Abraham Lincoln就职演讲文稿（范文模版）

第一篇：Abraham Lincoln就职演讲文稿（范文模版）

Abraham Lincoln

Speeches

First Inaugural Address

Fellow-citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken as President “before he enters on the execution of his office.”

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss the matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do not but quote from one of these speeches which I declare that “I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them.And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:--”Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.“ I now reiterate these sentiments;and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor.The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:--”No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.“

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves;and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution-to this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause ”shall be delivered up,“ their oaths and unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority;but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is to be done.And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that ”the citizens of each State shall be entitled the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States“?

I take the official oath today with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules.And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the executive branch of the government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceable unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak;but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.the Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.If was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And, finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was ”to form a more perfect Union.“

But if the destruction of the Union by one or by part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union: that resolves and ordinances to the effect are legally void;and the acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, and insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken;and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part;and I shall perform it so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed of violence;and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and placed belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these officers, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such officers.The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.to those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so great a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes would it now be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from--will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.It is true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not.Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of a clearly written constitutional right, it might , in a moral point of view, justify revolution--certainly would if such a right were a vital one.But such is not our case.All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them.But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions.Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say.May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.From questions of this class spring all over constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities.If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease.There is no other alternative;for continuing the government is acquiescence on one side or the other.If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them;for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority.For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.Is there such a perfect identity of interest among the States to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession?

Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people.whoever rejects it does, of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism.Unanimity is impossible;the rule of a minority;as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible;so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court;no do I deny that such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the government.and while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice.At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, upon vital questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court of the judges.It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended.This is the only substantial dispute.The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself.The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each.This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured;and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before.The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.Physically speaking, we cannot separate.We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them.A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other;but the different parts of our country could not do this.They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.It is possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always;and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.Whether they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended.While I make no recommendation of amendments, I full recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of modes prescribed in the instrument itself;and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it.I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service.To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fit terms for the separation of the States.The people themselves can do this also if they choose;but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it.His duty is to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith or being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of American People.By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief;and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals.While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years.My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject.Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, the subject will be frustrated by taking time;but no good object can be frustrated by it.Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it;while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either.If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side of the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action.Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mime, is the momentous issue of civil war.The government will not assail you.You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to ”preserve, protect, and defend it.“ I am loath to close.We are not enemies, but friends.We must not be enemies.Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over the broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.The Gettysburg Address Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war;testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have consecrated it, far and above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.Second Inaugural Address

Fellow Countrymen: At this second appearing to take the oath of presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper.Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phrase of the great contest which still absorbers the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is at well known to the public as to myself;and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.On the occasion to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.All dreaded it--all sought to avert it.While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide efforts, by negotiation.Both parties deprecate war;but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive;and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.And the war came.One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it.These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war.To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war;while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained.Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease.Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God;and each invokes his aid against the other.It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces;but let us judge not, that we be not judged.The prayers of both could not be answered--that of neither has been answered fully.The almighty has his own purposes.”Woe unto the world because of offenses!for it must needs be that offenses come;but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.“ If we shall suppose that American slavery is one which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to him? Fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away.Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, ”The judgements of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."

With malice toward none;with charity for all;with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in;to bind up the nation's wounds;to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations.

第二篇：演讲文稿

演讲稿

尊敬的各位老师、亲爱的同事们：

大家上午好!

我是来自人事部的季兴盛，泰州人，性格稳重。下面是我的竞职演讲：

我很高兴能站在这里同大家参加竞选。拿破仑曾说过：“不想当元帅的士兵不是好兵”。我想我不仅要做元帅，而且要做一名出色的、成功的、能为大家谋利益的元帅——人事部部长。我自信在你们各位的帮助下，我能胜任这项工作。先来说说我为什么想来竞选！。

在人事部，我是大一干事之一，起初加入人事部是为了凑热闹，因为我本来就是一个爱热闹的男孩子，但时间长了之后，才觉得人事部作为一个服务于内部的团体，是提高人工作能力的地方。我深深的被它给征服了！我对自己说，一定要坚持到底，培养自己对工作的胜任能力。

假如我当选人事部部长，在工作中，紧密围绕学生会中心工作，积极开展适合同学们特点各项活动，协助学生会搞好、创造好的环境。让人事部成为学生会内部沟通的桥梁和纽带，加强各个部门的协作交流，共同进步。

假如我当选人事部部长，这对于我来说也是一种挑战！我的首要任务是加强自身建设，发扬优良传统，在工作中不断塑造自己的性格，力争做到位，同时，我还严格要求自己，使工作精益求精。

竞争给优胜者带来欢乐，但同时又给失败者带来痛楚，但我想无论我竞选成功与否，我都坦然处之，因为一个懂得竞争真谛的人绝不会因为某次失利而耿耿于怀。希望是自信的动力，自信是成功的源泉，我坚信，通过今天的洗礼，明天的我必将受益匪浅，在人事部的工作锻炼中，一只雏鸟必将长起丰满的双翼。我也坚信，青春的舞台由我主宰会更好!最后，真诚地请各位支持我，投我一票!谢谢！我的演讲到此结束！

第三篇：演讲文稿

第五届教师教育经典阅读演讲大赛

教学勇气-漫步教师心灵

第一次拿起这本书，很自然地大概翻阅一遍，第一反应是，这内容对于我这个刚步入教师队伍新老师有点“深奥”了。书的封面设计简单纯粹，特别是副标题——《漫步教师心灵》，“漫步”两个字，着实吸引了我。后来去了解一下。帕克.帕尔默，加州大学伯克莱分校博士。美国高等教育协会高级理事、Fetzer 研究所高级顾问。一位备受尊敬的作家和教师。本书的副标题英文名称是Exploring The Landscape Of Teacher's Life，直译就是探索一个教师生命中的内部风景，吴国珍等翻译为漫步教师心灵。我有些明白了，顾名思义，本书主要是探索教师的内心生活。

对我来说，读书之美妙不仅在于书本身的好，还在于我是在一个适当的时候遇上了它。在已经历了两年的教学实践，开始对教育教学问题自觉思考之时，我有幸再次与帕尔默的《教学勇气——漫步教师心灵》相遇，看作者从关注教师心灵的角度来解读教师，解读教学，解读教育,让我有豁然开朗，重获教育生命之感。

当初刚刚走上讲台，面对让我棘手的课堂，我总喜欢这样安慰自己：等我再多教几年书，多一些经验，一切都会好起来的。而如今,已上了快半个学期的课程，每每走进课堂时，却并不如我当初所想的那样游刃有余。我依然困惑，依然茫然，依然是每节课后，我都能找到一大堆存在的问题，以致于我有时都怀疑自己到底适不适合做一名教师。我常常为教学而痛苦，为教学设计时无法找到一个恰当的切入点，为课堂上无法激起所有学生的学习热情，为教学时不能作出迅捷的明智的引导，为苦心孤诣的教育却看不到相应的效果……

以上的感受,相信很多老师都有，我们热爱教育，同时为教育痛苦。我们不辞辛苦，我们乐意学习，我们希望自己的教学生涯充满成功。但现实往往是不尽如人意。有时，我们甚至想放弃，失去了继续努力的勇气。

为什么会处于这样一种状态中呢？是学科知识的浅薄？是教育方法、技巧的缺乏，还是对学生的研究不够？我们自我反思着。反思中，唯独缺少了对自己内心的关注。然而，帕尔默告诉我，核心问题是“认识自我”，是自我认同和自身完整。他说：“当我还不了解自我时，我就不了解我的学生们是

第五届教师教育经典阅读演讲大赛

谁。……当我还不了解自我时，我也不能够懂得我的学科。”优秀教学需要教师的内心世界资源，因此，我们要去探索教师的心灵世界。这是帕尔默独特的眼光，崭新的视角。

读书也如作者谈的教书一样，是需要“自身认同”的，只有我们内心认同了的书，才能对我们发挥作用。“一切阅读都是以自身底色作基础。”能够进入心灵的阅读才是愉快的有效的阅读。在阅读此书的过程中，最令我愉快的是，时时都有美丽的风景。如作者关于“恐惧”文化的论述，对教学实践中六大悖论的诠释，对教育改革计划的论证等。在反复阅读《教学勇气》一书的过程中，我不断有新的发现和感动，惊奇于这本书丰富的资源。我会继续阅读，继续发现，也希望更多的朋友去探索其中的宝藏，共享这美妙的教育经典。

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第四篇：演讲文稿

教学勇气-漫步教师心灵

第一次拿起这本书，很自然地大概翻阅一遍，第一反应是，这内容对于我这个刚大学毕业的新老师有点“深奥”了。书的封面设计简单纯粹，特别是副标题——《漫步教师心灵》，“漫步”两个字，着实吸引了我。后来去了解一下。帕克 ·J ·帕尔默，加州大学伯克莱分校博士。美国高等教育协会高级理事、Fetzer 研究所高级顾问。一位备受尊敬的作家和教师。本书的副标题英文名称是Exploring The Landscape Of Teacher's Life，直译就是探索一个教师生命中的内部风景，吴国珍等翻译为漫步教师心灵。我有些明白了，顾名思义，本书主要是探索教师的内心生活。

对我来说，读书之美妙不仅在于书本身的好，还在于我是在一个适当的时候遇上了它。在已经历了几年的教学实践，开始对教育教学问题自觉思考之时，我有幸与帕尔默的《教学勇气——漫步教师心灵》相遇，看作者从关注教师心灵的角度来解读教师，解读教学，解读教育,让我有豁然开朗，重获教育生命之感。

当初刚刚走上讲台，面对让我棘手的课堂，我总喜欢这样安慰自己：等我再多教几年书，多一些经验，一切都会好起来的。而如今,已上了快半个学期的课程，每每走进课堂时，却并不如我当初所想的那样游刃有余。我依然困惑，依然茫然，依然是每节课后，我都能找到一大堆存在的问题，以致于我有时都怀疑自己到底适不适合做一名教师。我常常为教学而痛苦，为教学设计时无法找到一个恰当的切入点，为课堂上无法激起所有学生的学习热情，为教学时不能作出迅捷的明智的引导，为苦心孤诣的教育却看不到相应的效果„„

以上的感受,相信很多老师都有，我们热爱教育，同时为教育痛苦。我们不辞辛苦，我们乐意学习，我们希望自己的教学生涯充满成功。但现实往往是不尽如人意。有时，我们甚至想放弃，失去了继续努力的勇气。

为什么会处于这样一种状态中呢？是学科知识的浅薄？是教育方法、技巧的缺乏，还是对学生的研究不够？我们自我反思着。反思中，唯独缺少了对自己内心的关注。然而，帕尔默告诉我，核心问题是“认识自我”，是自我认同和自身完整。他说：“当我还不了解自我时，我就不了解我的学生们是谁。„„当我还不了解自我时，我也不能够懂得我的学科。”优秀教学需要教师的内心世界资源，因此，我们要去探索教师的心灵世界。这是帕尔默独特的眼光，崭新的视角。

读书也如作者谈的教书一样，是需要“自身认同”的，只有我们内心认同了的书，才能对我们发挥作用。“一切阅读都是以自身底色作基础。”能够进入心灵的阅读才是愉快的有效的阅读。在阅读此书的过程中，最令我愉快的是，时时都有美丽的风景。如作者关于“恐惧”文化的论述，对教学实践中六大悖论的诠释，对教育改革计划的论证等。在反复阅读《教学勇气》一书的过程中，我不断有新的发现和感动，惊奇于这本书丰富的资源。我会继续阅读，继续发现，也希望更多的朋友去探索其中的宝藏，共享这美妙的教育经典。

亭北庄学校：刘丽萍

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第五篇：就职演讲

就职演讲稿

各位领导、老师同学们：

大家晚上好！我是新一届自律会主任李明巍。

此时此刻，站在这里，我思绪万千。坦白的说，接过闪耀着激情与光辉的旗帜，接过这沉甸甸的责任与嘱托，我的心情复杂而凝重。首先我必须感谢自律会，感谢老师和同学们给予的信任与支持。两年来，目睹着各部门不断的开拓与发展，各项规章制度的逐渐完善，各个朋友的不断成熟，我也在其中不断的成长。与自律会共同走过的每段路途，都在我生命的旅程中留下前进的轨迹。而今天站在这里接受重任，不仅是对我成长的检验，更是我对自己的一次挑战。为此，我可以承诺，对即将为自律会付出的一切，我无怨无悔。

自律会是在学生处的直接领导和正确指导下开展工作的学生组织，是切实为同学服务的团体。我校第七届自律会是开拓创新不断进取的一届，更是取得辉煌成绩的一届。正如源祥主任所说的各项工作和活动，都在进一步的不断完善，也都取得了优秀的成绩。对我印象最深的是，自律会的两个大型活动“社区文化节”和“社区吉尼斯”的成功举办，丰富的同学们的社区生活，同时也为同学们提供了展示自己才艺的舞台。当然我们的成就不仅只体现在这两个大型活动上，各部门开展的各项日常工作和活动都是非常有意义的，就如：督导部的查违规电器减轻了社区的安全隐患、管理部的卫生检查促进了社区的美化、权益部的3.15活动提高了同学们的维权意识、社区生活报的文章丰富了同学们的精神文化生活，等等。眼前的成就都是从各部

门平凡的日常工作中取得，是所有第七届成员共同努力地结果。

当然在取得以上成绩的同时，由于时间有限和其他客观原因，自律会在发展的道路中也存在着一些问题。刚才源祥主任已经说了很多了，我这里在强调三点。1自律会各部门在工作的交流与合作还有所不足。2各部门成员在工作职责不够明确，考核制度不够完善，致使部门成员在工做中缺少准则等。3由于我们的工作性质，很多工作不被同学理解，造成成员们的工作激情有所减弱。

前人优秀的方面我们需要传承与发扬，不足的地方我们需要改善与创新，针对以上存在的问题，新学年我打算采取以下措施：1通过各种方法增强各部门的各项交流，比如校自律会各部门座谈交流会、趣味小互动、友谊拔河赛等等 2通过对考核制度的完善，加强对自律会全体干部、委员的考核，调动大家的积极性，让日后的工作做到有据可依。3在做好本职工作的同时，做好各项宣传，将我们的工作与同学们形成互动，努力一同建设和谐社区4还有其他的不足在新学年的工作中，我会用我的行动逐一做好。

自律会是把神圣火炬，我们每个人都是火炬手。接下本届自律会承前启后的一棒，新的团队，新的机遇，新的挑战，我深知肩上的任务之重。我可以并希望大家也能充分预见到，在今后的工作中，我们将面临各种压力与挑战，我们必须有魄力、有信心、有步骤地一一克服。压力很大，但我们永不放弃超越。每个人的力道虽然微薄，但自律会集体的能量是巨大的。

“聚是一团火，散是满天星。”面对如此优秀、团结的队伍，我不必再说多么美好的誓言。‘低调做人，高调做事’，这是我欣赏的一句话，也将成为我对自律会的诠释。今晚此刻我有一个梦想，希望在座的新一届自律会成员、特别是10级的新生，你们是自律会的明天，是自律会的未来。我相信通过我们的努力，在自律会这个温暖的大家庭中，我们可以继续不断完善自己、磨练自己、施展自己。我们将一道尽自己的智慧与力量去拼搏、去奋斗，去争取一颗平常心，一步一个脚印地完成蜕去稚嫩、走向成熟的心路历程，做好我们自律会。

再次感谢学生处领导对我们的栽培，感谢同学们对我们的信任，我们不会辜负大家的厚望。我们会用自己的行动，让你们看到一个崭新的自律会。谢谢！