动一场不公正的邪恶的战争，花200亿美元把人送上月球，那么她就能花费几十亿美元帮助上帝的孩子自立于这个世界。

致力于非暴力

现在，让我简单地说，我们必须重申对非暴力的承诺。我想强调这一点。近期所有的黑人骚乱都可悲地表明，暴力在争取种族平等的斗争中是徒劳无益的。昨天我试图分析这些骚乱及其缘由。今天我想揭示其另一面。诚然，骚乱总是令人悲伤痛苦。人们可以看到尖叫的年轻人和愤怒的成年人绝望而盲目地与不可能战胜的困难作战。然而，在他们内心深处，可以看见自我毁灭的欲望，一种自绝于世的渴望。

时有黑人争辩说，1965年的瓦特骚乱和其他城市的骚乱代表着有效的人权行动。但当问到这些骚乱最终取得了什么具体的收益时，那些持此观点者则支支吾吾、无以应答。那些骚乱顶多从被吓坏了的政府官员那里得到少量额外的扶贫金，和几处给贫民区的孩子们降温的喷水设施。这就好像给仍关在铁窗后的人改善监狱的伙食一样。没有任何骚乱能像有组织的抗议示威那样赢得实实在在的改进。而当试图请提倡暴力者说明，什么样的做法是最行之有效的时候，回答总是明显地不合逻辑。有时他们谈论颠覆种族歧视的政府和地方政府，又谈论游击战争。他们不懂得，除非政府已失去武装部队的支持和对其有效的控制，没有任何内部革命能够通过暴力成功地推翻政府。任何有理性的人都明白这在美国是绝不会发生的。当面临种族暴力的局势时，权利机构可以支配地方警察，州警察，国民警卫队，直至军队---所有这些武装大部分是由白人组成的。此外，除非那些主张暴力的少数人得到大多数不抵抗主义者的同情与支持，否则暴力革命很少或者说几乎没有成功的。尽管卡斯特罗可能有为数不多的古巴人在山上与他并肩作战，但是倘若他没有得到绝大多数的古巴人民的同情，他就绝不可能成功地推翻巴蒂斯塔政权。

显而易见，美国黑人的暴力革命不会得到白人甚至大多数黑人的同情和支持。现在不是进行浪漫的幻想，和对自由进行空洞的哲学论辩的时候。现在是行动的时候。我们需要的是寻求改变的策略，一个能使黑人尽快地融入到美国主流生活的高明方案。迄今为止，只有非暴力运动为此提供了可能。如果不能领悟到这一点，我们所有的只是不能解决、回答、解释问题的方案、答案和解释。

因此，今天我想告诉你们，我仍坚持非暴力这一原则。而且我仍然坚信，它是黑人在这个国家争取公正的斗争的最有效的武器。另外，我企盼一个更美好的世界。我企盼公正。我企盼兄弟情谊。我企盼真理。当一个人有此企盼时，他绝不会倡导暴力。因为暴力可能除掉一个凶手，但却不能消除谋杀。暴力可能除掉一个骗子，但却不能缔造真理。暴力可能除掉一个仇人，但却不能消除仇恨。黑暗不能驱除黑暗，只有光明才驱除黑暗。

我还想告诉你们，我已决意继续以爱为本。因为我知道爱是最终解决人类问题的唯一答案。因此，无论走到哪里我都会谈及此话题。我知道今天在某些圈子里这是一个不受欢迎的话题。我所谈及的爱不是情感纠葛。我所谈及的爱是一种强烈的、高要求的爱。因为我看到了太多的仇恨。在南部县治安官的脸上看到了太多的恨。在太多的三k党成员和南方白人公民议员的脸上看到仇恨，以至于我开始厌恶自己。因为每次我看到它，我知道这对他们的脸和他们的人格都有影响，我会对自己说，仇恨是一个令人难以承受的负担。因此我已决定以爱为本。倘若你在寻求最高层次的德行，我想你可以在爱中找到。美妙的是，当我们这样做的时候，我们在远离邪恶，因为约翰是正确的，神就是爱。心存怨恨的人不认识神，倒是心中有爱的人掌握了能够开启通向现实大门的钥匙。

在我结束这篇讲话前，我想告诉你们，当我们谈论“我们向何处去”时，我们应当真诚地面对这一事实：这一运动必须解决重建整个美国社会的问题。我们现有4000万穷人。总有一天我们必须提出这一问题：“美国为什么会有4000万穷人？”当你开始问这个问题时，你在质疑经济体制和更大范围的财富分配。当你问及这一问题时，你开始质疑资本主义经济。我的意思是，越问越会问及整个社会。我们有责任帮助那些在人生市场上沦为乞丐的失意的人。但我们终将会意识到一个制造乞丐的社会需要重建。这意味着必须质疑。我的朋友们，当你这样做时，你开始质疑“谁拥有石油？”你开始质疑“谁拥有铁矿？”你开始质疑“为什么在一个2/3被水覆盖的世界上人们还得交付水费？”这些就是必须要质疑的问题。

关于共产主义

不要以为今天你们抓住了我的把柄。我不是在谈论共产主义。

今天早上我要对你们说的是，共产主义忘记了生活是个人的。资本主义忘记了生活是社群的，而兄弟的王国既不是建立在共产主义的论点上，也不会建立在资本主义的对立面上，而是建立在一种更高的合成体上。它是建立在一种更高的两者真理结合的合成体上。当我说要质疑整个社会时，我指的是最终能懂得种族歧视、经济剥削和战争这些问题是密不可分的。它们是相互关联的三重罪恶。

请允许我在这里做一回传道人---一天晚上，一个陪审员来见耶稣，他想知道他该做什么才能得救。耶稣没有以孤立的方式建议他不要做什么事。耶稣没有说，“尼哥底母，你必须停止撒谎。”他没有说，“尼哥底母，如果你在偷窃，你必须马上改正。” 他没有说，“尼哥底母，你不能犯奸淫的罪。” 他没有说，“尼哥底母，如果你酗酒，你必须马上停止。”他的回答迥然不同，因为耶稣知道事情的本质---如果一个人撒谎，他就会偷窃。如果他偷窃，他就会杀人。因此，耶稣没有局限在一件事上，而是看着他说，“尼哥底母，你必须重生。”

换言之，他说，“你们对整个构架必须彻底改变。”一个奴役国民达244年之久的国家会把人“物化”---把他们当成东西看待。因此，他们以及所有的穷人会在经济上受到剥削。一个在经济上进行剥削的国家不得不向外国投资，并干一些别的什么巧取躲豪的勾当，因此需要军事力量来保护其利益。所有这些问题都是密不可分的。我今天要说的是当我们离开这个集会时，我们必须说，“美国，你必须重生！”

结尾

因此，我今天最后重申我们的任务，让我们带着“神圣的期待”开始抗争。让我们期待着美国不再患有信念上的高血压和行动上的贫血症。让我们期待着把城外富裕舒适的人与城内贫困绝望的人分隔开来的悲剧的墙被正义的攻城槌的力量摧毁。让我们期待着那些住在希望的郊野的人被带回到每日有保障的大都市中来。让我们期待着贫民窟都被丢进历史的垃圾堆，而每个家庭都能拥有体面的有卫生设施的家。让我们期待着遭受种族隔离的学校的黑暗的昨天会被取消种族隔离的素质教育的光明的明天所取代。让我们期待着种族融合将不再被看作是问题，而是参与创造多样化生活的魅力的机会。让我们期待着衡量黑人男女的尺度是他们的人格才识，而不是他们的肤色。让我们期待着。让我们期待着每一个州府都有一个行公义，好怜悯，存谦卑的心，与神同行的州长。让我们期待着在所有的市府里看到公平如大水滚滚，公义如江河滔滔。让我们期待着有一天狮子与羊羔同卧一处，所有的人都坐在自家的葡萄树和无花果树下，不再恐惧。让我们期待着。人类会明白上帝用同一个血脉创造了所有人，使之生活在地球表面上。让我们期待着，有一天不再有人叫嚣“黑人权力！”---而所有的人都会谈论上帝的权柄和人类的权力。

我必须承认，我的朋友们，前面的路不会总是平坦的。岩石遍布之处会带来挫败，蜿蜒曲折之处会令人迷惘。到处都会有不可避免的障碍。有时我们会从希望之巅跌入绝望之谷。我们的梦想有时会被打破；渺茫的希望有时会破灭。我们可能会泪眼模糊地再一次站在某位勇敢的人权志士的灵柩前，悲悼嗜血成性的暴民凶残地夺去他的生命。无论多么艰难，无论多么痛苦，我们必须以毫无畏惧的信念在未来的日子里勇往直前。当我们继续我们既定的征途时，我们能从昔日伟大的自由战士，黑人诗人詹姆斯·韦尔登·约翰逊的诗中得到慰籍：

踏过布满荆棘的道路 忍受过棍棒的鞭笞之苦 在孕育的希望破灭之时 依旧前进、摸索。

伴着坚定的步伐 即使双脚疲惫 也依旧来到了

我们祖先为之叹息的地方？ 我们一路走过 浸满泪水的道路。我们已艰难踏上

流淌着烈士鲜血的小径。

走出阴暗的过去，迄今我们终于站在 自我们明亮的星辰 洒下的光明的维曦中。

让这一信念成为我们的战斗口号。它将给我们勇气以面对无法预见的未来。它将给我们疲惫的双脚以新的力量，向着自由之城大踏步继续我们的征程。当绝望的阴云密布，我们的日子变得阴郁无望时，当我们的夜晚变得比1000个深夜还黑暗时，让我们记住宇宙间有一种创造力，能把巨大的邪恶的山脉折断，一种力量能在绝境之处开辟新径，把黑暗的昨天变成光辉灿烂的明天。让我们铭记道德的苍穹长又长，但它终将落向正义。

让我们铭记威廉·卡伦·布莱恩特的至理名言：“被压倒的真理，终必站起来。” 让我们记得《圣经》里的真理，“不要自欺，神是轻慢不得的；人种的是什么，收的也是什么。” 这就是我们对未来的希望，带着这个信念，我们就会在不远的明天用宇宙的过去时来歌唱 “我们已经胜利，我们已经胜利。在我心灵的深处，我曾坚信我们会胜利。”

第二篇：马丁路德金演讲

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

第三篇：马丁路德金演讲

Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last!free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

我今天怀有一个梦。

我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。

到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌：

我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！

让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！

让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！

让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！

让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！

不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！

让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！

让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！

让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

第四篇：马丁路德金演讲

马丁路德金演讲

篇一：马丁·路德金演讲稿：《我有一个梦想》 马丁·路德·金 简介 马丁·路德·金（英语：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美国民权运动领袖。1948年大学毕业。1948年到1951年间，在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年，马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964诺贝尔和平奖获得者。1968年4月，马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工被人刺杀，年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁路德金全国纪念日。1929年1月15日，小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师，母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人；从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活，也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时，聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位。尽管美国战后经济发展很快，强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实，金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学，于1955年获神学博士学位后，到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。1955年12月，蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由，逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起

“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”，号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利，从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕，也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。篇二：马丁路德金_我有一个梦想(中英文)演讲稿 今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。100年前，一位伟大的美国人--今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下--签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺--不论白人还是黑人--都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠著这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票--一张盖著“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任--因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州--一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。我今天怀有一个梦。我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变--尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行--在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。我今天怀有一个梦。我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌： 我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨 高峰！让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！” I have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C.on August 28, 1963 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check--a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident;that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith with which I return to the South.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning 篇三：马丁路德金简介和我有一个梦想英汉互译演讲稿以及演讲背景 1929年1月15日，小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师，母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人；从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活，也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时，聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位。尽管美国战后经济发展很快，强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实，金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学，于1955年获神学博士学位后，到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。1955年12月，蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由，逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”，号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利，从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕，也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。关于非暴力主张 伴随着种族主义长大的马丁·路德·金，深受种族主义的伤害，所以他积极参加反对种族隔离制度的斗争。但他主张的却是非暴力的斗争，而这种斗争方式的确是有思想原因的。他受甘地主义和基督教教义影响很深，是一位典型的和平主义者。他强调在争取黑人自由平等权利的斗争中，不应干违法的事，不能让“创造性的抗议堕落成为暴力行为”，必须要有“用精神力量对付武力”的崇高境界。这里的精神力量在他看来，就是要以基督教宣传的“博爱”、“仁慈”来感化黑人的敌人并使之放下屠刀。1 金之所以有这种思想与其青年时的学习有直接关系的。他在宾夕法尼亚的克罗泽学院学习时，利用业余时间，阅读了著名的神学著作——人们写的关于信仰的书，还有哲学著作——关于生活方式的书。这些书的思想给其留下了深刻的印象，并最终用于实践。但使马丁·路德·金最为激动的则是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力，或称精神力量的哲学是印度人民对抗英帝国主义政治、军事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不断举行示威游行，反对外国政治的统治，无论这样统治是否出于善意。也无论是否正确，他们要自己来做出决定。甘地说虽然他们必须准备好为取得独立而牺牲自己的生命，他们也决不可为此而进行杀戮——不管受到多么粗暴的对待。马丁开始相信在印度能取得胜利，在美国也可以。他用自己的行动领导了一场声势浩大的以非暴力为原则的民权运动。本次演讲背景 50年代的美国南部，好像一座对付“解放了的”黑人的监狱。而阿拉巴马州又是种族歧视最为猖獗的一个州，在这里，黑人的选举权力受到野蛮剥夺和限制，骇人听闻的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不断发生，种族隔离制度使黑人不能与白人同校，不能在同一个教堂做礼拜，不准进入为白人开设的旅馆、客栈、饭馆和娱乐场所，连公共汽车站上也树立了栅栏，规定白人黑人分别上车。年轻的伴随着种族主义歧视长大的黑人牧师马丁·路德·金到任不久，便参加并领导了1955年蒙哥马利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽车的反种族歧视运动，最终迫使美国最高法院作出取消这种制度的决定。1963年他组织的伯明翰黑人争取自由平等权利的大规模游行示威，把黑人运动从南方推向北方。8月28日，斗争达到高潮。25万人聚集首都华盛顿，以和平集会方式举行“自由进军”的示威，就在林肯纪念堂前，马丁·路德·金向示威群众发表了这篇激动人心的演说。在演讲中，表达了他的非暴力主义思想以及他对自由平等公正的追求与憧憬。马丁路德金演讲稿I have a dream I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.2 100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” 从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a 3 check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful 4 deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。We cannot walk alone.我们不能单独行动。And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。We cannot turn back.我们不能后退。There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.” 5

第五篇：马丁路德金演讲赏析

马丁·路德·金--《我有一个梦想》赏析

最近，我在受老师上课的影响下细读了一篇演说稿，题目是《我有一个梦想》，让我感触非常深。《我有一个梦想》是1963年8月8日在美国第16届总统林肯纪念堂前举行《黑人解放宣言》100周年纪念活动时基督教牧师马丁路德金作的长篇演说，主要揭露了白人对黑人的残酷迫害，表达了对自由和幸福的渴望以及正义奋斗到底的决心。而这篇演讲也影响了一代有理想的年轻人。

《我有一个梦想》是一篇演讲稿，文中运用了许多的排比句，主要讲了黑人以及作者对自由的渴望，也揭示了黑人在白人心中的地位，读了这篇演讲稿我觉得，我们不应该因为别人的肤色、地位、家境就改变对他们的态度、看法，因为人人生而平等，没有高低贵贱之分，即使你出生再一个富裕的家庭也不代表你比人家高，因为你现在的富裕不是你的，而是他人努力的成果，只有通过自己的努力得来的，才是自己的，而出生的穷困人，也不用为了自己的身世而自卑，虽然你的家庭是穷困的，但是你可以通过自己的努力来改变现状。我希望以后我们可以生活在一个不是以人们的肤色、身份、地位，而是以我们的品格优劣来评价我们的国度里生活。

人人生而平等。

这样震撼人心，激励斗志，充分论理，洋溢热情，坚定信念，逻辑严密的演讲很少见。不论从思想性和艺术性上都可称得上极品。他的演讲，揭露问题一针见血，毫不隐晦，明明白白。这篇演讲稿里，每一个字都流露出马丁·路德·金对黑人自由的渴望；每一个字都流露出马丁·路德·金对奴隶主与奴隶能在同一片蓝天下生活的期望；每一个字都流露出马丁·路德·金对黑人与白人情同骨肉携手并进的希望。

马丁·路德·金的演讲稿《我有一个梦想》让我体会到了当时美国政府对黑人的不平等待遇。他那激情的演讲震撼了一个又一个的白人与黑人；那铿锵有力的声音唤醒了人们那沉睡多年的良心；那一浪接一浪的掌声给人们留下了永不磨灭的回忆。

马丁·路德·金的《我有一个梦想》这个演讲，不但给了人们永不磨灭的回忆，还让人们发现了自己对黑人的不公。现在，在去美国，再也不会看见白人对黑人投去蔑视的眼神了，真正地达到了马丁·路德·金所希望的那样“昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。”世界又变成了和平的时期。

首先本文拟将从文学体的角度，对于马丁·路德·金所作的演讲进行分析。通过这种分析来描写马丁·路德·金在演讲中的语言特点，以便更深刻得理解该演讲文体及其深层含义。

1.语域分析

任何语言使用都受到语域因素的影响，不同语域的语言使用也呈现着不用的规律和特点，马丁·路德·金的演讲也是。著名语言学家韩礼德（Halliday）把语域理论分为：语场，语旨和语式。语场是指语篇所涉及的社会活动或实际发生的事；语旨是指交际活动所涉及的人和他们之间的关系；语式是指语篇的载体形式即语言交际的渠道或媒介。

从整个语篇来看，该篇演讲没有很生僻，也没有特别长的单词，基本上都是日常生活中人们常见常用常听到的词汇。从语旨上来分析，马丁·路德·金面对的听众是黑人群体和一些民众，他们文化程度、知识背景不一，首先就要使所有的听众都听得懂他的演讲，因此，金用民众易于理解的词汇能够传递更多的信息。

从语场上来讲，该演讲的主题是有关黑人争取平等权利，取得真正的自由。因此，马丁·路德·金的演讲围绕这一主题展，那么出现在语篇当中的高频词汇就得与上述主题有明显的关联。我做了一个简单统计，发现其中Freedom（自由）出现20次，Justice（公平）出现11次，Right（权利）出现7次。由此看来，马丁·路德·金紧扣主题，一方面突出重点的目的，起到强调的作用；另一方面，表现了实现愿望的感情之强烈。

2.情态动词分析

语旨的变化主要表现在对人际意义的不同选择上。在词汇层面上，主要体现在语气，情态动词词汇的不用选择上。情态系统是表达说话者对事物的判断和评价的系统。金运用了不同的情态动词来实现他的不同人际意义。比如，原文中Will出现26次，Can和Must都出现8次。通过预测推断，有了这些信念，我们可以改变现状。Will表示将会，Can表示可以，能够，Must表达必须，义务的意思，从内容上看，无一不是一再的激起听众的热血，像他们传达着自由终会实现，大家终会解放的涵义。从语气上来看，也是递进的关系，这些情态动词的穿插使用更加坚定了广大黑人听众的信念，振奋精神。

《我有一个梦想》的作者马丁·路德·金生于1929年，是美国著名的黑人民权领袖。1948年大学毕业。1963年晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1946年获得诺贝尔和平奖。1968年4月，马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工时被人谋杀，年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。

马丁·路德·金用他犀利的言辞和有针对性的话语掷地有声地指出一百年前的伟大的林肯总统签署了解放黑奴宣言，那庄严的宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来希望。

但在一百多年后的今天，黑人依然没有得到自由，在种族隔离的脚铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活依然受压迫，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中的一个穷困的“小岛”，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落。

美利坚合众国的缔造者在草拟宪法和独立宣言时曾向每一个美国人许下诺言，承诺给予所有人以生存、自由和追求幸福的权力。可如今，美国显然没有实践她的诺言，只是给黑人一张说是可以给予黑人宝贵的自由和正义的保障的空头支票，支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子便退了回来。没错，如今黑人的生活虽已普遍改善，但黑人遭受极不公正，不公正待遇的事件仍层出不穷。黑人虽已迎来了新生活，但旧思想，旧观念还是在少数白人的脑海里挥之不去，深入骨髓。

演讲还提醒如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心，那么这对美国将是致命伤。自由和平等的凉爽秋天如不到来，黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。一九六三年并不意味着斗争的结束，而是开始。黑人得不到公民的权利，美国就不可能有安宁或平静，正义的光明的一天不到来，叛乱旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。

最后他还提到希望：我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有儿女：黑人和白人、犹太教徒和非犹太教徒、耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将手牵手合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦！终于自由啦！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦！”

马丁·路德·金用他的梦想给黑人勾画出美丽的蓝图，也给他们一个等待的理由。他的演讲获得热烈的拥护，也给他带来崇高声誉。全文思路明晰，富有逻辑性，不仅体现了作者的才情，更展现了作者高尚的追求和不屈的奋斗精神。马丁·路德·金通过他的努力，终于在他逝世40年后的今天实现了他的梦想：美国历史上有了第一位黑人总统奥巴马。而当年对黑人歧视很严重的密西西比州，亚拉巴马州，南卡罗来纳州，佐治亚州，路易斯安那州，如今也得到了很大的改善。

马丁·路德·金通过努力，使他的梦想已经不只是个梦想，而是实现。