蔡英文总统就职演说中英文全文范文大全

第一篇：蔡英文总统就职演说中英文全文

蔡英文总统就职演说中英文全文(发稿时间：2016/05/20 11:40)

各位友邦的元首与贵宾、各国驻台使节及代表、现场的好朋友，全体国人同胞，大家好!感谢与承担, 就在刚刚，我和陈建仁已经在总统府里面，正式宣誓就任中华民国第十四任总统与副总统。我们要感谢这块土地对我们的栽培，感谢人民对我们的信任，以及，最重要的，感谢这个国家的民主机制，让我们透过和平的选举过程，实现第三次政党轮替，并且克服种种不确定因素，顺利渡过长达四个月的交接期，完成政权和平移转。

台湾，再一次用行动告诉世界，作为一群民主人与自由人，我们有坚定的信念，去捍卫民主自由的生活方式。这段旅程，我们每一个人都参与其中。亲爱的台湾人民，我们做到了。

我要告诉大家，对于一月十六日的选举结果，我从来没有其他的解读方式。人民选择了新总统、新政府，所期待的就是四个字：解决问题。此时此刻，台湾的处境很困难，迫切需要执政者义无反顾的承担。这一点，我不会忘记。

我也要告诉大家，眼前的种种难关，需要我们诚实面对，需要我们共同承担。所以，这个演说是一个邀请，我邀请全体国人同胞一起来，扛起这个国家的未来。国家不会因为领导人而伟大；全体国民的共同奋斗，才让这个国家伟大。总统该团结的不只是支持者，总统该团结的是整个国家。团结是为了改变，这是我对这个国家最深切的期待。在这里，我要诚恳地呼吁，请给这个国家一个机会，让我们抛下成见，抛下过去的对立，我们一起来完成新时代交给我们的使命。在我们共同奋斗的过程中，身为总统，我要向全国人民宣示，未来我和新政府，将领导这个国家的改革，展现决心，绝不退缩。为年轻人打造一个更好的国家.未来的路并不好走，台湾需要一个正面迎向一切挑战的新政府，我的责任就是领导这个新政府。

我们的年金制度，如果不改，就会破产。

我们僵化的教育制度，已经逐渐与社会脉动脱节。

我们的能源与资源十分有限，我们的经济缺乏动能，旧的代工模式已经面临瓶颈，整个国家极需要新的经济发展模式。

我们的人口结构急速老化，长照体系却尚未健全。

我们的人口出生率持续低落，完善的托育制度却始终遥遥无期。我们环境污染问题仍然严重。我们国家的财政并不乐观。我们的司法已经失去人民的信任。我们的食品安全问题，困扰着所有家庭。我们的贫富差距越来越严重。我们的社会安全网还是有很多破洞。

最重要的，我要特别强调，我们的年轻人处于低薪的处境，他们的人生，动弹不得，对于未来，充满无奈与茫然。

年轻人的未来是政府的责任。如果不友善的结构没有改变，再多个人菁英的出现，都不足以让整体年轻人的处境变好。我期许自己，在未来的任期之内，要一步一步，从根本的结构来解决这个国家的问题。

这就是我想为台湾的年轻人做的事。虽然我没有办法立刻帮所有的年轻人加薪，但是我愿意承诺，新政府会立刻展开行动。请给我们一点时间，也请跟我们一起走上改革的这一条路。

改变年轻人的处境，就是改变国家的处境。一个国家的年轻人没有未来，这个国家必定没有未来。帮助年轻人突破困境，实现世代正义，把一个更好的国家交到下一代手上，就是新政府重大的责任。第一、经济结构的转型

要打造一个更好的国家，未来，新政府要做到以下几件事情。

首先，就是让台湾的经济结构转型。这是新政府所必须承担的最艰巨使命。我们不要妄自菲薄，更不要失去信心。台湾有很多别的国家没有的优势，我们有海洋经济的活力和靭性，高素质的人力资源、务实可靠的工程师文化、完整的产业链、敏捷灵活的中小企业，以及，永不屈服的创业精神。

我们要让台湾经济脱胎换骨，就必须从现在起就下定决心，勇敢地走出另外一条路。这一条路，就是打造台湾经济发展的新模式。

新政府将打造一个以创新、就业、分配为核心价值，追求永续发展的新经济模式。改革的第一步，就是强化经济的活力与自主性，加强和全球及区域的连结，积极参与多边及双边经济合作及自由贸易谈判，包括TPP、RCEP等，并且，推动新南向政策，提升对外经济的格局及多元性，告别以往过于依赖单一市场的现象。

除此之外，新政府相信，唯有激发新的成长动能，我们才能突破当前经济的停滞不前。我们会以出口和内需作为双引擎，让企业生产和人民生活互为表里，让对外贸易和在地经济紧密连结。

我们会优先推动五大创新研发计划，藉着这些产业来重新塑造台湾的全球竞争力。我们也要积极提升劳动生产力，保障劳工权益，让薪资和经济成长能同步提升。这是台湾经济发展的关键时刻。我们有决心，也有沟通能力。我们已经有系统性的规划，未来，会以跨部会联手的模式，把整个国家的力量集结起来，一起来催生这个新模式。

在经济发展的同时，我们不要忘记对环境的责任。经济发展的新模式会和国土规划、区域发展及环境永续，相互结合。产业的布局和国土的利用，应该抛弃零碎的规画，和短视近利的眼光。我们必须追求区域的均衡发展，这需要中央来规画、整合，也需要地方政府充分发挥区域联合治理的精神。

我们也不能再像过去，无止尽地挥霍自然资源及国民健康。所以，对各种污染的控制，我们会严格把关，更要让台湾走向循环经济的时代，把废弃物转换为再生资源。对于能源的选择，我们会以永续的观念去逐步调整。新政府会严肃看待气候变迁、国土保育、灾害防治的相关议题，因为，我们只有一个地球，我们也只有一个台湾。

第二、强化社会安全网

新政府必须要承担的第二件事情，就是强化台湾的社会安全网。这些年，几件关于儿少安全及随机杀人的事件，都让整个社会震惊。不过，一个政府不能永远在震惊，它必须要有同理心。没有人可以替受害者家属承受伤痛，但是，一个政府，尤其是第一线处理问题的人，必须要让受害者以及家属觉得，不幸事件发生的时候，政府是站在他们这一边。

除了同理心之外，政府更应该要提出解决的方法。全力防止悲剧一再发生，从治安、教育、心理健康、社会工作等各个面向，积极把破洞补起来。尤其是治安与反毒的工作，这些事情，新政府会用最严肃的态度和行动来面对。

在年金的改革方面，这是攸关台湾生存发展的关键改革，我们不应该迟疑，也不可以躁进。由陈建仁副总统担任召集人的年金改革委员会，已经紧锣密鼓在筹备之中。过去的政府在这个议题上，曾经有过一些努力。但是，缺乏社会的参与。新政府的做法，是发动一个集体协商，因为年金改革必须是一个透过协商来团结所有人的过程。

这就是为什么，我们要召开年金改革国是会议，由不同阶层、不同职业代表，在社会团结的基础上，共同协商。一年之内，我们会提出可行的改革方案。无论是劳工还是公务员，每一个国民的退休生活都应该得到公平的保障。

另外，在长期照顾的议题上，我们将会把优质、平价、普及的长期照顾系统建立起来。和年金改革一样，长照体系也是一个社会总动员的过程。新政府的做法是由政府主导和规划，鼓励民间发挥社区主义的精神，透过社会集体互助的力量，来建立一套妥善而完整的体系。每一个老年人都可以在自己熟悉的社区，安心享受老年生活，每一个家庭的照顾压力将会减轻。照顾老人的工作不能完全让它变成自由市场。我们会把责任扛起来，按部就班来规划与执行，为超高龄社会的来临，做好准备。

第三、社会的公平与正义

新政府要承担的第三件事情，就是社会的公平与正义。在这个议题上，新政府会持续和公民社会一起合作，让台湾的政策更符合多元、平等、开放、透明、人权的价值，让台湾的民主机制更加深化与进化。

新的民主制度要能够上路，我们必须先找出面对过去的共同方法。未来，我会在总统府成立真相与和解委员会，用最诚恳与谨慎的态度，来处理过去的历史。追求转型正义的目标是在追求社会的真正和解，让所有台湾人都记取那个时代的错误。

我们将从真相的调查与整理出发，预计在三年之内，完成台湾自己的转型正义调查报告书。我们将会依据调查报告所揭示的真相，来进行后续的转型正义工作。挖掘真相、弥平伤痕、厘清责任。从此以后，过去的历史不再是台湾分裂的原因，而是台湾一起往前走的动力。

同样在公平正义的议题上，我会秉持相同的原则，来面对原住民族的议题。今天的就职典礼，原住民族的小朋友在唱国歌之前，先唱了他们部落传统的古调。这象征了，我们不敢忘记，这个岛上先来后到的顺序。

新政府会用道歉的态度，来面对原住民族相关议题，重建原民史观，逐步推动自治，复育语言文化，提升生活照顾，这就是我要领导新政府推动的改变。接下来，新政府也会积极推动司法改革。这是现阶段台湾人民最关心的议题。司法无法亲近人民、不被人民信任、司法无法有效打击犯罪，以及，司法失去作为正义最后一道防线的功能，是人民普遍的感受。

为了展现新政府的决心，我们会在今年十月召开司法国是会议，透过人民实际的参与，让社会力进来，一起推动司法改革。司法必须回应人民的需求，不再只是法律人的司法，而是全民的司法。司法改革也不只是司法人的家务事，而是全民参与的改革。这就是我对司法改革的期待。第四、区域的和平稳定发展及两岸关系

新政府要承担的第四件事情，是区域的和平稳定与发展，以及妥善处理两岸关系。过去三十年，无论是对亚洲或是全球，都是变动最剧烈的时期；而全球及区域的经济稳定和集体安全，也是各国政府越来越关切的课题。

台湾在区域发展当中，一直是不可或缺的关键角色。但是近年来，区域的情势快速变动，如果台湾不善用自己的实力和筹码，积极参与区域事务，不但将会变得无足轻重，甚至可能被边缘化，丧失对于未来的自主权。

我们有危机，但也有转机。台湾现阶段的经济发展，和区域中许多国家高度关联和互补。如果将打造经济发展新模式的努力，透过和亚洲、乃至亚太区域的国家合作，共同形塑未来的发展策略，不但可以为区域的经济创新、结构调整和永续发展，做出积极的贡献，更可以和区域内的成员，建立紧密的「经济共同体」意识。

我们要和其他国家共享资源、人才与市场，扩大经济规模，让资源有效利用。「新南向政策」就是基于这样的精神。我们会在科技、文化与经贸等各层面，和区域成员广泛交流合作，尤其是增进与东协、印度的多元关系。为此，我们也愿意和对岸，就共同参与区域发展的相关议题，坦诚交换意见，寻求各种合作与协力的可能性。在积极发展经济的同时，亚太地区的安全情势也变得越来越复杂，而两岸关系，也成为建构区域和平与集体安全的重要一环。这个建构的进程，台湾会做一个「和平的坚定维护者」，积极参与，绝不缺席；我们也将致力维持两岸关系的和平稳定；我们更会努力促成内部和解，强化民主机制，凝聚共识，形成一致对外的立场。

对话和沟通，是我们达成目标最重要的关键。台湾也要成为一个「和平的积极沟通者」，我们将和相关的各方，建立常态、紧密的沟通机制，随时交换意见，防止误判，建立互信，有效解决争议。我们将谨守和平原则、利益共享原则，来处理相关的争议。

我依照中华民国宪法当选总统，我有责任捍卫中华民国的主权和领土；对于东海及南海问题，我们主张应搁置争议，共同开发。

两岸之间的对话与沟通，我们也将努力维持现有的机制。1992年两岸两会秉持相互谅解、求同存异的政治思维，进行沟通协商，达成若干的共同认知与谅解，我尊重这个历史事实。92年之后，20多年来双方交流、协商所累积形成的现状与成果，两岸都应该共同珍惜与维护，并在这个既有的事实与政治基础上，持续推动两岸关系和平稳定发展；新政府会依据中华民国宪法、两岸人民关系条例及其他相关法律，处理两岸事务。两岸的两个执政党应该要放下历史包袱，展开良性对话，造福两岸人民。

我所讲的既有政治基础，包含几个关键元素，第一，1992年两岸两会会谈的历史事实与求同存异的共同认知，这是历史事实；第二，中华民国现行宪政体制；第三，两岸过去20多年来协商和交流互动的成果；第四，台湾民主原则及普遍民意。

第五、外交与全球性议题

新政府要承担的第五件事情，是善尽地球公民的责任，在外交与全球性的议题上做出贡献。让台湾走向世界，也要让世界走进台湾。

现场有许多来自各国的元首与使节团，我要特别谢谢他们，长久以来一直帮助台湾，让我们有机会参与国际社会。未来，我们会持续透过官方互动、企业投资与民间合作各种方式，分享台湾发展的经验，与友邦建立永续的伙伴关系。台湾是全球公民社会的模范生，民主化以来，我们始终坚持和平、自由、民主及人权的普世价值。我们会秉持这个精神，加入全球议题的价值同盟。我们会继续深化与包括美国、日本、欧洲在内的友好民主国家的关系，在共同的价值基础上，推动全方位的合作。

我们会积极参与国际经贸合作及规则制定，坚定维护全球的经济秩序，并且融入重要的区域经贸体系。我们也不会在防制全球暖化、气候变迁的议题上缺席。我们将会在行政院设立专责的能源和减碳办公室，并且根据COP21巴黎协议的规定，定期检讨温室气体的减量目标，与友好国家携手，共同维护永续的地球。同时，新政府会支持并参与，全球性新兴议题的国际合作，包括人道救援、医疗援助、疾病的防治与研究、反恐合作，以及共同打击跨国犯罪，让台湾成为国际社会不可或缺的伙伴。结语

1996年台湾第一次总统直选，到今天刚好20年。过去20年，在几任政府以及公民社会的努力之下，我们成功渡过了许多新兴民主国家必须面对的难关。在这个过程中，我们曾经有过许多感动人心的时刻和故事，不过，正如同世界上其他国家一样，我们也曾经有过焦虑、不安、矛盾、与对立。

我们看到了社会的对立，进步与保守的对立，环境与开发的对立，以及，政治意识之间的对立。这些对立，曾经激发出选举时的动员能量，不过也因为这些对立，我们的民主逐渐失去了解决问题的能力。

民主是一个进程，每一个时代的政治工作者，都要清楚认识他身上所肩负的责任。民主会前进，民主也有可能倒退。今天，我站在这里，就是要告诉大家，倒退不会是我们的选项。新政府的责任就是把台湾的民主推向下一个阶段：以前的民主是选举的输赢，现在的民主则是关于人民的幸福；以前的民主是两个价值观的对决，现在的民主则是不同价值观的对话。

打造一个没有被意识形态绑架的「团结的民主」，打造一个可以回应社会与经济问题的「有效率的民主」，打造一个能够实质照料人民的「务实的民主」，这就是新时代的意义。

只要我们相信，新时代就会来临。只要这个国家的主人，有坚定的信念，新时代一定会在我们这一代人的手上诞生。

各位亲爱的台湾人民，演讲要结束了，改革要开始了。从这一刻起，这个国家的担子交在新政府身上。我会让大家看见这个国家的改变。

历史会记得我们这个勇敢的世代，这个国家的繁荣、尊严、团结、自信和公义，都有我们努力的痕迹。历史会记得我们的勇敢，我们在2016年一起把国家带向新的方向。这块土地上的每一个人，都因为参与台湾的改变，而感到骄傲。刚才表演节目中的一首歌曲当中，有一句让我很感动的歌词：（台语）现在是彼一天，勇敢ㄟ台湾人。

各位国人同胞，两千三百万的台湾人民，等待已经结束，现在就是那一天。今天，明天，未来的每一天，我们都要做一个守护民主、守护自由、守护这个国家的台湾人。谢谢大家。

第二篇：肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)

肯尼迪总统就职演说（1961年1月20日）

Inaugural Address of John F.KennedyJanuary 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President

Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们：

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.我们今天所看到的，并非是某一党派的胜利，而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束，亦象征着开始；意味着更新，亦意味着变化。因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前，依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。

The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.世界已然今非昔比，因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量，既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困，亦可用以毁灭人类社会。然而，我们先辈曾为之战斗的那些革命性的信念还依然在世界上受人争议——那就是，每个人享有的各项权利决非来自国家政权的慷慨赐予，而是出自上帝之手。

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.今天，我们不敢有忘，我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时，让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达：火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪，既经受过战火的锤炼，又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。他们深为我们古老的遗产所自豪——决不愿目睹或听任诸项人权受到无形的侵蚀，这些权利不仅为这个国家始终信守不渝，亦是我们正在国内和世界上誓死捍卫的东西。

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.让每一个国家都知道，无论它们对我们抱有善意还是恶意，我们都准备付出任何代价、承受任何重任、迎战任何艰险、支持任何朋友、反对任何敌人，以使自由得以维系和胜利。This much we pledge--and more.这是我们矢志不移的承诺，且远不止此！

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友，我们许以朋友的忠诚。在许许多多的合作事业中，我们会尽己所能以促进我们的团结，而决不故意制造分裂，因为我们不敢轻易面对由分歧或体系崩溃而导致的巨大挑战。

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to

remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.对于那些新成立的国家，我们欢迎它们加入自由阵营，并在此许以忠告：某种形式的殖民控制决不会仅仅因为被另一种更为残酷的霸权所取代就消声匿迹。我们不会期待他们始终支持我们的观点，但我们希望他们能始终坚定地维护他们自己的自由——并且牢记，在过去，那些愚蠢地骑上独裁的虎背以谋求权力的人最终都以葬身虎腹而告终。

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.对于那些寄居于大半个地球上的草舍村落、为着挣脱无尽苦难的枷锁而奋斗的人民，我们承诺将尽我们最大的努力，以使他们获得自助的能力。因为这是时代对我们提出的要求——不是因为共～产～党人可能如此行事、不是因为我们需要他们的选票，仅仅是因为这样做是正当的。

If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.如果一个自由的社会不能帮助贫穷的多数，它就不能拯救那富裕的少数。

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.对于我们的南部邻邦共和国，我们许以特殊的承诺：将我们的良言转为善行，在为了进步而结成的新盟邦里，帮助自由的人民和自由的政府摆脱贫困。但这一希翼中的和平革命不能成为敌对势力的牺牲品，让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们一道，反对发生在美洲任何地区的侵略和颠覆。

And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.让所有其他势力都知道，这一半球的人民致力于维护他们作为自己家园主人的地位。

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.对于那个主权国家的世界性会议组织——联合国，我们最后一次良好祝愿是发生在战争机器远远超过和平机器的时代。为了防止它沦为仅仅用来谩骂攻讦的论坛，为了加强它对新成立国家及弱小国家的保障功能、为了扩展其权力涵盖的领域，我们现在重申对它的支持承诺。Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace--before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，对于那些主动站到我们敌对面的国家，我们提出的不是许诺，而是恳求：在被科学释放出的、黑暗的破坏力量以有计划的或偶然性的自我毁灭方式吞噬全人类之前，恳求双方再一次地开始谋求和平的努力。

We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.我们不敢以软弱诱惑它们，因为只有当我们的军备充足到确切无疑的程度时，我们才能确切无疑地肯定它们永远不会被投入使用。但这两个强大的国家集团都无法从彼此当前的做法中得到安慰——双方都背负了过高的现代武器系统的成本、双方都理所当然地对致死性原子武器的持续扩散感到惊恐不安，但双方都竞相改变不确定的恐怖均衡，这种均衡恰恰抑制了人类最后摊牌的冲动。

Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.让我们永远不要因为惧怕而谈判，让我们永远不要惧怕谈判。

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.让双方探寻那些能将我们团结在一起的因素，而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我们的因素。Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.让双方首先提出认真细致的方案来核查及控制军备，并将毁灭其他国家的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.让双方努力去激发科学的奇迹，而非科学的恐怖。让我们一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、开发海洋深处，鼓励艺术和商业。

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...[and] let the oppressed go free.”

让双方在世界每一个角落，都共同信守《圣经．以赛亚书》中的教诲——“卸下重负……让被压迫者自由。”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.如果合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，让双方携手进行新的努力——不是为了建立新的势力均衡，而是为了建立新的规则体系——以使强者正义，弱者安全，和平维系

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.所有这些工作将不会在从现在起的一百天、一千天内完成，也不会在本届行政分支任期内完成，甚至可能不会在我们的有生之年完成，但是，请让我们现在开始工作。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.我的同胞们，我们事业的最终成败将掌握在你们的手中而不仅仅是我的手中。从这个国家被创建那天起，每一代美国人都被召唤去证实自己对国家的忠诚。那些响应号召献身国家的年轻美国人的安息之所遍布全球。

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.现在，召唤的号角又一次吹响——不是号召我们扛起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的——也不是号召我们去参加战斗，虽然我们准备战斗——而是号召我们年复一年地去进行一场漫长而未分胜负的搏斗，在希望中欢乐，而患难中忍耐，以反对人类共同的敌人：暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身。

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

为了反对这些敌人，我们能够将南方与北方、东方与西方团结起来，熔铸成一个伟大的和全球性的联盟，以确保全人类得享更为成果累累的生活吗？你们愿意参与这项历史性的努力吗？

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在世界历史的长河里，只有少数几代人被赋予了在自由面临最大危机时捍卫自由的使命，我不会畏缩于这一责任——我欢迎它！我也不相信我们中的任何人会愿意与其他国家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而处。我们在这场努力中所倾注的精力、信念和奉献将照耀我们的国家以及所有为之献身的人，火焰所放射出的光芒必将普照全世界。

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.所以，我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家为你做了什么，而应问你能为你的国家做些什么。My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.我的世界同胞们，不要问美国将为你做些什么，而应问我们应该一起为了全人类的自由做些什么Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.最后，无论是美国公民还是世界其他国家的公民，请用我们要求于你们的关于力量和牺牲的高标准来要求我们，本着我们唯一可以指望有所回报的善意良知，依着能最终裁决我们功业的历史，让我们着手领导我们所热爱的国家，在祈求神的赐福和神的帮助的同时，也能深切体认，在这片土地上，神的工作必定也是我们自己所应承担的使命。

第三篇：美国第35任总统肯尼迪就职演说中英文

美国第35任总统肯尼迪就职演说中英文(全文)John F.Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly 1

supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.2

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.” And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.uUlsda E In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.3

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

第四篇：华盛顿总统就职演说

First Inaugural Address of George Washington

THE CITY OF NEW YORK

THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil

deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified

or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文译文】：

美国人民的实验

乔治-华盛顿

第一次就职演讲

纽约 星期四,1789年4月30日

参议院和众议院的同胞们：

在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚饨，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。

既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献，保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时，这些活也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象；他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。在目前转折关头，我产生这些想法确实是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家会和我怀有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一个新生的自由政府别无他法能一开始就事事顺利。根据设立行政部门的条款，总统有责任“将他认为必要而妥善的措施提请国会审议”。但在目前与各位见面的这个场合，恕我不进一步讨论这个问题，而只提一下伟大的宪法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它规定了各位的权限，指出了各位应该注意的目标。在这样的场合，更恰当、也更能反映我内心激情的做法是不提出具体措施，而是称颂将要规划和采纳这些措施的当选者的才能、正直和爱国心。我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派敌视，都不能使我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和利益所组成的大联合；因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯洁而坚定的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以那赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界的构成和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间，有着密不可分的统一；因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了水恒的秩序和权利法则，它决不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈祥地加以赞许；因为人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。

我已将有感于这一聚会场合的想法奉告各位，现在我就要向大家告辞；但在此以前，我要再一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人有了深思熟虑的机会，以及为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向；因而，同样明显的是，上帝将保佑我们扩大眼界，心平气和地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。

第五篇：老布什总统就职演说

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989

Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Quayle, Senator Mitchell, Speaker Wright, Senator Dole, Congressman Michel, and fellow citizens, neighbors, and friends:

There is a man here who has earned a lasting place in our hearts and in our history.President Reagan, on behalf of our Nation, I thank you for the wonderful things that you have done for America.I have just repeated word for word the oath taken by George Washington 200 years ago, and the Bible on which I placed my hand is the Bible on which he placed his.It is right that the memory of Washington be with us today, not only because this is our Bicentennial Inauguration, but because Washington remains the Father of our Country.And he would, I think, be gladdened by this day;for today is the concrete expression of a stunning fact: our continuity these 200 years since our government began.We meet on democracy's front porch, a good place to talk as neighbors and as friends.For this is a day when our nation is made whole, when our differences, for a moment, are suspended.And my first act as President is a prayer.I ask you to bow your heads:

Heavenly Father, we bow our heads and thank You for Your love.Accept our thanks for the peace that yields this day and the shared faith that makes its continuance likely.Make us strong to do Your work, willing to heed and hear Your will, and write on our hearts these words: “Use power to help people.” For we are given power not to advance our own purposes, nor to make a great show in the world, nor a name.There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people.Help us to remember it, Lord.Amen.I come before you and assume the Presidency at a moment rich with promise.We live in a peaceful, prosperous time, but we can make it better.For a new breeze is blowing, and a world refreshed by freedom seems reborn;for in man's heart, if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over.The totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves from an ancient, lifeless tree.A new breeze is blowing, and a nation refreshed by freedom stands ready to push on.There is new ground to be broken, and new action to be taken.There are times when the future seems thick as a fog;you sit and wait, hoping the mists will lift and reveal the right path.But this is a time when the future seems a door you can walk right through into a room called tomorrow.Great nations of the world are moving toward democracy through the door to freedom.Men and women of the world move toward free markets through the door to prosperity.The people of the world agitate for free expression and free thought through the door to the moral and intellectual satisfactions that only liberty allows.We know what works: Freedom works.We know what's right: Freedom is right.We know how to secure a more just and prosperous life for man on Earth: through free markets, free speech, free elections, and the exercise of free will unhampered by the state.For the first time in this century, for the first time in perhaps all history, man does not have to invent a system by which to live.We don't have to talk late into the night about which form of government is better.We don't have to wrest justice from the kings.We only have to summon it from within ourselves.We must act on what we know.I take as my guide the hope of a saint: In crucial things, unity;in important things, diversity;in all things, generosity.America today is a proud, free nation, decent and civil, a place we cannot help but love.We know in our hearts, not loudly and proudly, but as a simple fact, that this country has meaning beyond what we see, and that our strength is a force for good.But have we changed as a nation even in our time? Are we enthralled with material things, less appreciative of the nobility of work and sacrifice?

My friends, we are not the sum of our possessions.They are not the measure of our lives.In our hearts we know what matters.We cannot hope only to leave our children a bigger car, a bigger bank account.We must hope to give them a sense of what it means to be a loyal friend, a loving parent, a citizen who leaves his home, his neighborhood and town better than he found it.What do we want the men and women who work with us to say when we are no longer there? That we were more driven to succeed than anyone around us? Or that we stopped to ask if a sick child had gotten better, and stayed a moment there to trade a word of friendship?

No President, no government, can teach us to remember what is best in what we are.But if the man you have chosen to lead this government can help make a difference;if he can celebrate the quieter, deeper successes that are made not of gold and silk, but of better hearts and finer souls;if he can do these things, then he must.America is never wholly herself unless she is engaged in high moral principle.We as a people have such a purpose today.It is to make kinder the face of the Nation and gentler the face of the world.My friends, we have work to do.There are the homeless, lost and roaming.There are the children who have nothing, no love, no normalcy.There are those who cannot free themselves of enslavement to whatever addiction——drugs, welfare, the demoralization that rules the slums.There is crime to be conquered, the rough crime of the streets.There are young women to be helped who are about to become mothers of children they can't care for and might not love.They need our care, our guidance, and our education, though we bless them for choosing life.The old solution, the old way, was to think that public money alone could end these problems.But we have learned that is not so.And in any case, our funds are low.We have a deficit to bring down.We have more will than wallet;but will is what we need.We will make the hard choices, looking at what we have and perhaps allocating it differently, making our decisions based on honest need and prudent safety.And then we will do the wisest thing of all: We will turn to the only resource we have that in times of need always grows——the goodness and the courage of the American people.I am speaking of a new engagement in the lives of others, a new activism, hands-on and involved, that gets the job done.We must bring in the generations, harnessing the unused talent of the elderly and the unfocused energy of the young.For not only leadership is passed from generation to generation, but so is stewardship.And the generation born after the Second World War has come of age.I have spoken of a thousand points of light, of all the community organizations that are spread like stars throughout the Nation, doing good.We will work hand in hand, encouraging, sometimes leading, sometimes being led, rewarding.We will work on this in the White House, in the Cabinet agencies.I will go to the people and the programs that are the brighter points of light, and I will ask every member of my government to become involved.The old ideas are new again because they are not old, they are timeless: duty, sacrifice, commitment, and a patriotism that finds its expression in taking part and pitching in.We need a new engagement, too, between the Executive and the Congress.The challenges before us will be thrashed out with the House and the Senate.We must bring the Federal budget into balance.And we must ensure that America stands before the world united, strong, at peace, and fiscally sound.But, of course, things may be difficult.We need compromise;we have had dissension.We need harmony;we have had a chorus of discordant voices.For Congress, too, has changed in our time.There has grown a certain divisiveness.We have seen the hard looks and heard the statements in which not each other's ideas are challenged, but each other's motives.And our great parties have too often been far apart and untrusting of each other.It has been this way since Vietnam.That war cleaves us still.But, friends, that war began in earnest a quarter of a century ago;and surely the statute of limitations has been reached.This is a fact: The final lesson of Vietnam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a memory.A new breeze is blowing, and the old bipartisanship must be made new again.To my friends——and yes, I do mean friends——in the loyal opposition——and yes, I mean loyal: I put out my hand.I am putting out my hand to you, Mr.Speaker.I am putting out my hand to you Mr.Majority Leader.For this is the thing: This is the age of the offered hand.We can't turn back clocks, and I don't want to.But when our fathers were young, Mr.Speaker, our differences ended at the water's edge.And we don't wish to turn back time, but when our mothers were young, Mr.Majority Leader, the Congress and the Executive were capable of working together to produce a budget on which this nation could live.Let us negotiate soon and hard.But in the end, let us produce.The American people await action.They didn't send us here to bicker.They ask us to rise above the merely partisan.“In crucial things, unity”——and this, my friends, is crucial.To the world, too, we offer new engagement and a renewed vow: We will stay strong to protect the peace.The “offered hand” is a reluctant fist;but once made, strong, and can be used with great effect.There are today Americans who are held against their will in foreign lands, and Americans who are unaccounted for.Assistance can be shown here, and will be long remembered.Good will begets good will.Good faith can be a spiral that endlessly moves on.Great nations like great men must keep their word.When America says something, America means it, whether a treaty or an agreement or a vow made on marble steps.We will always try to speak clearly, for candor is a compliment, but subtlety, too, is good and has its place.While keeping our alliances and friendships around the world strong, ever strong, we will continue the new closeness with the Soviet Union, consistent both with our security and with progress.One might say that our new relationship in part reflects the triumph of hope and strength over experience.But hope is good, and so are strength and vigilance.Here today are tens of thousands of our citizens who feel the understandable satisfaction of those who have taken part in democracy and seen their hopes fulfilled.But my thoughts have been turning the past few days to those who would be watching at home to an older fellow who will throw a salute by himself when the flag goes by, and the women who will tell her sons the words of the battle hymns.I don't mean this to be sentimental.I mean that on days like this, we remember that we are all part of a continuum, inescapably connected by the ties that bind.Our children are watching in schools throughout our great land.And to them I say, thank you for watching democracy's big day.For democracy belongs to us all, and freedom is like a beautiful kite that can go higher and higher with the breeze.And to all I say: No matter what your circumstances or where you are, you are part of this day, you are part of the life of our great nation.A President is neither prince nor pope, and I don't seek a window on men's souls.In fact, I yearn for a greater tolerance, an easy-goingness about each other's attitudes and way of life.There are few clear areas in which we as a society must rise up united and express our intolerance.The most obvious now is drugs.And when that first cocaine was smuggled in on a ship, it may as well have been a deadly bacteria, so much has it hurt the body, the soul of our country.And there is much to be done and to be said, but take my word for it: This scourge will stop.And so, there is much to do;and tomorrow the work begins.I do not mistrust the future;I do not fear what is ahead.For our problems are large, but our heart is larger.Our challenges are great, but our will is greater.And if our flaws are endless, God's love is truly boundless.Some see leadership as high drama, and the sound of trumpets calling, and sometimes it is that.But I see history as a book with many pages, and each day we fill a page with acts of hopefulness and meaning.The new breeze blows, a page turns, the story unfolds.And so today a chapter begins, a small and stately story of unity, diversity, and generosity——shared, and written, together.Thank you.God bless you and God bless the United States of America.