林肯经典演讲词

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第一篇:林肯经典演讲词

林肯竞选总统时曾为脸颊过瘦而大伤脑筋。一位11岁的小女孩格瑞丝·彼黛尔偶然看到林肯画像,不知怎的,她一下子就想到:这个人要有胡子多漂亮啊!彼黛尔立即给林肯写信:“我非常渴望您能当总统。我有四个哥哥,有两个愿意投您的票,您要是留胡子,我会让另外两个哥哥也投您的票,您太瘦了,留了胡子会英俊得多。所有女士都喜欢有胡子的先生,她们的丈夫也会投您的票,您一定会当选。”林肯就任了第16任总统后,直到临死那年还蓄着胡子。林肯曾乘专列来到彼黛尔的家乡,吻着小姑娘说:“你看,为了你,我已经蓄了胡子。”

圣诞节前夕,街上熙熙攘攘的人群变得少了许多。“感谢上帝,今天的生意真不错!”忙碌一天的史密斯夫妇送走了最后一位来鞋店里购鞋的顾客后由衷地感叹道。透过通明的灯火,可以清晰地看到夫妻二人眉宇间的激动与喜悦。

史密斯先生走向门口,准备去搬早晨卸下的门板。他突然在一个放着各式鞋子的玻璃橱窗前停了下来—透过玻璃,他发现了一双孩子的眼睛。

史密斯先生急忙走过去看个仔细:这是一个捡煤屑的穷小子,冻得通红的脚上穿着一双极不合适的大鞋子,落满煤灰的鞋子上早已“千疮百孔”。他看到史密斯先生走近了自己,目光从橱窗里做工精美的鞋子上移开,盯着这位鞋店老板,眼睛里饱含着一种莫名的希冀。

史密斯先生俯下身和蔼地问:“圣诞快乐,我亲爱的孩子,请问我能帮你什么忙吗?”

男孩儿好半天才应道:“我在乞求上帝赐给我一双合适的鞋子,先生,您能帮我把这个愿望转告给他吗?我会感谢您的!”

正在收拾东西的史密斯夫人这时也走了过来,她把这个孩子上下打量了一番,然后把丈夫拉到一边说:“这孩子蛮可怜的,还是答应他的要求吧?”史密斯先生却摇了摇头,不以为然地说:“不,他需要的不是一双鞋子,亲爱的,你把橱窗里最好的棉袜拿来一双,再端一盆温水来,好吗?”史密斯夫人满脸疑惑地走出去。

史密斯先生很快回到孩子身边,告诉男孩儿说:“恭喜你,孩子,我已经把你的想法告诉了上帝,马上就会有答案了。”孩子的脸上这时开始漾起兴奋的笑容。

水端来了,史密斯先生搬了一张小凳子示意孩子坐下,然后脱去男孩儿脚上那双布满尘垢的鞋子。他把男孩儿冻得发紫的双脚放进温水里,揉搓着,语重心长地说:“孩子,真对不起,你要一双鞋子的要求,上帝没有答应你,他说,不能给你一双鞋子,而应当给你一双袜子。”男孩儿脸上的笑容顿时僵住了,失望的眼神充满不解。

史密斯先生急忙补充说:“别急,孩子,你听我把话说明白。我们每个人都会对心中的上帝有所乞求,但是,他不可能给予我们现成的好事,就像每个人都想追求宝藏,但是上帝只能给我们一把铁锹或一张藏宝图,要想获得真正的宝藏还需要我们亲自去挖掘。相信自己,前途才会一片光明啊!

我在小时候也曾乞求上帝赐予我一家鞋店,可上帝只给了我一套做鞋的工具,但我始终相信拿着这套工具并好好利用它,就能获得想要的一切。二十多年过去了,我做过擦鞋童、学徒、修鞋匠、皮鞋设计师„„如今,我不仅拥有了这条大街上最豪华的鞋店,而且拥有了一个美丽的妻子和幸福的家庭。孩子,你也是一样,只要你拿着这双袜子去寻找你梦想的鞋子,永不放弃,那么,你肯定也会成功的。另外,上帝还让我特别叮嘱你:他给你的东西比任何人都丰厚,只要你不怕失败,不怕付出!”

脚洗好了,男孩儿若有所思地从史密斯夫妇手中接过“上帝”赐予他的袜子,像是接住了一份使命,走出了店门。他向前走了几步,又回头望了望这家鞋店,史密斯夫妇正向他挥手:“记住上帝的话,孩子!你会成功的,我们等着你的好消息!”男孩儿一边点头,一边迈着轻快的步子消失在黑夜里。

一晃三十多年过去了,又是一个圣诞节,年逾古稀的史密斯夫妇早晨一开门,就收到了一封陌生人的来信,信中写道:

尊敬的先生和夫人:

您还记得三十多年前那个圣诞节前夜,那个捡煤屑的小伙子吗?他当时乞求上帝赐予他一双鞋子,但是上帝没有给他鞋子,而是别出心裁地送给他一番比黄金还贵重的话和一双袜子。正是这样一双袜子激活了他生命的自信与不屈!这样的帮助比任何同情的施舍都显得重要,给人一双袜子,让他自己去寻找梦想的鞋子,这是你们的伟大智慧。

衷心地感谢你们,善良而智慧的先生和夫人。他拿着你们给的袜子已经找到了对他而言最宝贵的鞋子—他当上了美国的第一位共和党总统。

我就是那个穷小子。

信末的署名是:亚伯拉罕·林肯!名言

专利制度是为天才之火浇上利益之油(The patent system added the fuel of interest to the fire of genius.)

人生最美好的东西,就是他同别人的友谊。

给别人自由和维护自己的自由,两者同样是崇高的事业。我们关心的,不是你是否失败了,而是你对失败能否无怨。好学者必成大器。

事实上教育便是一种早期的习惯。

凡是不给别人自由的人,他们自己就不应该得到自由,而且在公正的上帝统治下,他们也是不能够长远地保持住自由的。大树倒下才量的最准。

预测未来最好的方法就是去创造未来。

与其跟一只狗争路,不如让它先行一步;如果被它咬了一口,你即使把它打死,也不能治好你的伤口。

性格犹如树林,名声犹如它的影子。影子是我们所思考的东西,树就是那个东西。

民有、民治、民享

一个人过了四十岁,应当为自己的长相负责。(当一位友人询问林肯为何回拒他所推荐的阁员人选时)

如果我有第二张脸,我还需要用原本这张吗?(林肯的政敌批评林肯有“两面三刀”时的幽默回应。因为就政治人物而言,林肯的长相极不讨喜,像个野猴)你可以在一时蒙骗所有人,也可以在长时间蒙骗一些人,但不可能在长时间蒙骗所有的人。

想了解一个人的个性,那就赋予他权力。自然界里喷泉的高度不会超过它的源头,一个人最终能取得的成就不会超过他的目标!

每个人都应该有这样的信心:人所能负的责任,我必能负;人所不能负的责任,我亦能负。如此,你才能磨练自己,求得更高的知识而进入更高的境界。我不一定会胜利,但定会真诚行事。我不一定会成功,但会保持一贯的信念。我会和任何正直持平等观念的人并肩而立。

永远记住,你自己决心成功比其他什么都重要。伟大的将军是自我实现的人。

一个裂开的房子是站立不住的,我不希望这个房子塌下去。我所希望的是它结束分裂,成为一个完整的整体。演说

一、葛底斯堡演说词 亚伯拉罕·林肯

八十七年前,我们的先辈在这个大陆上建立起一个崭新的国家。这个国家以自由为理想,奉行所有人生来平等的原则。

我们正在进行一场伟大的国内战争。我们的国家或任何一个有着同样理想与目标的国家能否长久存在,这次战争是一场考验。现在我们——在这场战争的一个伟大战场[4]上——聚会在一起,将这战场上的一小块土地奉献给那些为国家生存而英勇捐躯的人们,作为他们最后的安息之地。我们这样做是完全适当的、应该的。

然而,从深一层的意义上说来,我们没有能力奉献这块土地,没有能力使这块土地变得更为神圣。因为在这里进行过斗争的、活着的和已经死去的勇士们,已经使这块土地变得这样圣洁,我们的微力已不足以对它有所扬抑。我今天在这里说的话,也许世人不会注意也不会记住,但是这些英雄的业绩,人们会永世不忘。

我们后来者应该做的,是献身于英雄们曾在此为之奋斗、努力推进但尚未完成的工作。我们应该献身于他们遗留给我们的伟大任务。我们的先烈已将自己的全部精诚赋予我们的事业,我们应从他们的榜样中汲取更多的精神力量,决心使他们的鲜血不至白流。在上帝的护佑下,我们的国家将获得自由的新生。我们这个民有、民治、民享的政府将永存于世上。

(简介:这是林肯1863年11月19[5]日在葛底斯堡阵亡将士公墓落成仪式上发表的演说,是公认的英语演讲的最高典范。)The Gettysburg Address Gettysburg, Pennsylvania November 19, 1863-Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.-Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives.That nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.-But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.-It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before usthat cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotionthat these dead shall not have died in vainand that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.(By Abraham Lincoln)

二、林肯第二次就职演说

(1865年3月4日)

各位同胞:

在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中,不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候,对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明,似乎是适当的。如今四年任期已满,在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀,还且占用了国家大部分力量——都经常发布文告,所以如今很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展,是一切其它问题的关键所在,各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的,而我相信进展的情况,可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望,那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

四年之前在与此同一场合里,所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它,想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说,竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦,然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦,并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争,可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存,另一方则宁可接受这场战争,而不愿国家灭亡,于是战争就来临了。

我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴,他们并非遍布整个联邦,而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益,反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦,而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初,任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到那么大的范围,持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止,甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利,都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经,祈祷于同一个上帝,甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方,人们竟敢求助于上帝,来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包,这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家,免得别人判断我们。

我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿,而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难,因为罪恶总是要来的;然而那个作恶的人,要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一,而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免,但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间,他如今便要消除这些罪恶;假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上,作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚,难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着,我们热忱地祈祷着,希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是,假使上帝要让战争再继续下去,直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有,并像三千年前所说的那样,等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血,被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消,那么我们仍然只能说,「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。

我们对任何人都不怀恶意,我们对任何人都抱好感,上帝让我们看到正确的事,我们就坚定地信那正确的事,让我们继续奋斗,以完成我们正在进行的工作,去治疗国家的创伤,去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀,尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。

(简介:一八**年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时,美国仍为内战所分裂。当时战争的结果仍不能确定,而林肯的再度当选,成为北方人民决心作战到底争取最后胜利的一个令人振奋的表现。一八六五年三月四日当林肯宣誓就职时,局势清楚显示北方即将战胜,战争行将结束。在这篇就职演讲词中,林肯致力于讨论战后美国人民将面临的重大课题。林肯希望避免一切过错与惩罚的问题。当他准备实施这项政策时,一个刺客的枪弹葬送了他的崇高理想。)Second Inaugural Address

by Abraham Lincoln March 4, 1865

Fellow-Countrymen:

At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.All dreaded it;all sought to avert it.While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation.Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it.Their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained.Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other.It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged.That of neither has been answered fully.The Almighty has His own purposes.“Woe unto the world because of offenses;for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet.”

If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him?

Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that thi——ighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said “The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.” With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.

第二篇:美国总统林肯葛底斯堡演讲词

The Gettysburg Address by Abraham Lincoln 美国总统林肯葛底斯堡演讲词

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.87年以前, 我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家。它孕育于自由之中, 奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战, 以考验这个国家, 或者说以考验任何一个孕育于自由而奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大war field战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存survive and exist下去而献出了自己的生命, 我们在此集会是为了把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的fitted for。

But in a large sense we cannot dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here;but it can never forget what they did here.但是, 从更广泛的意义上来说, 这块土地我们不能够奉献, 我们不能够圣化, 我们不能够神化apotheosize。曾在这里战斗过的勇士们, 活着的和去世的, 已经把这块土地神圣化了, 这远不是我担微薄的力量所能增减minus的。全世界将很少observe注意到、也不会长期地记起我们今天在这里所说的话, 但全世界永远不会忘记勇士们在这里所做过的事。

It is for us the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us---that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion---that we here highly revolve that these dead shall not have died in vain---that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.毋宁说, 倒是我们这些还活着的人, 应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务, 以便使我们从这些光荣的死者glorious身上汲取更多的献身精神, 来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;以便使我们在这里下定最大的决心, 不让这些死者白白牺牲, 以便使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生a new lease of life 新生, 并且使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

(This is the article the students have to recite.)

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.87年以前, 我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家。它孕育于自由之中, 奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But in a large sense we cannot dedicate, we can not consecrate, we can not hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here;but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us---that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion---that we here highly revolve that these dead shall not have died in vain---that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.(This is the article the students have to recite.)

87年以前, 我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家。它孕育于自由之中, 奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战, 以考验这个国家, 或者说以考验任何一个孕育于自由而奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大war field战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存survive and exist下去而献出了自己的生命, 我们在此集会是为了把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的fitted for。

但是, 从更广泛的意义上来说, 这块土地我们不能够奉献, 我们不能够 圣化, 我们不能够神化apotheosize。曾在这里战斗过的勇士们, 活着的和去世的, 已经把这块土地神圣化了, 这远不是我担微薄的力量所能增减minus的。全世界将很少observe注意到、也不会长期地记起我们今天在这里所说的话, 但全世界永远不会忘记勇士们在这里所做过的事。

毋宁说, 倒是我们这些还活着的人, 应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此

崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务, 以便使我们从这些光荣的死者glorious身上汲取更多的献身精神, 来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;以便使我们在这里下定最大的决心, 不让这些死者白白牺牲, 以便使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生a new lease of life 新生, 并且使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

第三篇:林肯葛底斯堡演讲词

林肯葛底斯堡演讲词

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.八十七年前我们的先辈在这块大陆上建立了一个新的国家,这个国家在争取自由中诞生,忠于人人生来平等这一信念。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.目前我们正进行这一场伟大的国内战争,战争考验着以上述信念立国的我们或其他国家,是否能长期坚持下去。今天我们在这场战争的战场上集会,来把战场的一角奉献给为我们国家的生存而捐躯的人们,作为他们的安息之地。这是我们应该做的事。

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate – we cannot consecrate – we cannot hallow – this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us – that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion;that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain;that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.但是,从更大的意义上说,我们无权把这块土地奉献给他们,我们不能使这块土地增加光彩,成为圣地。这是那些活着的或已经死去的、曾经在这里战斗过的英雄们才使这块土地成为神圣之土,我们无力使之增减一分。我们在这里说些什么,世人不会注意,也不会长期记住,但是英雄们的行动却永远不会被人们遗忘。这更要求我们这些活着的人去继续英雄们为之战斗并使之前进的未竟事业。我们还需要继续为摆在我们面前的伟大的事业献身——更忠诚于先烈们为之献出了生命的事业;我们决不能让先烈们的鲜血白流;——我们这个国家在上帝的保佑下,要争得自由的新生;这个民有、民治、民享的政府一定要永远在地球上存在下去。

Abraham Lincoln and His Gettysburg Address 林肯和他的葛底斯堡演讲

Late in the evening of November 17, 1863 William Slade, a servant at the White House, called at the President’s study to see whether Lincoln needed anything.Slade was a free colored man from Virginia.His job was the buying of food used in the White House.Lincoln liked Slade, often talked with him, asking his opinion about different matters.1863年11月17日的深夜,白宫的一个佣人威廉·斯莱德走进总统的书房,问林肯是否还需要什么东西。斯莱德是个自由的黑人,来自弗吉尼亚州。他的工作是给白宫采购食品。林肯喜欢他,常常和他谈话并就各种问题征求他的意见。“Listen to this, William,” Lincoln said.“See how you think it sounds.” Lincoln then read aloud the short speech he had written.“你听听这个,”威廉林肯说。“看你听了觉得怎么样。”林肯把写好的那篇短短的演讲稿大声地念给他听。

“I like it, Mr.President,” Slade said.“It sounds good.” 斯莱德说:“很好,总统先生,听起来挺不错。”

But Lincoln himself was mot at all satisfied with what he had written.The next day, on the train to Gettysburg, he again worked on the speech briefly.Later that same evening, in the small Gettysburg hotel room where he stayed that night, he did some more work on it.Lincoln was physically very tired.His mind was troubled by the many serious problems of war and government.It was difficult for him to think.可是林肯自己却对他写的一点也不满意。第二天,在前往葛底斯堡的火车上,他对稿子又略加修改。晚上在他所住的葛底斯堡旅馆的小房间里,他又把讲稿再推敲了一番。林肯很累。战争和政府的许多严重的问题困扰着他,思想很难集中。In any case, the speech was short – which was the way Lincoln wanted it.He was mot the main speaker.The speaker of the day was Edward Everett.recognized as probably the greatest orator of the period.Everett was also a very distinguished man.He had been governor of Massachusetts, ambassador to Great Britain, president of Harvard College.There already existed four printed volumes of Everett’s public speeches.但是,这篇演讲很短,林肯就要它短。那天的主要发言人是爱德华·艾弗莱特,不是林肯。爱德华·艾弗莱特要算是当时最有口才的演说家了。他是一位杰出的人物,当过马萨诸塞州的州长,美国驻英国大使和哈佛大学的校长。他的演说集已经出了四册。

Lincoln, on the other hand, was not considered an orator.He was a good political speaker, and in his political campaigns had proven himself quite capable.But on this occasion something more serious was demanded.At first, the officials in charge of the ceremony had not even wanted to invite Lincoln.Lincoln received only a printed notice of the event.But later, two weeks before the actual ceremony, he was asked, mainly for political reasons, to “say a few words” at the close of Mr.Everett’s address.Even then, some of the newspapers objected, claiming that the President was sure to take advantage of the situation to make a political show.而林肯并没有认为他擅长演讲,但他能做很好的政治讲话,在政治活动中显示了充分的才干。但是这个场合对林肯提出了更高的要求。本来负责组织这次典礼的官员根本不想请林肯,后来主要出于政治上的考虑,在举行仪式的两周前才给他发了一个打印的通知,请他在艾弗莱特先生演讲之后“讲几句话”。即使如此,有些报纸还反对,说什么总统肯定会利用这次机会大捞政治资本。

At eleven o’clock the following morning, the parade from the town of Gettysburg to the cemetery began.Lincoln rode a horse.Those who saw him said that he bent forward even more than usual, looked particularly worn and tired.The group arrived at the place set for the ceremony at about eleven fifteen.Mr.Everett had not yet come.Bands played continuously to pass the time.At noon, Mr.Everett finally appeared.第二天上午十一点从葛底斯堡到墓地的游行开始了。林肯骑在马上。当时看见他的人说他比平时更加弯腰躬背,显得特别疲劳。大约十一时十五分,游行队伍不断奏乐以消磨时间。中午时分,艾弗莱特先生总算来了。

There were some 15,000 people present.On the platform with Lincoln sat state governors, army officers, foreign ambassadors, members of congress.Mr.Everett first addressed the President, then began his long expected speech.His speech was typical of the extended and colorful public speaking of that period.Among other things, he touched on the geography of the area, the three day battle, European history, Greek history, State’s Rights.The speech lasted for an hour and fifty-seven minutes.At its close, the audience answered with applause which was properly loud and long.那天的会约有一万五千人出席。和林肯一起坐在主席台上的有各州州长、军官、外国大使、议员等。艾弗莱特先生先向总统致意,然后发表人们引颈以待的长篇演说。他的演说是当时流行的那种词藻华丽而又冗长的典型。他谈到葛斯底堡一带的地理,三天的战争,欧洲、希腊的历史,州的权力问题,等等,等等。讲了一小时五十七分钟。结束时,听从报以响亮的,长度恰如其分的掌声。

Lincoln then rose to speak.Everett was a tall, very handsome man, who always dressed extremely well, Lincoln’s bent and tired figure, his careless dress were in strong contrast to the impression left by Everett.Lincoln put on his glassed, took from his inside coat pocket the two small sheets of paper on which he had written his speech.However, by this time he knew most of the speech from memory, so he referred to the sheets only briefly.He spoke slowly and clearly, but his speech lasted just five minutes.It contained only nine sentences, ending with the famous words concerning a “government of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

接着林肯站起来讲话。艾弗莱特个子高高的,英俊潇洒,衣着讲究。林肯却是疲惫躬腰不修边幅,在艾弗莱特面前,显得相形见绌。林肯戴上眼镜,从上衣夹层的口袋里掏出两张小纸片的讲话稿。但此时对讲话的内容他已大致记熟,只偶尔地向稿纸瞟上一眼。他讲得慢而清楚,只讲了五分钟,九句话。讲话以“一个民有、民治、民享的政府”这句名言结束。

Lincoln spoke with honor of the war dead at Gettysburg, saying, “The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.” But he placed chief emphasis upon the task ahead, the task so dear to his own heart.That of preserving the Union and carrying forward the principles of democracy upon which the country was based.林肯高度赞颂在葛底斯堡之战中捐躯的将士,他说:“我们在这里说些什么,世人不会注意,也不会长期记住,但是英雄们的行动却永远不会被人遗忘”。林肯着重讲了今后的任务,也是他的心愿,即维护合众国不致分裂,并把作为建国基础的民主原则贯彻到底。

When Lincoln finished, there was a moment of silence – not out of respect or admiration for anything he had said.The audience simply expected a longer speech, When Lincoln returned to his seat, there was polite applause.“The ceremony then being over, the crowd broke up quickly and lost no time in returning to their homes.”

林肯讲完后,全场沉默片刻。这并非对他的讲话相肃然起敬,而是人们没有想到他的演说这么短。林肯回到座位上时,听众中发出几声出自礼貌的掌声。然后,仪式结束,人们纷纷退场,赶紧各自回家去了。

No one at the time seemed much impressed by Lincoln’s speech.That night, on the train back to Washington, Lincoln bay stretched out on a seat, tired and discouraged.He said to a companion, “That speech was a flat failure, and the people are disappointed.” Most of the newspapers seemed to feel the same way.They called the speech unimportant, even foolish.One writer went so far as to say that every American should feel ashamed that the President of the United States had to express himself in such a stupid manner.林肯的演讲似乎在当时没有给人留下什么深刻的印象。当晚在回华盛顿的火车上,林肯摊手摊脚地坐在位子上,疲倦,沮丧。他对人说:“那篇演讲糟透了,令人失望”。多数报纸也是这个看法,说那篇演讲无足轻重,甚至是可笑的。有一个作者竟然说堂堂美国总统,讲话如此愚蠢,这是每个美国人的耻辱。Yet others saw in the speech what later served to establish it as a part of English literature, namely, the simple and direct style, the expression in almost perfect language of the central idea for which Lincoln lived and died.Edward Everett’s opinion was typical of this point of view when, the next day, he wrote the following note to Lincoln, “I should be glad if I could flatter myself that I came to near to the central idea of the occasion in two hours as you did in two minutes.” Lincoln’s answer was also typical.He replied to Everett, saying.“You could not have been excused to make a short address, nor I a long one.I am pleased to know that, in your judgment, the little I did say was not entirely a failure.” 有人当时就看到了后来使这篇演讲成为英文文学中的精品的特点,它以朴素无华的风格,无懈可击的语言阐明了林肯毕业为之奋斗和献身的中心思想。爱德华·艾弗莱特第二天写给林肯的条子很能代表这个看法。他写道:“恕我大言不惭,我用了两小时总算接触到了您所阐明的那个中心思想。而您只用了两分钟就说得明明白白。”林肯的答复也是文如其人:“您做简短的演讲,人们不会原谅,正如我作长篇演讲人们不会原谅一样。您认为我那短短的讲话还不是彻底失败,我感到十分高兴。“

第四篇:林肯[范文]

林肯在葛底斯堡的演讲

《林肯在葛底斯堡的演讲》是南北内战中为纪念在葛底斯堡战役中阵亡战士所做的一篇演讲。是林肯最出名的演讲,也是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一,用时不到2分钟

1863年7月3日葛底斯堡战役是美国南北战争中最为残酷的一战,这是南北战争的转折点。这场战役交战双方共死了51000人,而当时美国只有几百万人口。四个月后林肯总统到葛底斯堡战场访问,为这场伟大战役的阵亡将士墓举行落成仪式。

这篇演说是在1863年11月19日发表的。这篇演讲被认为是英语演讲中的最高典范,尤其重要的是,林肯在演讲中表达了一个政府存在的目的——民有、民治、民享。其演讲手稿被藏于美国国会图书馆,其演说辞被铸成金文,长存于牛津大学。至今,人们也常在许多重要场合提起或朗诵它。

虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说,但它没有好战之气。相反,这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞,赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们,以及他们为之献身的那些理想。

The Gettysburg Address Gettysburg, Pennsylvania November 19, 1863

Fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.八十七年前,我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则

Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

主讲:亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间:1863年11月19日

地点:美国,宾夕法尼亚,葛底斯堡

八十七年前,我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是,从更广泛的意义上说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

第五篇:林肯总统在葛底斯堡的著名演讲词

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the

unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.(中文演讲词)

林肯在葛底斯堡战场的演说

八十七年前,我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者说以考验任何一个孕育于自由而奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。

我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们在此集会是为了把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是,从更广泛的意义上来说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,我们不能够圣化,我们不能够神化。曾经在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地神圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。全世界将很少注意到,也不会长期地记起我们今天 在这里所说的话,但全世界永远不会忘记勇士们在这里做过的事。勿宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚 未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉

献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务,以便使我们从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的奉献精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底 为之献身的事业;以便使我们在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者们白白牺牲;以便使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生,并且使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永 世长存。

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