罗斯福英语演讲稿2（推荐阅读）

第一篇：罗斯福英语演讲稿2

演讲全文：The Four Freedoms

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union.I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs.And, fortunately, only one of these--the four-year war between the States--ever threatened our national unity.Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents.We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition--clear, definite opposition--to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past.Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914--ninety-nine years--no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere.And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength;it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles.We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction.We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world--assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents.If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors.And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere--yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature--and, incidentally, untrue--for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion--or even good business.Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted;but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement.We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas.Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists.Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe--particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops.The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes--and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America.As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history.That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability.The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily--almost exclusively--to meeting this foreign peril.For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small.And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere.By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy.No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate.And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons.Goals of speed have been set.In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time.In some cases we are on schedule;in other cases there are slight but not serious delays.And in some cases--and, I am sorry to say, very important cases--we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year.Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day.And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made.The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism.They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task.And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program.However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons--a loan to be repaid in dollars.I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program.And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom.We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression.Such aid--Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And when the dictators--if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression.The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt.No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet.The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency--almost as serious as war itself--demands.Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups.A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending.The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple.They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civil liberties for all.The enjoyment--The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world.The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement.As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes.In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today.No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium.It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral order.A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch.The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them.Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

第二篇：罗斯福演讲稿

篇一：罗斯福演讲稿1 演讲全文：pearl harbor address to the nation mr.vice president, mr.speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives: yesterday, december 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or evenweeks ago.during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost.in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco andhonolulu.yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.last night, japanese forces attacked guam.last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.last night, the japanese attacked wake island.and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us god.i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.篇二：中文版罗斯福四大自由演讲稿 富兰克林．罗斯福 四大自由

在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中，富兰克林．罗斯福总统要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的武器装备提供给那些总统认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。由于战争逼近，他宣布了四项「人类的基本自由」这项宣布，被认为是关于美国人民准备为之奋斗的原则的最简要声明。……世界大战在一九一四年骤然爆发的时候，这场战争对我们美国本身的前途似乎仅有轻微的威胁。但是，随着时间的推移，美国人民开始体会到各民主国家的沦陷对我们美国的民主制度会意味着什么。

我们无须过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。我们也无须反复谈论各民主国家处理世界性破坏问题的失效。我们应该记住，一九一九年的和约与早在慕尼黑会议以前就开始的「和解」（facification）相比，其不公正的程度要小得多；而在那力图向世界各大洲扩展的暴政新秩序下，这种「和解」仍在延续着。美国人民坚定不移地反对那种暴政。

每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式目前正在世界各地遭到直接的进攻－－或者是武力的进攻，或者是秘密散布的恶毒宣传的进攻。散布这种宣传的是那些企图在仍然维持着和平的国家中破坏团结挑起不和的人。十六个月来，这种进攻已在数目惊人的一批大小独立国家中毁掉了整个民主生活的方式。进攻者仍在步步进逼，威胁着大大小小的其它国家。……作为你们的总统，执行宪法加诸于我的「向国会报导联邦情况」的责任，我认为必须向你们报告，我们国家和我们民主政治的前途与安全，已经和远离我们国境的许多事件不可抗拒地牵连在一起了。

以武力保卫民主生存的战争，现正在四大洲英勇地进行。倘若这场保卫战失败，所有在欧洲、亚洲、非洲和澳洲的人口和一切资源，均将为征服者所控制。这些人口和资源合计起来，远超过整个西半球的全部人口和资源的总数－－超过很多倍……

任何现实的美国人都不能期望从一个独裁者的和平中获得国际上的宽容，或真正独立的恢复，或世界性裁军，或言论自由，或宗教信仰自由，或者甚至公平的贸易。这样的和平决不会给我们或者我们的邻国带来任何安全。「那些宁愿放弃基本自由以求一时安全的人；既不该享有自由，也不该得到安全。」…… 我最近曾指出，现代战争可以多么迅速地将武器攻击带到我们的身旁，如果独裁国家打赢这场战争，我们就必须预计到这种攻击的到来……

当务之急是，我们的行动和我们的政策都应首先针对(几乎是专门针对)如何对付这种来自国外的危险，因为我们所有的国内问题现在都已成为这一逼近眉睫的问题的一个部分。正如在国内事务上，我们的国策是以尊重国门以内所有同胞的权利和尊严的基础，在外交事务上，我们的国策也以尊重所有大小国家的权利与尊严为依归。道德的公正原则最后将会并且也必然会获得胜利。我们的国策是：

第一，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们致力于全面的国防。

第二，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定对于任何地方反抗侵略致使战火没有燃到我们西半球来的所有英勇民族，予以全力支持。我们用这种支持，来表示我们对民主事业必胜的决心；我们要加强我国本身的防御和安全。

第三，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定声明，道德的基本原则和我们对本身安全的考虑，将永不容许我们默认由侵略者所支配和「和解」主义者所赞许的和平。我们知道，持久和平是不能以他人的自由为代价买来的……

新情况不断为我们的安全带来新的需要。我将要求国会大量增加新的拨款并授权继续进行我们已开始的工作。

我也要求本届国会授予足够的权力与经费，以便制造多种多样的额外军需品与战争装备，供给那些现已与侵略国实际作战的国家。

我们最有效和最直接的任务，是充当他们和我们自己的兵工厂。他们不需人力，他们所需的是价值以十亿美元计的防卫武器。

用不了多久，他们将无力用现款偿付这些防御武器。我们不能也不会只因为他们无力偿付我们知道他们必须拥有的武器，便告诉他们必须投降。我不会建议由我们贷款给他们，再由他们用该款支付购买武器的费用－－一种需用现金偿还的贷款。

我建议由我们设法使那些国家继续从美国取得作战物资，并使他们的定单与我们自己的计划配合起来。一旦时刻到来，他们的几乎全部军用物资都会有利于我们自己的防卫。

根据富有经验的陆海军权威的建议，并且考虑到什么是最有利于我们自身安全，我们可以自由地决定应该在国内保留多少，应该运给我们的外国朋友多少。他们坚定英勇抗敌，使我们赢得时间为我们自己的防卫作准备。

让我们对民主国家申明：「我们美国人极为关怀你们保卫自由的战争。我们正使用我们的实力、我们的资源和我们的组织力量，使你们有能力恢复和维系一个自由的世界。我们会给你们送来数量日增的舰艇、飞机、坦克和大炮。这是我们的目标，也是我们的誓言。」为了实现这个目标，我们不会因独裁者的威胁而退缩不前，这些人认为我们对那些胆敢抵抗他们侵略的民主国家进行支持，是违犯国际公法，是战争行为……

未来几代美国人的幸福，可能要看我们如何有效而迅速地使我们的支持产生影响而定。没有人知道，我们要面对的紧急处境是属于怎样一种性质。在国家命脉临危的时候，国家的双手绝对不能受缚。我们全体都必须准备为那种和战争本身一样严重的非常时期的要求，作出牺牲。任何阻碍迅速而有效地进行防卫准备的事，都必须为国家的需要让路……

如同人们并非单靠面包生活一样，他们也并非单靠武器来作战。那些坚守我们防御工事的人以及在他们后面建立防御工事的人必须具有耐力和勇气，而所有这些均来自对他们正在保卫的生活方式所抱的不可动摇的信念。我们所号召的伟大行动，是不可能以忽视所有值得奋斗的东西为基础的。

美国民主生活的保持是与个人利害攸关的，举国上下，对于促使人民明白这一点而做的种种事情，都非常满意，并且从中汲取了巨大力量。那些事情使我们人民的气质坚强起来，重建了他们的信心，也加强了他们对大家准备保卫的各种制度的忠诚。当然，现在并非停止考虑各种社会和经济问题的时候，这些问题都是社会革命的根本原因，而这种革命则是今天世界的一个主要因素。

一个健全巩固的民主政治的基础并不神秘。我们人民对政治和经济制度所抱的基本期望十分简单。它们是：给青年和其它人以均等机会；给能工作的人以工作；给需要保障的人以保障；终止少数人享有的特权；保护所有人的公民自由权；在生活水平更普遍和不断提高的情况下，享受科学进步的成果。

在我们这个混乱和极端复杂的现代世界中，这些是决不应忽视的简单而基本的事项。我们的各种经济和政治体制的内在和持久的力量，取决于它们满足这些期望的程度。

有不少与我们社会经济有关的事项，需要立即改善。例如：我们应当使更多的公民得到老年退休金和失业保险的保障。我们应当扩大那种使人们得到充分医疗照顾的机会。我们应当制订一套更好的制度，使那些应当并需要获得有薪职业的人们能够就业。

我曾经号召大家作个人的牺牲。我已得到保证，几乎每个美国人都心甘情愿响应我这个号召……

在我们力求安定的未来的岁月里，我们期待一个建立在四项人类基本自由之上的世界。第一是在全世界任何地方发表言论和表达意见的自由。

第二是在全世界任何地方，人人有以自己的方式来崇拜上帝的自由。

第三是不虞匮乏的自由－－这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是一种经济上的融洽关系，它将保证全世界每一个国家的居民都过健全的、和平时期的生活。

第四是免除恐惧的自由－－这种自由，就世界范围来讲，就是世界性的裁减军备，要以一种彻底的方法把它裁减到这样的程度：务使世界上没有一个国家有能力向全世界任何地区的任何邻国进行武力侵略。

这并不是对一个渺茫的黄金时代的憧憬，而是我们这个时代和我们这一代人可以实现的一种世界的坚实基础，这种世界，和独裁者想用炸弹爆炸来制造的所谓「新秩序」的暴政，是截然相反的。

对于他们那个新秩序，我们是以一种伟大的观念－－道德秩序来与之相对抗的。一个优越的社会，是可以同样毫无畏惧地面对各种征服世界和在国外制造革命的阴谋的。

自美国有史以来，我们一直在从事改革－－一种永久性的和平革命－－一种连续不断而静悄悄地适应环境变化的革命－－并不需要任何集中营或万人冢。我们所追求的世界秩序，是自由国家间的合作，以及在友好、文明的社会里共同努力。

这个国家，已把它的命运交到它千百万自由男女的手里，脑里和心里；把它对于自由的信仰交由上帝指引。自由意味着在任何地方人权都是至高无上的。凡是为了取得或保持这种权利而斗争的人，我们都予以支持。我们的力量来自我们的目标一致。

为了实现这一崇高的观念，我们是不获全胜绝不休止的。篇三：罗斯福英语演讲稿：对日宣战演讲

罗斯福英语演讲稿：对日宣战演讲（中英对照）pearl harbor speech franklin delano roosevelt december 8, 1941 to the congress of the united states: yesterday, dec.7, 1941the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.very many american lives have been lost.in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and honolulu.yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.last night, japanese forces attacked guam.last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.last night, the japanese attacked wake island.this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.the facts of yesterday speak for themselves.the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.i believe i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.with confidence in our armed forceswe will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us god.i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, dec.7, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.要求国会对日本宣战

富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福

副总统先生、议长先生、各位参议员和众议员：

昨天，1941年12月7日，将成为我国的国耻日。美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海、空军有预谋的突然袭击。

在此之前，美国同日本处于和平状态，并应日本之请同该国政府及天皇谈判，指望维持太平洋区域的和平。

日本空军部队在美国的瓦胡岛。开始轰炸一小时后，日本驻美大使及其同僚居然还向美国国务卿递交正式复函，回答美国最近致日本的一封函件。这份复函虽然声言目前的外交谈判已无继续之必要，但却未有威胁的言词，也没有暗示将发动战争或采取军事行动。

夏威夷岛距日本的距离说明此次袭击显然是许多天前甚至几星期前所策划的，此事将记录在案。在此期间，日本政府有意用虚伪的声明和表示继续保持和平的愿望欺骗美国。

日本昨天对夏威夷群岛的袭击，给美国海、陆军造成了严重的破坏。我遗憾地告诉你们：许许多多美国人被炸死。同时，据报告，若干艘美国船只在旧金山与火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上被水雷击中。

昨天，日本政府还发动了对马来亚的袭击。

昨夜日本部队袭击了香港。

昨夜日本部队袭击了关岛。

昨夜日本部队袭击了菲律宾群岛。昨夜日本部队袭击了威克岛。

今晨日本人袭击了中途岛。

这样，日本就在整个太平洋区域发动了全面的突然袭击。昨天和今天的情况已说明了事实的真相。美国人民已经清楚地了解到这是关系我国存亡安危的问题。

作为海、陆军总司令，我已指令采取一切手段进行防御。

我们将永远记住对我们这次袭击的性质。

无论需要多长时间去击败这次预谋的侵略，美国人民正义在手，有力量夺取彻底的胜利。我保证我们将完全确保我们的安全，确保我们永不再受到这种背信弃义行为的危害，我相信这话说出了国会和人民的意志。

大敌当前，我国人民、领土和利益正处于极度危险的状态，我们决不可稍有懈怠。

我们相信我们的军队、我们的人民有无比坚定的决心，因此，胜利必定属于我们。愿上帝保佑我们。

我要求国会宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日对我国无故进行卑鄙的袭击，美国同日本已经处于战争状态。

第三篇：罗斯福就职演讲稿

First Inaugural Address

Franklin D.Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福 1933.3.4.演讲者简介：

罗斯福在1933年成为总统当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。

President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today.This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunken to fantastic levels;taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money;and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.

第四篇：富兰克林罗斯福演讲稿

富兰克林罗斯福演讲稿

昨天，１９４１年１２月７日必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子.美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的攻击。美国和日本是和平相处的，根据日本的请求仍在同它的政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋地区的和平。实际上，就在日本空军部队已经着手开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻美国大使和同僚还向我们的国务卿提交了对美国最近致日方 消息的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但却并未包含有关战争或武装 攻击的威胁或暗示历史将会作证，由于夏威夷离日本的距离如此之遥，显然表明这次进攻是经过许多天甚至许多星期精心策划的。在调停期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维持和平的愿望来欺骗美国。

昨天对夏威夷群岛的攻击给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，许多美国人丧失了生命，此外，根据报告，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。

昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。昨晚，日本军队进攻了香港。昨晚，日本军队进攻了关岛。

昨晚，日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。昨晚，日本人进攻了威克岛。

今早，日本人进攻了中途岛。因此，日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。昨天和今天的事实不言自明。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且非常清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。作为陆、海军总司令，我已指示，为了我们的防务采取一切措施。但是，我们整个国家将永远记住这次对我们突袭的性质。不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次有预谋的入侵，美国人民将一定要以自己的正义力量赢得绝对的胜利。我们现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种背信弃义的形式永远不会再次危及到我们。我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。

敌对行动已经存在。无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。相信我们的武装部队，依靠我国人民的坚定决心,我们将取得必然的胜利,愿上帝帮助我们！

我要求国会宣布：自１９４１年１２月７日星期日，日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was

deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false

statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will

gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.-------------------

formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will

gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with

the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they

believed

and were not afraid, we

have so

much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with

her bounty, and human

efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of

public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Y es, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple

to the

ancient truths.A

measure of that restoration lies

in the extent

to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they

teach suthat our

true

destiny is not

to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves,to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct inbanking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and

selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty , on

honor, on the sacredness of our

obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and

action now.Our greatest primary

task is to put

people to work.This

is no unsolvable

problem if

we take

it

wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in

part

by direct

recruiting by the

government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through

this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Y es the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be

helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local

government act

forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be

helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there

must

be an end

to speculation with other people’s

mo ney;

and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special

session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making

income balance outflow.Our

international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world

trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait

on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these

specific means of national

recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United

States of America

–

a

recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American

spirit of the pioneer.It

is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The

neighbor who resolutely

respects himself,and because

he does

so，respects

the rights foothers.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before，our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are laready

and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume

unhesitatingly, the

leadership

of this great

army

of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central

form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And

it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But

it

may be that an

unprecedented demand and need

for undelay

action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with

the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential

democracy.The people of the United

States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate thatey want direct, vigorous action.They

have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made

me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in

this dedication of

th a

nation,we humbly ask the blessings of God,may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.===

第五篇：罗斯福英语演讲稿：对日宣战演讲

罗斯福英语演讲稿：对日宣战演讲（中英对照）

PEARL HARBOR SPEECH

Franklin Delano Roosevelt

December 8, 1941

To the Congress of the United States:

Yesterday, Dec.7, 1941the United States of

America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.Very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American

ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the

Pacific area.The facts of yesterday speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forceswe will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec.7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.要求国会对日本宣战

富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福

副总统先生、议长先生、各位参议员和众议员：

昨天，1941年12月7日，将成为我国的国耻日。美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海、空军有预谋的突然袭击。

在此之前，美国同日本处于和平状态，并应日本之请同该国政府及天皇谈判，指望维持太平洋区域的和平。

日本空军部队在美国的瓦胡岛。开始轰炸一小时后，日本驻美大使及其同僚居然还向美国国务卿递交正式复函，回答美国最近致日本的一封函件。这份复函虽然声言目前的外交谈判已无继续之必要，但却未有威胁的言词，也没有暗示将发动战争或采取军事行动。

夏威夷岛距日本的距离说明此次袭击显然是许多天前甚至几星期前所策划的，此事将记录在案。在此期间，日本政府有意用虚伪的声明和表示继续保持和平的愿望欺骗美国。

日本昨天对夏威夷群岛的袭击，给美国海、陆军造成了严重的破坏。我遗憾地告诉你们：许许多多美国人被炸死。同时，据报告，若干艘美国船只在旧金山与火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上被水雷击中。

昨天，日本政府还发动了对马来亚的袭击。

昨夜日本部队袭击了香港。

昨夜日本部队袭击了关岛。

昨夜日本部队袭击了菲律宾群岛。

昨夜日本部队袭击了威克岛。

今晨日本人袭击了中途岛。

这样，日本就在整个太平洋区域发动了全面的突然袭击。昨天和今天的情况已说明了事实的真相。美国人民已经清楚地了解到这是关系我国存亡安危的问题。

作为海、陆军总司令，我已指令采取一切手段进行防御。

我们将永远记住对我们这次袭击的性质。

无论需要多长时间去击败这次预谋的侵略，美国人民正义在手，有力量夺取彻底的胜利。

我保证我们将完全确保我们的安全，确保我们永不再受到这种背信弃义行为的危害，我相信这话说出了国会和人民的意志。

大敌当前，我国人民、领土和利益正处于极度危险的状态，我们决不可稍有懈怠。

我们相信我们的军队、我们的人民有无比坚定的决心，因此，胜利必定属于我们。愿上帝保佑我们。

我要求国会宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日对我国无故进行卑鄙的袭击，美国同日本已经处于战争状态。