奥巴马就职演讲里引用的林肯的名句（本站推荐）

第一篇：奥巴马就职演讲里引用的林肯的名句（本站推荐）

林肯总统在1861年的第一次就职演说--英文版 there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that--i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists.i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so.those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read: resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states? i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congress as proper to be enforced, i do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.it is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our national constitution.during that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the government.they have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.yet, with all this scope of precedent, i now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.a disruption of the federal union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual.perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.it is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.continue to execute all the express provisions of our national constitution, and the union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.again: if the united states be not a government proper, but an association of states in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? one party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the union itself.the union is much older than the constitution.it was formed, in fact, by the articles of association in 1774.it was matured and continued by the declaration of independence in 1776.it was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the articles of confederation in 1778.and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the constitution was to form a more perfect union.but if destruction of the union by one or by a part only of the states be lawfully possible, the union is less perfect than before the constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.it follows from these views that no state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the union;that resolves and ordinances to that 林肯的第二任总统就职演说

这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是： at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper.now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented.the progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself;and it is，i trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it--all sought to avert it.while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation.both parties deprecated war;but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive;and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.and the war came.one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it.these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war.to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union，even by war;while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god;and each invokes his aid against the other.it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods assistance in wringing their bread from with malice toward none;with charity for all;with firmness in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in;to bind up the nations wounds;to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations.最后两段译文：(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经，向同一位上帝祷告，求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到面包；但是，不要让我们论断，如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答，任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界！因着必来之罪；祸哉此人，罪因其而来。”如果我们假设，美国奴隶制度乃是众罪之一，此罪到了期限，神便定意除去这个制度，引发这一场可怖的南北战争，因为灾降于那些罪因其而来的人身上，如同以往圣徒所描写的神的属性，神的作为难道会有任何偏差吗？我们热切地盼望--恒切地祷告--这场惩罚性的战争得以迅速地远离我们而去。然而，如果神定意让战争持续下去，直到我们从所有奴隶在两百五十年间没有报酬、困苦劳动之下所累积的财富毁去，及直到每一滴皮鞭上的血迹被报之以刀下每一条冤魂，就如同我们在三千年前所说，而今天仍要再说的那样：“主的审判信实，合乎公义。”

不以恶待人，而以仁爱相处。当神开启我们的眼，得见公义时，我们必须持守公义。让我们全力以赴，完成我们手中的工作，医治国家的创伤；并照料在战场上承受苦痛的人，和那些寡妇、孤儿，不忘记关怀他们a nagging fear that america’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.today i say to you that the challenges we face are real.they are serious and they are many.they will not be met easily or in a short span of time.but know this, americafor those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of thingsthat time has surely passed.starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking america.what the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath themwhether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.where the answer is no, programs will end.and those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to accountbecause only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.we are the keepers of this legacy.guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effortknow that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.to those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.to the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.and to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect.for the world has changed, and we must change with it.as we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.they have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in arlington whisper through the ages.we honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.and yet, at this momentit is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.for as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the american people upon which this nation relies.it is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.it is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.our challenges may be new.the instruments with which we meet them may be new.but those values upon which our success dependsthese things are old.these things are true.they have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.what is demanded then is a return to these truths.what is required of us now is a new era of responsibilitythe knowledge that god calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.this is the meaning of our liberty and our creed-why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.奥巴马就职演讲

各位同胞：

今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。

四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠於创建我国的法统。

因此，美国才能承继下来。因此，这一代美国人也必须承继下去。

现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正在与四处蔓延的暴力和憎恨作战。我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。许多人失去房子，丢了工作，生意萧条。我们的医疗太昂贵，学校教育让人失望。每天都有更多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。

这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。

今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。

在这一天，我们聚在一起，因为我们选择希望而非恐惧，有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。

在这一天，我们来此宣示，那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结，那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。我们仍是个年轻的国家，但借用圣经的话，摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了，重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了，选择我们更好的历史，实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利，那种高贵的理念：就是上帝的应许，我们每个人都是平等的，每个人都是自由的，每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。

再次肯定我们国家的伟大，我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来，必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的，那些偏好逸乐胜过工作，或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反，走这条路的始终是勇於冒险的人，做事的人，成事的人，其中有些人很出名，但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄，在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们，迈向繁荣与自由。

为了我们，他们携带很少的家当，远渡重洋，追寻新生活。为了我们，他们胼手胝足，在西部安顿下来；忍受风吹雨打，筚路蓝缕。

为了我们，他们奋斗不懈，在康科特和盖茨堡，诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。

前人不断的奋斗与牺牲，直到双手皮开肉绽，我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大於所有个人企图心总和的整体，超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时，我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新，我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比，一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定，这段时期肯定已经过去。由今天开始，我们必须振作起来，拍掉身上的灰尘，再度开始重塑美国。我们无论朝何处望去，都有工作必须完成。经济情势需要大胆、迅速的行动，我们将有所行动，不光是创造新工作，更要奠定成长的新基础。我们将造桥铺路，为企业兴建电力网格与数位线路，将我们联系在一起。我们将让科学回归合适的用途，运用科技的奇蹟来提高医疗品质并降低费用。我们将利用太阳能、风力和土壤作为汽车的燃料和工厂的能源。我们将让中小学及大专院校转型，因应新时代的需要。这些我们可以作到。我们也将会作到。现在，有人质疑我们的雄心，暗示说我们的体系无法承受太多的大计画。这些人的记性不好。因为他们忘记了这个国家已经完成的成就，当创造力朝同一个目标发展，不受约束的男男女女可以完成何等成就，必要的是勇气。

怀疑者无法理解的是他们的主张已经站不住脚，长期以来折磨我们的陈腐政治争议已经行不通。我们今天的问题不是政府太大或太小，而是有无功效，是否能帮助家庭找到薪水不错的工作，支付得起照顾费用，有尊严的退休。哪个方向能够提供肯定的答案，我们就往那里走。答案是否定的地方，计画就会停止。所有我们这些管理大众金钱的人都将负起责任，花钱要精明，改掉恶习，正大光明作事情，只有这样我们才能重建政府与人民间最重要的信任。

我们眼前的问题也不是说市场的力量是善或恶。市场创造财富和增加自由的力量无与伦比，但是这场危机提醒我们没有监督时，市场发展将失控，当市场只偏爱有钱人时，国家无法永续繁荣。我们经济成功的依据，不只是国内生产毛额的规模，还有繁荣可及的范围，以及我们将机会拓展给每个愿意打拚的人，不是因为施舍，而是因为这就是达到我们共同利益最稳健的途径。

至於我们的共同防卫，让我们必须在自由和理想之间作一抉择，是错误的，我们拒绝接受。我们建国诸父在我们难以想像的危难之中。拟具了确保法治和人权的宪章，被一代代以鲜血扩大充实的宪章。这些理想依然照亮这个世界，我们不会为了便宜行事而扬弃它。同样地，今日在观看此情此景的其他民族和政府，从最宏伟的都城到家父出生的小村庄，我要说：任何一个国家、男、女、和孩童，只要你在追求一个和平且有尊严的未来，美国就是你的朋友，我们准备再次带领大家。回想先前的世代力抗法西斯主义和共产主义，靠的除了飞弹和战车之外，还有强固的联盟和持久的信念。他们知道单单力量本身不足以让我们自保，也不能让我们为所欲为。相反地，他们知道我们的力量因为谨慎使用而增强，我们的安全源自我们理想的正当性，我们所树立楷模的力量，以及谦逊和克制所具有的调和特质。我们是这些遗产的保存者。在这些原则的再次指引下，我们可以面对那些新的威胁，这些威胁有赖国与国间更大的合作与谅解方能因应。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克还给它的人民，并在阿富汗建立赢来不易的和平。我们会努力不懈地与老朋友和昔日的对手合作，以减轻核子威胁，和地球的暖化。我们不会为我们的生活方式而道歉，也会毫不动摇地保护它，对那些想要藉由带来恐怖与杀害无辜以遂其目的者，我们现在告诉你，我们的精神强过你们，无法摧折，你们不可能比我们长久，我们必定打败你们。

因为我们知道，我们拼凑组合而成的遗产是我们的强处，而非弱点。我们是由基督徒和穆斯林，犹太教徒和印度教徒，以及非信徒组成的国家。我们由取自世界四面八方的各种语文和文化所形塑。而且由於我们曾尝过内战和种族隔离的苦果，并且在走出那黑暗时期之後变得更坚强和团结，这让我们不得不相信旧日的仇恨终究会过去，部族之间的界线很快就会泯灭。随着世界越来越小，我们共通的人性也会彰显，而美国必须扮演引进新和平时代的角色。

对穆斯林世界，我们寻求一种新的前进方式，以共同的利益和尊重为基础。那些想播植冲突并把自己社会的问题怪罪於西方的领袖，须知你的国民藉以判断你的，是你能建立什麽，而非你能毁坏什麽。那些靠着贪腐欺骗和箝制异己保住权势的人，须知你门站在历史错误的一边，而只要你愿意松手，我们就会帮忙。那些穷国的人民，我们保证会和你们合作，让们的农场丰收，让清流涌入，滋补饿坏的身体，喂养饥饿的心灵。而对那些和我们一样比较富裕的国家，我要说，我们不能再对国界以外的苦痛视而不见，也不能再消耗世上的资源而不计後果。因为世界已经变了，我们也要跟着改变。

在我们思索眼前道路的此际，我们以谦虚感激的心想到，有些勇敢的美国同胞正在遥远的沙漠和山岭上巡逻。今天他们有话要对我们说，就和躺在阿灵顿（公墓）的英雄们世世代代轻声诉说的一样。我们尊荣他们，不只因为他们扞卫我们的自由，更因为他们代表着服务的精神；愿意在比自己更大的事物上找寻意义。而在此刻，能够界定一个世代的此刻，必须常驻你我心中的，正是这种精神。

即使政府能做和必须做，这个国家最终仍得靠美国人民的信念与决心。在堤防决堤时，是人们的善心，让他们招待陌生人。是工作人员的无私，让他们宁可减工时，也不愿看到朋友失业，陪伴我们度过最黑暗时期。是消防员的勇气，让他们冲进满是浓烟的楼梯间。是父母心甘情愿培育孩子，最终决定我们的命运。

第二篇：奥巴马就职演讲

奥巴马演讲分析

——排比在英语演讲中的修辞作用

美国大选前许多人都评价：奥巴马的政见并不新颖甚至有点平庸；拥有的个人财富只有对手的几十分之一；相貌远逊于前辈肯尼迪和克林顿，而且还是非美国本土的外来黑哥......奥巴马唯一让人嫉妒的是他拥有最能鼓动人心的好口才，这是上帝给他最好的礼物和恩赐！不可否认，他超凡脱俗的演讲，为他竞选赢得胜利起到了至关重要的作用。奥巴马的演讲，无论是文稿的整体布局，还是演讲言辞的融情达意，或是激情澎湃的演讲表达，都可谓精深独到，不得不令人拍手称快。．据CNN报道。，有语言学家称，“总统当选人巴拉克·奥巴马当晚发表的获胜演说可与很多史上著名演讲相比．”奥巴马称得上是一位杰出的演说家，在多次演讲中，他都娴熟地运用了各种修辞技巧，可以说，“奥巴马的胜利是修辞学的胜利”(梁文道，2008)．其中，排比在奥巴马演讲中效果最为突出。鉴于排比在英语演讲中的重要性，我们试图以美国新当选总统奥巴马的获胜演讲为例，来探讨排比在这篇演讲中的修辞效果．本研究目的在于给英语演讲和修辞教学一些启示．同时也让学者通过领悟奥巴马的演讲技艺，学习、借鉴，来提高自身的演讲水平。

一，排比概念及其作用

“排比”在英语中的对应词为parallelism，是指为了达到修辞效果而循环出现的、句法相似的结构—“recurrent syntactical similarities introduced for rhetorical effect“(Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary,1977；831)．英语排比具有结构整齐，节奏鲜明，语言简练等特点．在英语演讲中运用排比旬，可以增加演讲词的节奏感和音韵美，突出演讲者雄辩口才和强烈感情，增强演讲语言的气势，提高演讲的说服力和欣赏性．

二，奥巴马获胜演讲个案排比分析

奥巴马于2008年11月4日当选为美国总统。并于当晚发表了获胜演讲．这次演讲富有很强的号召力和感染力，唤起了民众战胜金融危机的信心和勇气。现场的无数观众被感动得热泪盈眶．奥巴马在他的获胜演讲中熟练地运用了一系列的修辞方法，如捧比，对比，反复，对仗，引用等，其中排比的使用次数最多．下面我们就以排比结构在奥巴马获胜演讲(Barak Obama’s Victory Speech)中的置,选取了四个代表性的例子，来讨论其修辞效果。

（一）从句开头的排比

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible，who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time，who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.这三个排比组合句是奥巴马获胜演讲的开场白。奥巴，美国民主制度的力量”的质疑．通过这三个排比旬，奥巴马言简意赅地表达了他获胜的意义：显示出“美国梦”的独特性和普遍价值，显示出他的能马用自己胜选的事实回答了某些人对“美国是否凡事都有可能，美国奠基者的梦想是否依然鲜活力，肯定了美国是一切皆有可能的地方，肯定他的获胜是对美国政治文化传统的继承而不是背离．开场耐人寻味的排比，便已打开了选民们的心声以及继续听下去的欲望。

（二）排比结构用在段首 It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen；By people who waited three hours and four hour...It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican，black，white, Hispanic，Asian，Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled...It’s the answer that led those who have been told...to put their hands Off the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day．

首先，在前两个位于段首的排比句群中，奥巴马强调他是“设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队”，是“等了三四个小时的选民”，是“所有美国人民”共同选举出来的总统。他重申了自己当选总统是合法的，是由美国人民通过民主方式选举出来的．第三个排比句群在意义上是对前两个排比句群的总结和升华。奥巴马呼吁美国人民要对美国的未来有信心，同时暗示作为新一任的总统，他会继承美国的历史传统，让“美国梦”延续。这三个排比句群的使用，增强了演讲的气势，有力地回击了那些对奥巴马获胜原因存在质疑的人，同时向听众做出了有力的保证，调动了听众的积极性，激发了听众的自信心．

（三）介词短语的排比

To those who would tear this world down, we will defeat you.To those who seek peace and security, we support you．And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright, tonight we proved once more that the strength of our nation comes...from the enduring power of our ideals :democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope．

介词短语To those的反复出现，明确了要击败和支持的对象，语气强烈，一针见血．这既是对恐怖分子敲警钟，又给予了爱好和平的人们奋斗的力量。同时，向那些怀疑美国能否继续照亮世界发展前景的人们证明。美国真正的力量来自于这个国家的理想：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。排比结构的出现突出了强调的内容，语言气势逼人，具有强大的震撼力。

（四）句型结构的排比

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg, Normand and Khe sahn.奥巴马在该语段中抚今追昔，以排比的结构，按时间的顺序回顾了影响美国历史进程的重大事件：建国之前的跨洋移民，建国之后的西进运动，独立战争，南北战争，第二次世界大战等等，以此鼓励美国公民勇敢地面对金融危机给当今美国经济带来的种种困难的挑战。该段重复了主谓句式结构，“for us” 和主语“they”，这种排比句式不仅使得上下文的意义紧密连接，衔接自然，同时也会是语篇的整体意义在听众的头脑中留下深刻的印象，使听众与奥巴马产生共鸣。

（五）段尾的排比

And tonight,...she’s seen...the heartache and the hope；the struggle and the progress...Yes we can．

At a time...she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.Yes we can．

When there was...she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal，new jobs and a new sense of common purpose.Yes we can．

When the bombs...she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved.Yes we can． She was there.Yes we Can．

A man...And this year, in this election..., she knows how America can change.Yes we can．

在这里奥巴马以一个106岁的老妇人参加投票为例，运用了一系列的排比来烘托现场气氛，具有很强的说服力和感染力。连续4个“她看到了···”(she’s seen，she lived to see，she saw, she was there to witness)和6个“是的，我们能”(Yes We can)，强调美国能达成正义和平等，能获得机遇和繁荣能治愈这个国家，能补救这个世界，强调美国能发生变革!这种以具体的人物、事例和具体的生活场景为主体构成的排比语段，真正达到了提高语言表现力的目。这几段出现在演讲末尾的排比具有排山倒海的气势，具有强大的煽动性，把整个演讲再次推向了高潮。

在整个获胜演讲当中，通过捧比，奥巴马将有魅力的句子集中，演讲节奏分明，气氛被一次次的推向的高潮，演讲大为增色。这些排比的运用，创造了演讲中的个个亮点，气势磅礴，使听众的情感受到一次次的震。．

三 结语

演讲是一门劝说的艺术。演讲者要达到劝说的目的，就必须讲究演讲词的语言表达技巧，这种技巧在语言层面的体现之一就是修辞手法的运用。排比是英语演讲中最常见的修辞手法。国内学者对于排比的修辞效果给予了充分的肯定。“排比是英语所有修辞格中最常使用的修辞格之一。任何学会使用并能驾驭排比及其变化的人都会发现排比可使演讲条理清楚，效果显著，具有难以衡量的价值”(张秀国．2005)奥巴马这篇获胜演讲中排比修辞手法的运用，成功的达到了说服听众的目的．

参考文献：（1）奥巴马获胜演讲英文原文网址：http://wenku.baidu.com/view/70d3d8d8d15abe23482f4d56.html（2）何晓勤 演讲·劝说·诉诸·语篇 外语与外语教学．2004．(11)（3）张秀田 《英语铬辞学》北京：青华大学出版杜．2005（4）梁文道 《奥巴马的胜利是修辞学的胜利 》 南方周末，2008(5)徐鹏 《英语辞格 》北京：商务印书馆，1977

第三篇：奥巴马就职演讲

mp.傻大个跳下水泵撞到垃圾堆里的喇叭上。

59.On my request the conqueror questioned the man who jumped the queue.根据我的请求,征服者质问了插队者.60.They are arguing about the document of the monumental instrument.他们在辩论关于那件不朽乐器的文献.61.However, Lever never fevers;nevertheless, he is clever forever.无论如何,杠杆从未发烧;尽管如此,他始终机灵。

62.I never mind your unkind reminding that my grindstone hinders your cylinder.我决不介意你不友善的提醒说我的磨刀石妨碍了你的汽缸。63.I feed the food to the bleeding man in the flood.我把食品喂给洪水中的那个流血的人.64.It's a treason terror of the seasonal oversea seafood is reasonable.认为季节性的海外海鲜的价格是合理的就是背叛。

65.The veteran in velvet found that the diameter of the thermometer was one metre.穿天鹅绒的老兵发现温度计的直径为一米.66.The cube in the tubular cup occupies one cubic meter.筒状杯中的立方体占有一个立方米(的体积).67.Put the spotless potatoes, tomatoes and tobacco atoms into the hot pot.把无斑点的土豆、番茄和烟草微粒放进热锅里。68.The preacher preached to the teacher's teacup.传教士对着老师的茶杯说教.69.“My behavior is on behalf of half zebras,” the algebra teacher said.“我的行为代表了一半斑马的利益,”代数老师说.70.Unlike my uncle, I likely like that bike(bicycle).我不像叔叔,我很可能喜欢那辆自行车.71.She likes nothing but things of clothing and cloth.除了衣物和布料之类的东西外,她什么也不喜欢.72.The doctor's doctrine undid one dollar and a dozen of collars.博士的学说毁掉了一美元和一打衣领。

73.On the bus the busy businessman did a business with the buyer.在公共汽车上,忙碌的商人与买主做了一笔生意.74.Vegetables and tablets on the stably established table show no instability.放在稳定设置的桌子上的蔬菜和药片没有显示不稳定性。

75.Primarily, the prime criminal's crime has nothing to do with lime and overtime.首犯的犯罪基本上与石灰和加班无关.76.The ring on the spring string rings during springtime.弹簧弦上的环在春天鸣响。

77.Shut in the hut, I'm puzzled how to cut down the output of nuts.关在茅棚里,我为削减坚果的产量犯难。78.It's better to put letters at the inlet and outlet.最好在进口和出口处标上字母.79.During this serious period, the superierrorries of questions about the supermarket.在这段严肃时间内,上级问了下级一连串有关超级市场的问题。

80.I tuned the tone of the stone phone with a bone.我用骨头调整了石质耳机的音调.81.On Revenue avenue, the grave traveler jumped the gravestone bravely.在税收大道上,严肃的旅行者勇敢地跳过墓碑.82.The slave safely saved the sharp shavers in a cave nearby the cafeteria.奴隶将锋利的剃刀安全地保存在自助餐厅附近的洞穴里.83.Most hosts are hostile to the foremost ghost hostage almost to the utmost.大多数主人对最前面的幽灵人质的敌对态度几乎到了极顶.84.The mapper trapped in the gap tapped the tap wrapper with strap.陷在缝中的制图者用皮带轻击塞子套.85.The scout with shoulder-straps shouted on the outermost route as a routine.戴肩章的侦察员照例在最外围的路线上叫喊.86.The reproached coach unloaded the loaves to the approachable roadside.遭到责备的教练把面包卸到可接近的路旁.87.The news about the broadened breadth is broadcast abroad.宽度加宽的消息被广播到国外.88.The motive of the emotional movie is to move the removed men.那部情感电影的动机在于感动被开除的人。

89.Otherwise, mother will go to another movie together with brother.3.不然,妈妈就和弟弟一起去看另一场电影。

90.Furthermore, we gathered leather and feather for the future colder weather.而且,我们收集了皮革和羽毛以应付将来更冷的天气。91.Before the premier, the old soldier scolds the cold weather.老兵当着首相的面咒骂寒冷的天气。

92.Whether the weather is good or bad, neither father nor I am going to the gathering.无论天气是好是坏,父亲和我都不去参加那个聚会。

93.The Particle party's partner participated in the particular Parliament.粒子党的合伙人参与了特别议会.94.For convenience of intensive study, he has an intense intention of making friend with me.为便于强化学习，他有和我交朋友的强烈意向。

95.The virtueless girl's duty is to wash the dirty shirts and skirts in the outskirts.无美德女孩的职责就是在郊区洗脏衬衣和裙子.96.I glimpsed the dancer balancing herself on the ambulance by chance.我碰巧瞥见舞蹈者在救护车上使自己保持平衡。

97.Balloon, baseball, basketball, football and volleyball all dance ballet on the volcano.气球、棒球、篮球、足球和排球都在火山上跳芭蕾舞。98.A gallon of gasoline and the nylon overalls fall into the valley.一加仑汽油和尼龙工作裤落进了山谷。99.Palm calmly recalled the so-called caller.“手掌”平静地回忆了那个所谓的拜访者.100.In the hall, the shallow challenger shall be allowed to swallow the swallows.在大厅里,肤浅的挑战者将被允许吞下燕子.16天记住7000考研词汇（第三天）

101.The tall man installed a small wallet on the wall.高个男子把一小钱包安放到墙上.102.Except dishonest ones, anyone who is honest can get honey, everyone thinks so.除了不诚实的人外,任何诚实的人都能得到蜂蜜,人人都这么想。103.The exhausted man and the trustful guy thrust a knife into the rusty crust.精疲力竭的男子和深信不疑的家伙将一把刀子刺向生锈的外壳。104.I finally find that the financial findings are binding.我终于发现财经调查结果具有约束力。

105.At the windy window, the widow finds a blind snake winding.在当风的窗口,寡妇发现有条瞎眼蛇在游动。106.I refuse to accuse Fuse of diffusing confusion.我拒绝控告导火索散播混乱。

107.He had an amusing excuse for executing the executive.对于处决决策人,他有一个可笑的理由.108.At the dawn on the lawn the yawning drowned man began to frown.拂晓时在草坪上，打呵欠的溺水者开始皱眉头.109.Mr.Brown owns the brown towels in the downtown tower.布朗先生拥有闹市区塔里的棕色毛巾。110.Lots of pilots plot to dot the rotten robot.大批领航员策划给腐烂的机器人打点.111.In the hot hotel the devoted voter did not notice the noticeable notebook.在炎热的旅馆里,热心的投票者没有注意到显而易见的笔记本。112.The notorious man's noted notation denotes a notable secret.那个臭名昭著的男子的著名符号代表一个值得关注的秘密.113.Yes, yesterday was the my pay-day;I pay you the payment today.是的,昨天是我的发薪日,我今天付给你报酬.114.Lay a layer of clay on the displayed layout before the relay race.接力赛之前在展示的陈设上铺一层黏土.115.“The gay mayor maybe lay in the hay by the Baby bay,” he says in dismay.他沮丧地说:“快活的市长大概躺在婴儿湾边上的干草中。” 116.The delayed player delegation stay on the playground.被耽搁的运动员代表团停留在操场上。117.The X-rayed prayer preyed a gray tray.照过X光的祈祷者捕获了一个灰色盘子。

118.Anyway, the prayer swayed by me always goes away by subway.不管怎样,受我支配的祈祷者总是从地铁走向远方。119.The chocolates on the plate stimulated my son to calculate.盘子里的巧克力鼓励了儿子进行计算.120.One of my relatives, a late translator, translated a book relating to public relations.我的一位亲戚,一个已故翻译,翻译了一本有关公共关系的书。

121.He relates that he is isolated from his relatives.他叙述说他与亲戚们隔离开了.122.The educator located the local location allocated to him.教育家定出了分配给他的局部的位置.123.Comply with the compatible rule of complement when using compliments.使用问候语时遵守补语的相容规则.124.The complicated indicator is dedicated to the delicate delicious machine.这个复杂的指示器被奉献给精密而美妙的机器.125.Likewise, my bike gave a striking strike to the two men alike.同样,我的自行车给那两个相象的人惊人的打击.126.The smoke choked the joking stroker at one stroke.烟一下呛住了开玩笑的抚摩者.127.Somewhere somebody sometimes does something good.在某处某人有时做某些好事。

128.Wherever I go, nowhere I like;I dislike everywhere.无论我到哪里,没有哪里为我喜欢,我讨厌每一个地方.129.Therefore, the atmosphere is merely a sphere.因此大气层只不过是一个球体。

130.The funny cunning runner uses his gum gun before sunrise or after sunset.滑稽乖巧的赛跑者在日出之前或日落之后使用胶皮枪。

131.The applause paused because of the cause caused by a cautious plausible clause.掌声停了是因为一条谨慎的似乎有理的条款引起的原因。

132.The county councilor encountered the accountant at the counter of a countryside shop.县委委员在一乡村商店的柜台边碰到了会计师。

133.I mounted the mountain and found a fountain with large amount of water.我登上那座山发现一个水量很大的喷泉。

134.Step by step, the sleepy creeper crawled into my sleeve to sleep.昏昏欲睡的爬虫一步一步爬进我的袖子里睡觉.135.After a deep sleep, the weeping sweeper keeps on peeping the sheep on the steep.酣睡之后,哭泣的清扫者继续窥视峭壁上的羊。

136.The vice-adviser advised the reviser to devise a device for getting rid of vice.代理顾问建议校订者想出一个根除恶习的计策.137.The wise man used his wisdom in the vertical advertisement device.聪明人把智慧用在垂直的 广告装置上。

138.With rhythm, the arithmetic teacher put the artist's artificial articles on the vehicle.算术老师把艺术家的人造物品有节奏地放到运载工具里.139.The smart star starts to make cart chart for the commencement.精明的明星开始制作授学位典礼用的马车图表。

140.The lady is glad to give the salad to the sad lad on the ladder.女士乐意把色拉送给梯子上的那位悲哀的小伙子.141.You mad madam, my dad doesn't like the bad badminton pad.你这个疯太太,我爸爸不喜欢这种坏羽毛球垫.142.The one-legged beggar begins to beg eggs illegally.独腿乞丐开始非法讨蛋。

143.The promoter promptly made a quotation for the remote control motors.发起人立刻制了一份遥控马达的报价单。

144.Each pea and peach on the beach can be reached by the peacock.海滩上的每一颗豌豆和桃子孔雀都能触及.145.Although the plan was thorough, it was not carried through.尽管计划很周详，但是没有得到贯彻。

146.Thoughtful men ought not to be thoughtless about the drought.体贴的人不应该对干旱考虑不周。

147.“Rough cough is tough enough,” Bough said while touching the torch.“剧烈咳嗽是够难以对付的,”大树枝在触摸手电筒时说道.148.The football team stopped the steam stream with beams.足球队用横杆堵住了蒸汽流.149.“Ice-cream!” he screamed in dream.“冰淇淋!”他在梦中惊叫道.150.For example, this simple sample similar to his can be exemplified.例如,这件与他的相似的简单样品可以作为例证。

※ 来源： 考研论坛 bbs.kaoyan.com

16天记住7000考研单词（第四天）16天记住7000考研单词（第四天）

151.The spy is shy of taking shelter on the shelf of the shell-like shed.间谍怕在壳子一样的棚里的架子上栖身。

152.The optional helicopter is adopted to help the optimistic helpless in the hell.可选用的直升飞机被用来帮助地狱里那些乐观的无助者.153.The cell seller seldom sees the bell belt melt.小单间的卖主很少见到铃铛带子融化。

154.The costly post was postponed because of the frost.那件昂贵的邮件由于霜的缘故而延搁。155.Srain brain on the train is restrained.在列车上过度用脑受到约束.156.The gained grain drained away with the rain, all the pains were in vain again.收获的谷物随雨水流失了,所有辛劳又白费.157.Cousin saw a group of couples in cloaks soak their souls in the soapy soup.表哥看见一群穿着斗篷的夫妇在肥皂汤里浸泡灵魂.158.The wounded founder bought a pound of compound.受伤的奠基人买了一磅化合物.159.It's easy and feasible to control the disease after cease-fire.停火之后控制这种病很容易也可行。

160.After a decrease, the price of the grease increases increasingly.下跌过一次之后，润滑脂的价格日益上涨。

161.Please release that pleasant peasant teaser who brings us plenty of pleasure.请释放那个带给我们巨大快乐的友好的农民逗趣者。

162.In the canal, the Canadian analyzed the bananas.在运河里,那个加拿大人化验了香蕉.163.I pointed out the joint on the coin at the disappointing appointment.在令人失望的约会上,我指出了硬币上的接头.164.His parents apparently stare at the transparent cigarettes.他父母显然凝视着透明香烟.165.The careful man is scarcely scared by the scarce parcel.细心男子勉强被罕见的包裹吓了一下.166.I'm rarely aware that the square area is bare.我很少觉察到那个正方形区域是光秃秃的.167.“Beware the software in the warhouse during the warfare,” hare said glaring at me.兔子怒视着我说:“战争期间当心仓库里的软件。”

168.I daren't declare that the shares are my spare fare and welfare on the farewell party.在告别会上,我不敢宣称这些股票是我的备用车费和福利。

169.The external and internal interference interrupts my interpretation at short intervals.内部和外部干涉以很短的间隔打扰我翻译.170.The form of the former formula is formally formulated.前一个分子式的形式得到正式表述.171.The performer reformed the performance of the transferred transformer.表演者改良了转让的变压器的性能.172.Normally, enormous deformation is abnormal.通常，巨大的变形是不正常的。

173.The bookworm in uniform is informed of the storm.穿制服的书呆子得到暴风雨的消息。

174.The story about the six-storeyed dormitory tells a glorious history.关于六层楼宿舍的故事讲述一段光荣历史。

175.The perfume consumer presumably assumes that the volume is resumed.香水消费者假定地设想音量已恢复.176.The voluntary revolutionaries revolted like the outbreak of volcano.志愿革命者们象火山爆发一样起义了.177.It's resolved by resolution that the solution will be used to solve the involved problem.决议决定用这个办法解决那个复杂的问题。

178.The generous general's genuine genius is in making generators.那位慷慨将军的真正天才在于制造发电机.179.Several severe federal generals drank the mineral water on the miner's funeral.好几个严厉的联邦将军在矿工的葬礼上喝了矿泉水。

180.The lean man leans on the clean bean plant to read a leaf leaflet.瘦人斜靠在干净的豆科植物上读叶片传单.181.I mean he used mean means in the meantime on the ocean.我的意思是其间在海洋上他用了卑鄙手法.182.The honorable journalist spent an hour on the journey of tour.可敬的新闻记者在观光旅程上花了一个小时.183.The sour vapour pours into the flourishing flour factory.It's the source of resources.酸蒸汽涌进兴旺的面粉厂.这是资源的源泉.184.Of course the man's courage encouraged the discouraged tourists in the courtyard.自然那个勇敢男子的勇气鼓舞了院子里泄气的游客们。185.The zealous dealer has an ideal idea of dealing with the meal.热心的商人有一个处理膳食的理想主意.186.He conceals the fact that he is jealous of my seal and wants to steal it.他隐瞒了他嫉妒我的印章并想偷的事实.187.I really realized that a realm came into reality.我真地认识到一个王国已变成现实.188.The healer reveals an appealing fact that health is great wealth to the commonwealth.医治者揭示一个吸引人的事实:健康是联邦的巨大财富。

189.The absent-minded student consents to the sentence in the presence of me.心不在焉的学生在我面前同意这份判决.190.Presently the present is presented to the representative.现在这份礼物已呈现在代表面前。

191.Not for a moment has the comment on commercial phenomenon been mentioned.那个关于商业现象的评论从未被提及过。

192.The mental patient thinks the cement is the elementary element of the ornament.精神病人认为水泥是装饰品的基本成分.193.As an exception I accept all his concepts and conceptions except one.作为例外,我接受他所有的概念和构想,只有一个除外。

194.I perceived that the veil clung on the ceiling of the clinic was deceit.我觉察到粘附在诊所天花板上的幔子是个骗局.195.The receptionist received a receipt from the receiver.接待员收到一份来自接收者的收据。

196.The reaper leaped over a heap of cheap weapons.收割者跃过一堆廉价的武器。

197.The newly imprisoned prisoners poisoned poisonous moisture are hoisted out from the prison.中了有毒湿气毒的新近关押的囚犯被从监狱吊出.198.The gross grocer crossed his legs before the boss.粗鄙的杂货商在老板面前叉起腿子.199.The lost Bible is possibly the biggest loss of my possessions.丢失的圣经可能是我最大的财产损失。

200.A dose of poison made the noisy man's nose rosy.一剂毒药使得吵闹的男子的鼻子变成玫瑰色.16天记住7000考研单词（第五天）201.The loser closely enclosed himself in the closet.那个失败者把自己严密地封闭在小室内。

202.The composer was proposed to decompose his composition into components.作曲家被建议将著作分解成单元。?

203.Suppose you were exposed in the opposite position by your opponent,...假设你被对手暴露在相反的位置。。

204.The depositor positively positioned the preposition in that position on

purpose.储户有意确信地介词放置在那个位置。?

205.In church the nurse cursed the people pursuing the purple purse.在教堂里，护士诅咒了追求紫色钱包的 人们。?

206.The faculty for agricultural culture isn't difficult to cultivate.农业栽培能力不难培养。

207.The reservoir in the reserved preserve is an obstacle to the obstinate observer.预留保护区内的水库对固执的观察者是一个障碍。

208.The desert deserves the nervous servants to observe.那个沙漠值得神经紧张的公务员们去观察。

209.The bulk of the ruby rubbish on the pebble bubbles when stirred by bulbed rubber club.小卵石上的大部分红宝石废料在用有球状突起的橡胶短棍搅动是会起泡。

210.The adjective injected new meaning into the objected objective object.这个形容词给受到反对的客观物体注入了新的意义。

211.The projector is subject to rejection and may be ejected from the project.投影机有遭到否决的倾向并可能被逐出工程。?

212.A day goes through daybreak, morning, noon, afternoon, evening and midnight.一天经过坲晓，上午，正文，下午，傍晚和午夜。?

213.His affection for the defects is affected by the infectious perfect effect.他对缺点的钟爱受到具有感染力的完美效果的影响。? 214.The critic's criticism is critical to the crisis.???评论家的批评对这场危机至关重要。?

215.The director's indirect direction led to the incorrect erection of the rectifier.指导者间接的指导导致整流器的错误安装。

216.The prospective inspector prospected his prospect with his own perspective.? 未来的检查员用自己的观点勘察的他的前景。

217.Two suspicious aspects are suspected respectively.两个可疑的方面分别受到怀疑。

218.This section about insects is written by a respectable specialist.关于昆虫的这一节是由一位可敬的专家撰写的。

219.I assure the injured jury that a sure insurance is ensured.我让受伤的陪审团确信一笔有把握的保险得到的确保。

220.My durable endurance made me endure the injury during insurance.我持久的忍耐力使我忍受了保险期间的伤害。?

221.I can't endure the leisured man's measures for the treasures in the treasury..我不能容忍那个悠闲男子对金库财宝采取的措施。

222.In the exchange the oranges are arranged into strange ranges.在交易所里橙子被排成奇怪的行。

223.The ashtray, splashed with ash, crashed with a clash in a flash while being washed.那个溅有灰尘的烟灰盘在清洗时咣当一声一下子摔碎了。

226.On the orbit, the rabbits habitually inherited the merits of the inhabitants.? 在轨道上，兔子习惯性地继承了居民们的优点。

227.Her rejoicing voice is void of something avoidable.她那令人高兴的声音缺少某种可避免的东西。

228.I prefer the preferable preference you referred to in the reference books.? 我更喜欢你在参考书中提到的那个更可取的优先权。

229.The specialist specifically specified a special pacific means especially.专家特地明确指定了一种和解的特殊方法。

230.The speculator specifically specified the specification of this species specimen.投机者特地指定了这种物种标本的规范。

231 I'm to be punished for publishing his bad reputation to the public of the republic.我因将他的坏名声公布给共和国的公众将受到惩罚。

232.The drug trafficker is concerned about the condition of the traditional concert.毒品贩子担心传统音乐会的状况。

233.It's a fable that the cable enables the disabled man to be able to walk.电缆使得残疾人能够行走是天方夜谭。

234.The problem is that those who are out of jobs probably rob.问题是那些失业者们可能行劫。?

235.His wicked trick is to get the kids to kick bricks and lick the cricket ticket.他的缺德恶作剧是让孩子们踢砖和添板球门。? 236.The thin sick chicken picks the thick sticky stick quickly.瘦病鸡快速地啄粘乎乎的粗棍。

237.The animals unanimously vanished from the mammal's room furnished with Spanish furniture.动物一齐从配备有西班牙家具的哺乳动物的房间消失。?

Obama 就职演讲稿, My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed[bi'stəu]vt.使用；授予, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors ['ænsestə].I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well

as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America—they will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions—who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do

as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends—hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is

demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].”

America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.THE PRESIDENT: Good evening.To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the men and women of our Armed Services, and to my fellow Americans: I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan--the nature of our commitment there, the scope of our interests, and the strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this war to a successful conclusion.It’s an extraordinary honor for me to do so here at West Point--where so many men and women have prepared to stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.To address these important issues, it’s important to recall why America and our allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first place.We did not ask for this fight.On September 11, 2001, 19 men hijacked four airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people.They struck at our military and economic nerve centers.They took the lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith or race or station.Were it not for the heroic actions of passengers onboard one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the great symbols of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more.As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda--a group of extremists who have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the world’s great religions, to justify the slaughter of innocents.Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban--a ruthless, repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda and those who harbored them--an

authorization that continues to this day.The vote in the Senate was 98 to nothing.The vote in the House was 420 to 1.For the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5--the commitment that says an attack on one member nation is an attack on all.And the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to respond to the 9/11 attacks.America, our allies and the world were acting as one to destroy al Qaeda’s terrorist network and to protect our common security.Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy--and only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden--we sent our troops into Afghanistan.Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of its operatives were killed.The Taliban was driven from power and pushed back on its heel s.A place that had known decades of fear now had reason to hope.At a conference convened by the U.N., a provisional government was established under President Hamid Karzai.And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country.Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war, in Iraq.The wrenching debate over the Iraq war is well-known and need not be repeated here.It’s enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq war drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention--and that the decision to go into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the world.Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsible end.We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011.That we are doing so is a testament to the character of the men and women in uniform.(Applause.)Thanks to their courage, grit and perseverance, we have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people.But while we’ve achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated.After escaping across the border into Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe haven there.Although a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan people, it’s been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient security forces.Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government.Gradually, the Taliban has begun to control additional swaths of territory in Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and devastating attacks of terrorism against the Pakistani people.Now, throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction of what they were in Iraq.When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war.Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these reinforcements did not arrive.And that’s why, shortly after taking office, I approved a longstanding request for more troops.After consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between our war effort in Afghanistan and the extremist safe havens in Pakistan.I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate our military and civilian efforts.Since then, we’ve made progress on some important objectives.High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we’ve stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda worldwide.In Pakistan, that nation’s ar

my has gone on its largest offensive in years.In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential election, and--although it was marred by fraud--that election produced a government that is consistent with Afghanistan’s laws and constitution.Yet huge challenges remain.Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has moved backwards.There’s no imminent threat of the government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum.Al Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe havens along the border.And our forces lack the full support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan security forces and better secure the population.Our new commander in Afghanistan--General McChrystal--has reported that the security

situation is more serious than he anticipated.In short: The status quo is not sustainable.As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger.Some of you fought in Afghanistan.Some of you will deploy there.As your Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of your service.And that’s why, after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy.Now, let me be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troop deployments before 2010, so there has been no delay or denial of resources necessary for the conduct of the war during this review period.Instead, the review has allowed me to ask the hard questions, and to explore all the different options, along with my national security team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners.And given the stakes involved, I owed the American people--and our troops--no less.This review is now complete.And as Commander-in-Chief, I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S.troops to Afghanistan.After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home.These are the resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.I do not make this decision lightly.I opposed the war in Iraq precisely because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions.We have been at war now for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources.Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity on national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort.And having just experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people to work here at home.Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you--a military that, along with you r families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens.As President, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American who gives their life in these wars.I have read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed.I visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed.I’ve traveled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their final resting place.I see firsthand the terrible wages of war.If I did not think that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly order every single one of our troops home tomorrow.So, no, I do not make this decision lightly.I make this decision because I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan.This is the epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda.It is from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak.This is no idle danger;no hypothetical threat.In the last few months alone, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror.And this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate with impunity.We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to do that, we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the region.Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear.This is not just America’s war.Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe havens have been the source of attacks against London and Amman and Bali.The people and governments of both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered.And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to believe that they would use them.These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies.Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future.To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan.We must deny al Qaeda a safe haven.We must reverse the Taliban’s momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government.And we must

strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan’s security forces and government so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan’s future.We will meet these objectives in three ways.First, we will pursue a military strategy that will break the Taliban’s momentum and increase Afghanistan’s capacity over the next 18 months.The 30,000 additional troops that I’m announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010--the fastest possible pace--so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers.They’ll increase our ability to train competent Afghan security forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight.And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.Because this is an international effort, I’ve asked that our commitment be joined by contributions from our allies.Some have already provided additional troops, and we’re confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks ahead.Our friends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan.And now, we must come together to end this war successfully.For what’s at stake is not simply a test of NATO’s credibility--what’s at stake is the security of our allies, and the common security of the world.But taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011.Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground.We’ll continue to advise and assist Afghanistan’s security forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul.But it will be clear to the Afghan government--and, more importantly, to the Afghan people--that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country.Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take advantage of improved security.This effort must be based on performance.The days of providing a blank check are over.President Karzai’s inauguration speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction.And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance.We’ll support Afghan ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat corruption and deliver for the people.We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable.And we will also focus our assistance in areas--such as agriculture--that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people.The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades.They’ve been confronted with occupation--by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes.So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand--America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering.We have no interest in occupying your country.We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of their fellow citizens.And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect--to isolate those who destroy;to strengthen those who build;to hasten the day when our troops will leave;and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never yo ur patron.Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.We’re in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through that country.But this same cancer has also taken root in the border region of Pakistan.That’s why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border.In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who’ve argued that the struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence.But in recent years, as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the most endangered by extremism.Public opinion has turned.The Pakistani army has waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan.And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan share a common enemy.In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly.Those days are over.Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual interest, mutual respect, and mutual trust.We will strengthen Pakistan’s capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries, and have made it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe haven for terrorists whose location is known and whose intentions are clear.America is also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan’s democracy and development.We are the largest international supporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting.And going forward, the Pakistan people must know America will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan’s security and prosperity long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its people can be unleashed.These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to create the conditions for a transition;a civilian surge that reinforces positive action;and an effective partnership with Pakistan.I recognize there are a range of concerns about our approach.So let me briefly address a few of the more prominent arguments that I’ve heard, and which I take very seriously.First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam.They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we’re better off cutting our losses and rapidly withdrawing.I believe this argument depends on a false reading of history.Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action.Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency.And most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are plotting along its border.To abandon this area now--and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance--would significantly hamper our ability to k eep the pressure on al Qaeda, and create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our allies.Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can’t leave Afghanistan in its current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we already have.But this would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions there.It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed to train Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over.Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a time frame for our transition to Afghan responsibility.Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort--one that would commit us to a nation-building project of up to a decade.I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what can be achieved at a reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests.Furthermore, the absence of a time frame for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government.It must be clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan.As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, or our interests.And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation faces.I don’t have the luxury of committing to just one.Indeed, I’m mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who--in discussing our national security--said, “Each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs.”

Over the past several years, we have lost that balance.We’ve failed to appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy.In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our neighbors and friends are out of work and struggle to pay the bills.Too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children.Meanwhile, competition within the global economy has grown more fierce.So we can’t simply afford to ignore the price of these wars.All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan approached a trillion dollars.Going forward, I am committed to addressing these costs openly and honestly.Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely to cost us roughly $30 billion for the military this year, and I’ll work closely with Congress to address these costs as we

work to bring down our deficit.But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must rebuild our strength here at home.Our prosperity provides a foundation for our power.It pays for our military.It underwrites our diplomacy.It taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry.And it will allow us to compete in this century as successfully as we did in the last.That’s why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended--because the nation that I’m most interested in building is our own.Now, let me be clear: None of this will be easy.The struggle against violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan.It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership in the world.And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20th century, our effort will involve disorderly regions, failed states, diffuse enemies.So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we end wars and prevent conflict--not just how we wage wars.We’ll have to be nimble and precise in our use of military power.Where al Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish a foothold--whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere--they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships.And we can’t count on military might alone.We have to invest in our homeland security, because we can’t capture or kill every violent extremist abroad.We have to improve and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step ahead of shadowy networks.We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction.And that’s why I’ve made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose nuclear materials from terrorists, to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and to pursue the goal of a world without them--because every nation must understand that true security will never come from an endless race for ever more destructive weapons;true security will come for those who reject them.We’ll have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an interconnected world acting alone.I’ve spent this year renewing our alliances and forging new partnerships.And we have forged a new beginning between America and the Muslim world--one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity.And finally, we must draw on the strength of our values--for the challenges that we face may have changed, but the things that we believe in must not.That’s why we must promote our values by living them at home--which is why I have prohibited torture and will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay.And we must make it clear to every man, woman and child around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny that America will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend to the light of freedom and justice and opportunity and respect for the dignity of all peoples.That is who we are.That is the source, the moral source, of America’s authority.Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents and great-grandparents, our country has borne a special burden in global affairs.We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents.We have spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies.We have joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions--from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank--that provide for the common security and prosperity of human beings.We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times made mistakes.But more than any other nation, the United States of America has underwritten global security for over six decades--a time that, for all its problems, has seen walls come down, and markets open, and billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific progress and advancing frontiers of human liberty.For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination.Our union was founded in resistance to oppression.We do not seek to occupy other nations.We will not claim another nation’s resources or target other peoples because their faith or ethnicity is different from ours.What we have fought for--what we continue to fight

for--is a better future for our children and grandchildren.And we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and access opportunity.(Applause.)

As a country, we’re not as young--and perhaps not as innocent--as we were when Roosevelt was President.Yet we are still heirs to a noble struggle for freedom.And now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the challenges of a new age.In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength of our arms.It derives from our people--from the workers and businesses who will rebuild our economy;from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer new industries;from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service of those who work in our communities at home;from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hope abroad;and from the men and women in uniform who are part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people, and for the people a reality on this Earth.(Applause.)This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue--nor should we.But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our leadership, nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time, if we allow ourselves to be split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national discourse.It’s easy to forget that when this war began, we were united--bound together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the determination to defend our homeland and the values we hold dear.I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that unity again.(Applause.)I believe with every fiber of my

being that we--as Americans--can still come together behind a common purpose.For our values are not simply words written into parchment--they are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest of storms as one nation, as one people.America--we are passing through a time of great trial.And the message that we send in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is just, our resolve unwavering.We will go forward with the confidence that right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes.(Applause.)Thank you.God bless you.May God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)Thank you very much.Thank you.(Applause.)

第四篇：奥巴马就职演讲

美国历届总统就职演说之---第44任总统Barack Obama的就职演讲稿

Inaugural Address of Barack Obama My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America—they will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.All this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions—who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.17 What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—the nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake.And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends—honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world … that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive … that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet … it.”

America!In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.Thank you.God bless you.And God bless the United States of America.巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马，1961年8月4日生于美国夏威夷，父亲巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马一世是来自肯尼亚的黑人，穆斯林。母亲是堪萨斯州的白人。是左撇子，这是美国总统史自40届以来的第四位左撇子总统。

奥巴马祖籍肯尼亚，是美国历史上第一位具有黑人血统的总统。当然，美国社会对黑人和其他有色人种的种族歧视，至今仍然存在，解决种族歧视依然任重道远。事实上，奥巴马并没有像很多美国黑人奴隶的后裔一样在很多城市的贫民窟长大。他小时候是由他的白人祖父母抚养，他的童年中有很长时间是在印度尼西亚度过的。因此他的思维方式和美国白人或亚洲人比较接近。他本人从来也没有在公开场合，承认自己是黑人，或者是非洲裔美国人，只承认自己是混血。

1983年毕业于哥伦比亚大学，1985年到芝加哥参加社会工作。1991年毕业于哈佛大学的法学院，是第一个担任哈佛法学评论主编的所谓的 非洲裔美国人，并在此期间获得了全国范围的认可。1992年和米歇尔·拉沃恩·奥巴马结婚，并生了二个女儿玛丽亚 ·安· 奥巴马（Malia Ann Obama）, 娜塔莎· 奥巴马（Natasha Obama）。1996年，奥巴马从芝加哥当选为伊利诺伊州国会参议员并在之后的3年中连任；2000年，在竞选美国众议院议员席位失败后，奥巴马将主要精力投入到伊利诺伊州的参议工作中。

2004年7月，美国民主党召开全国代表大会，奥巴马被指定在第二天做“基调演讲”。（所谓“基调演讲”，就是民主党人阐述本党的纲领和政策宣言，通常由本党极有前途的政治新星来发表，1988年做“基调演讲”的人就是时任阿肯色州州长的克林顿。）奥巴马不负众望，他亲自撰写演讲稿，并发表了题为“无畏的希望”（The Audacity ofHope）慷慨激昂的演讲。在演说中他提出消除党派分歧和种族分歧、实现“一个美国”的梦想。该演讲后，奥巴马成为全美知名的政界人物。同年11月，奥巴马顺利的以高达70%的选票当选联邦参议员。

2007年2月10日，奥巴马在伊利诺伊州斯普林菲尔德市正式宣布参加2008年美国总统大选，并提出了重点在“完结伊拉克战争以及实施全民医疗保险制度”的竞选纲领。2008年1月4日，在俄亥俄州民主党初选大会上，奥巴马赢得了38%的支持率，领先于知名度高于自己的约翰·爱德华兹以及希拉里·克林顿，在民主党诸位候选人中领跑。2008年6月3日，奥巴马票数领先于希拉里·克林顿，被定为民主党总统候选人；同年8月23日，在民主党全国代表大会上奥巴马被正式提名，从而成为了美国历史上首个非洲裔总统大选候选人。

2008年11月5日，奥巴马击败共和党候选人约翰·麦凯恩，正式当选为美国第四十四任总统。

2009年10月9日，据英国广播公司报道，诺贝尔奖评审会称，美国总统奥巴马因“为增强国际外交及各国人民间的合作做出非同寻常的努力”而被授予2009诺贝尔和平奖。

第五篇：奥巴马就职演讲

You know，there are those who were saying that North Carolina would be a game-changer in this election.But today，what North Carolina decided is that the only game that needs changing is the one in Washington.D.C.I want to start by congratulating Senator Clinton on what appears to be her victory in the state of Indiana.And I want to thank all the people--I want to thank all the wonderful people of Indiana who worked so hard on our behalf.The people in Indiana could not be finer.They worked tirelessly,and I will always be grateful to them.I want to thank,of course, the people of North Carolina for giving us a victory in a big state，a swing state，in a state where we will compete to win if I am the Democratic nominee for President of the United States.You know,when this campaign began，Washington didn't give us much of a chance.But because you came out in the bitter cold，and knocked on doors，and enlisted your friends and neighbors in this cause； because you stood up to the cynics，and the doubters，and the naysayers when we were up and when we were down； because you still believe that this is our moment and our time to change America,tonight we stand less than two hundred delegates away from securing the Democratic nomination for President of the United States.More importantly，because of you，we have seen that it s possible to overcome the politics of division and distraction； that it's possible to overcome the same, old negative attacks that are always about scoring points and never about solving our problems.We've seen that the American people aren t looking for more spin.They're looking for honest answers about the challenges we face.That s what you ve accomplished in this campaign，and that's how together we intend to change this country.This has been one of the longest，most closely fought contests in history.And that s partly because we have such a formidable opponent in Senator Hillary Clinton.Tonight，many of the pundits have suggested that this party is inalterably divided, that Senator Clinton's supporters will not support me，and that my supporters will not support her.Well I'm here tonight to tell you that I don't believe it.Yes，there have been bruised feelings on both sides.Yes，each side desperately wants their candidate to win.But ultimately，this race is not about Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama or John McCain.This election is about you the American people.It's about whether we will have a president and a party that can lead us toward a brighter future.This primary season may not be over，but when it is，we will have to remember who we are as Democrats,that we are the party of Jefferson and Jackson； of Roosevelt and Kennedy； and that we are at our best when we lead with principle； when we lead with conviction； when we summon an entire nation around a common purpose a higher purpose.This fall，we intend to march forward as one Democratic Party，united by a common vision for this country.Because we all agree that at this defining moment in history, a moment when we re facing two wars，an economy in turmoil，a planet in peril,a dream that feels like it's slipping away for too many Americans, we can t afford to give John McCain the chance to serve out George Bush's third term.We need change in America.And that's why we'll be nuited in November.The woman I met in Indiana who had just lost her job，lost her pension，lost her insurance, when the plant where she worked at her entire life closed down, she can t afford four more years of tax breaks for corporations like the one that shipped her job overseas.She needs us to give tax breaks to companies that create good jobs here in America.She can t afford four more years of tax breaks for CEOs like the one who walked away from her company with a multimillion-dollar bonus.She needs middle-class tax relief of the sort I've proposed,relief that will help her pay the skyrocketing price of groceries，and gas，and college tuition.That's why I'm running for President.The college student I met in Iowa who works the night shift after a full day of class ,still can't pay the medical bills for a sister who s ill, she can t afford four more years of a health care plan that only takes care of the healthy and the wealthy, that allows insurance companies to discriminate and deny coverage to those Americans who need it most.She needs us to stand up to those insurance companies and pass a plan that lowers every family s premiums and gives every uninsured American the same kind of coverage that Members of Congress give themselves.That s why I m running for President.The mother in Wisconsin who gave me a bracelet inscribed with the name of the son she lost in Iraq, the families who pray for their loved ones to come home； the heroes on their third and fourth and fifth tour of duty they can t afford four more years of a war that should ve never been authorized and never been waged.They can t afford four more years of our veterans returning to broken-down barracks and substandard care.And they don't want to see homeless veterans on the streets,they don't want to see veterans waiting years to get disability payments or having to travel for hours and miles just to get treatment.They need us to end the war that isn t making us safer.They need us to treat them with the care and respect they deserve.That s why I m running for President.The man I met in Pennsylvania who lost his job but can t even afford the gas to drive around and look for a new one, he can t afford four more years of an energy policy written by the oil companies and for the oil companies； a policy that s not only keeping gas at record prices，but funding both sides of the war on terror and destroying our planet.He doesn t need four more years of Washington policies that sound good，but don t solve the problem.He needs us to take a permanent holiday from our oil addiction by making the automakers raise their fuel standards，corporations pay for their pollution，and oil companies invest their record profits in a clean energy future.That s the change we need.And that s why I m running for President.The people that I've met in small towns and big cities across this country understand that government can t solve all our problems ,and we don t expect it to.We believe in hard work.We believe in personal responsibility and self-reliance.But we also believe that we have a larger responsibility to one another as Americans, that America is a place, that America is the place where you can make it if you try,that no matter how much money you start with or where you come from or who your parents are，opportunity is yours if you re willing to reach for it and work for it.It s the idea that, while there are few guarantees in life，you should be able to count on a job that pays the bills； health care for when you need it； a pension for when you retire； an education for your children that will allow them to fulfill their God-given potential.That s the America we believe in.That s the America we know.This is the country that gave my grandfather a chance to go to college on the GI Bill when he came home from World War II； a country that gave him and my grandmother the chance to buy their first home with a loan from the FHA.This is the country that made it possible for my mother, a single parent who had to go on food stamps at one point, to send my sister and me to the best schools in the country on scholarships.This is the country that allowed my father-in-law,a shift worker, a city worker at a water filtration plant in Chicago, to provide for his wife and two children on a single salary.Now this is a man who was diagnosed at age thirty with multiple sclerosis, who relied on a walker to get himself to work, and yet，every day he went，and he labored，and he sent my wife and her brother to one of the best colleges in the nation.And when he talked ahout his job,he expressed that it was important not just because it gave him a paycheck，but because it described his dignity,his self-worth,his self-respect.It was an America that didn t just reward wealth，but it rewarded work and the workers who created it.That's the America I love.That's the America you love.That's the America that we're fighting for in this election.Somewhere along the line，between all the bickering and the influence-peddling and the game-playing of the last few decades，Washington and Wall Street have lost touch with these core values,these American values.And while I honor John McCain's service to his country，his ideas for America are out of touch with these core values.His plans for the future,of continuing a war that has not made us safer,of continuing George Bush's economic policies that he claims have made great progress,these are nothing more than the failed policies of the past.And his plan to win in November appears to come from the very same playbook that his side has used time after time in election after election.Yes，we know what's coming.I'm not naive.We ve seen it already,the same names and labels they always pin on everyone who doesn t agree with all their ideas,the same efforts to distract us from the issues that affect our lives, by pouncing on every gaffe and association and fake controversy ,in the hopes that the media will play along.The attempts to play on our fears and exploit our differences ,to turn us against each other for pure political gain, to slice and dice this country into Red States and Blue States； blue collar and white collar； white, black, brown,young,old,rich,poor

This is the race we expect,no matter whether it's myself or Senator Clinton who is the nominee.The question then is not what kind of campaign they ll run，it s what kind of campaign we will run.It s what we will do to make this year different.I didn t get into race thinking that I could avoid this kind of politics，but I am running for President because this is the time to end it.We will end it this time not because I'm perfect.I think we know at this phase of the campaign that I am not.We will end it not by duplicating the same tactics and the same strategies as the other side，because that will lead us down the same path of polarization and of gridlock.We will end it by telling the

truth forcefully，repeatedly，confidently and by trusting that the American people will embrace the need for change ,even if it's coming from an imperfect messenger ,because that s how we ve always changed this country, not from the top down，but from the bottom up； when you, the American people ,decide that the stakes are too high and the challenges are too great.The other side can label and name-call all they want，but I trust the American people to recognize that it s not surrender to end the war in Iraq so that we can rebuild our military and go after al Qaeda's leaders.I trust the American people to understand that it s not weakness，but wisdom to talk not just to our friends，but our enemies, like Roosevelt did，and Kennedy did，and Truman did.I trust the American people to realize that, while we don t need big government，we do need a government that stands up for families who are being tricked out of their homes by Wall Street predators, a government that stands up for the middle class by giving them a tax break, a government that ensures that no American will ever lose their life savings just because their child gets sick.Security and opportunity, compassion and prosperity aren t liberal values.They're not conservative values.They re American values,and that's what we're fighting for in this election.Most of all，I trust the American people's desire to no longer be defined by our differences, because no matter where I ve been in this country, whether it was the corn fields of Iowa or the textile mills of the Carolinas, the streets of San Antonio or the foothills of Georgia, I ve found that, while we may have different stories，we hold common hopes.We may not look the same or come from the same place，but we want to move in the same direction towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.That s why I'm in this race.I love this country too much to see it divided and distracted at this moment in history.I believe in our ability to perfect this nation, because it s the only reason

I'm standing here today.And I know the promise of America, because I have lived it.Michelle has lived it.You have lived it.It is the light of opportunity that led my father across an ocean.It is the founding ideals that the flag draped over my father's coffin stand for.It is life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness.It s the simple truth I learned all those years ago when I worked in the shadow of all those shuttered steel mills on the south side of Chicago ,that, in this country，justice can be won against the greatest odds； hope can find its way back from the darkest of corners.And when we are told that we cannot bring about the change that we seek，we answer with one voice: Yes, we can.So,North Carolina and America, don t ever forget that this election is not about me or any candidate.Don t ever forget that this campaign is about you.It's about your hopes，it's about your dreams，il's about your struggles，it's about your aspirations,it's about securing your portion of the American Dream.Don t ever forget that we have a choice in this country, that we can choose not to be divided； that we can choose not to be afraid, that we can still choose this moment to finally come together and solve the problems we ve talked about all those other years in all those other elections.This time can be different than all the rest.This time we can face down those who say our road is too long, that our climb is too steep, that we can no longer achieve the change that we seek.This is our time to answer the call that so many generations of Americans have answered before, by insisting that, by hard work and by sacrifice，the American dream will endure.Thank you，and may God Bless the United States of America.