麦克阿瑟名言

第一篇：麦克阿瑟名言

麦克阿瑟名言

1、今天标志我对你们的最后一次点名。但我希望你们知道，当我死去时，我最后自然想到的一定是你们这支部队——这支部队——这支部队。

2、“你有信仰就年轻，疑惑就年老。有自信就年轻，畏惧就年老。有希望就年轻，绝望就年老。岁月刻蚀的不过是你的皮肤，但如果失去了热忱，你的灵魂就不再年轻。”

3、“I shall return"

4、“只有不怕死的人才配活着”

5、“有绝妙的计划，必须不遗余力地实施，而且今天就做。”

6、我向你们告别了。

7、石头是坚硬的但比它更坚硬的是人的高与意志它受到理想的指引它能征服和铸造最坚硬的顽石

8、“迎接战争和迎接太阳一样”

9、“老兵永远不会死，他们只是悄然隐去”

10、“人才有用不好用，奴才好用没有用。”

11、我的生命已近黄昏，暮色已经降临。我过去的音调与色彩已经消失，它们已经随着往事的梦境模糊地溜走了。往日的回忆是非常美好的，是以泪水洗涤，以昨天的微笑抚慰的。我渴望但徒然地聆听着远处那微弱而迷人的起床号声，和那咚咚作响的军鼓声。在梦境里，我又听到隆隆的炮声，劈啪的步枪射击声，战场上古怪而悲伤的低语声。然而，在我黄昏的记忆中，我总是来到西点，耳边始终回响着：责任一荣誉一国家。

12、“若无必胜的信心，则战争必败无疑。”

第二篇：麦克阿瑟西点军校演讲（精选）

DutyHonorCountry

“Duty”“honor”“country”---thosethreehallowedwordsreverentlydictatewhat youwanttobe,whatyoucan be,whatyouwillbe。They areyourallyingpoint to

buildcouragewhencourageseemstofail,toregainfaithwhenthereseemsto

belittlecauseforfaith,tocreatehopewhenhopebecomesforlorn.Unhappily,Ipossess neitherthateloquenceofdiction ,thatpoetry ofimagination,northatbrillianceofmetaphortotellyouallthattheymean,Thesearesomeofthethingstheybuild, Theybuildyour basic

character ,Theymold you foryourfuture rolesas the custodians ofthe nation's defense, They make you strong enough to knowwhen you are weak,and brave enough to face yourselfwhen you are afraid,Theyteach youtobeproudandunbendinginhonestfailure,but humble andgentle in success;nottoosubstitutewords for action;not to seek the the path ofcomfort,butto face the stress andspur of difficulty challenge;to learnto standupin the storm,but to have

compassiononthosewhofall;to masteryourself before you seek to master others;to have a heart that is clean,a goal that is high;to learn to

laugh,yet never forget how toweep;to reach in to the future ,yet never neglect the past;to be serious,yet never take yourself too seriously;tobe

modestsothat you willrememberthesimplicity oftrue

greatness,theopenmind oftruewisdom,the meeknessoftrue

strength.Theyteachyouinthis wayto beanofficer andan gentleman.责任荣誉国家

责任、荣誉、国家---这三个神圣的词语，虔敬的告诉你们想成为什么，你们能成为什么，你们会成为什么。他们是你们重振旗鼓的据点，在勇气似乎消逝之时寻回勇气，在 信心渺茫是重拾信心，在希望沦为绝望时创造希望。不幸的是我没有雄辩的口才，没有充满想象的诗篇，也没有富含技巧的隐喻去说明它们的全部含义。

它们构建了一些东西，它们构建了你的基本人格。它们把你们塑造成未来的国防守护人。它们让你坚强的知道自己何时软弱，让你勇敢到在畏惧时敢于面对自己。

它们教导你：在失败是保持自尊和坚定，在成功时保持谦卑和温和，不以空言代替行动；不寻坦途，而是面对困境的压力，以及挑战的鞭策；学习在暴风雨中屹立，但是对跌倒的人寄予同情；在你想控制别人之前先控制自己；有纯洁的心又高尚的目标；学会欢笑，但永不忘记何时哭泣；走向未来，永不忽视过去，严肃，但永远不要把自己看的太过认真；谦虚，以便你能记得真伟大的单纯，真智慧的开明，真力量的温驯。就这样，他们教导你即是军士又是绅士。

第三篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲译文

麦克阿瑟告别演讲

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.总统先生，议长先生，尊敬的国会议员们：

我站在主席台前，感到深深的惶恐和无比的骄傲。惶恐的是在我之前已经有很多美国历史的伟大建筑师们站到了这里给我的压力；骄傲的是这个立法辩论的圣地代表的人类创造的最纯的自由的彰显。整个人类的信仰、热望和希望都汇集于此。我不想作为任何党派事业的倡导站在这里，因为这些问题举足轻重、意义深远非政党考虑所能涵盖。如果我们的事业要保持健全，我们的未来要有保证，那么这些问题必须在国家利益的高度解决。因此，我希望你们能公正地接受我作为一个美国公民提出的肺腑之言。

I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.我的讲话里既没有因烈士暮年而充满积怨，也没有尖酸刻薄，有的是一颗赤胆忠心：报效国家。这些问题是全球性的，如此错综复杂，以至于考虑一个领域的各种问题，明显地对其它领域的问题，是不折不扣的引火烧身。当亚洲被公认为欧洲的门口时，欧洲同样被认为是亚洲的门口，对一方的广泛影响，不可能不是对另一方的影响。一些人声称我们的实力不足以应对两条战线，我们要反击这种观点。共产主义的威胁是全球性的。它在一个领域的成功有摧毁其它任何领域的威胁。你无法在亚洲讨好或投降共产主义而不动摇在欧洲阻止共产主义的努力。

Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.除了指出这些不言自明的事，我想把讨论局限于亚洲。任何人在有意研究那里目前的局面之前，他应该深刻了解亚洲的过去和她走向当今的进程在里程碑式的革命性变革。长期受到所谓的殖民主义国家的剥削，几乎没有获得任何程度的社会公正和个人尊严或高生活水平的机会，这些是我们在菲律宾的高尚管理的指南，亚洲各国人民发现他们打破殖民主义桎楛的机会在战争中失去，他们看到了新机会的曙光，迄今还没有感觉到的尊严和政治自由的自尊。

Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.拥有世界一半的人口和60%的自然资源，这些人们正在快速的形成道义和自然意义上的新势力，他们用这个力量提高生活水平和把现代进步的理念融入他们的独特的文化环境。不管谁固守殖民主义的思潮与否，这是亚洲进步的方向，任何人都无法阻挡。这是世界经济前沿转变的必然结果。当今国际事务的中心就是世界经济的前沿又一次回到它的出发点。In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.在这种情况下，使我们国家的政策与这种基本的演变形势相一致而不是对殖民地现在已经成为过去，亚洲各个民族都在追求打造自己的自主命运的权力这个事实视而不见。他们现在追求的是友好的指导、理解和帮助—而不是飞扬跋扈的命令—平等的尊严而不是征服的耻辱。他们在战前的生活标准十分悲惨，现在在战争留下的废墟中更加雪上加霜。国际意识形态在亚洲人的思维里几乎不起作用，而且也不被理解。各个民族追求的只不过是肚子里多一点点食物的几乎，身上穿着好一点的衣服，头顶上更加坚固的屋顶以及普通民族主义者的政治自由的愿望可以实现。这些政治的-社会的形势只不过间接地影响我国的安全，但是如果我们要躲过非现实主义的陷阱，我们就不得不认真考虑他们构成的当前计划的背景。Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.直接和当下就影响我们的国家安全的是形成战后太平洋战略潜力的各种变化。美国的西部战略前沿位于美洲的多边边界，和在此之外延伸到夏威夷、中途岛、关岛直到菲律宾群岛的一个岛链。事实证明这个突出的岛链不是坚固的前哨，而是敌人能够也曾经沿着此攻击的防守薄弱的通道。

The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.太平洋曾经是企图攻击沿岸国家的侵略成性的国家的必争之地。我们在太平洋的胜利改变了一切。我们的战略前沿也从此转移的了整个太平洋，只要我们控制了太平洋，它就成了我们的无边的护城河。的确，它起着所有美洲国家和太平洋沿岸自由国家防卫之盾的作用。我们与我们的自由世界盟友通过一个从阿留申群岛到马里亚纳群岛的岛链控制着直到太平洋与亚洲海岸相接的广漠水域。由这个岛链我们通过海、空军遏制着从海参崴到新加坡的所有港口—如我所说，每个港口—从海参崴到新加坡—防止任何敌对势力进入太平洋。

*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.*任何来自亚洲的侵略性攻击只能是两栖作战。*没有任何两栖作战能够在没有进攻路线上的制海权和制空权的前提下成功。我们有海、空军的绝对优势和足够的地面作战力量保卫所有基地，任何来自亚洲大陆的对我们或我们的盟友的重点进攻都将以失败告终。

Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.在这样的条件下，太平洋不再是未来的敌人进攻我们的危险的通衢。恰恰相反，成了充满友谊的内湖。有了这个天然的防线我们的军事努力和开支就可以降到最低水平。这里没有针对任何一方的进攻，也不会为任何进攻行动提供必需的堡垒，有的是适度维系的抵御任何进攻的固若金汤的防线。掌握这个西太平洋的多边防线完全取决于掌握各个防线；因为任何一段防线被一个不友好的势力突破将使任何其它主要防线受到攻击的危险。

This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.这个军事评估我一直在等待一个军事领导人提出异议。因此我过去极力强调一个特急军事情况，就是无论如何情况下，台湾都不能落入共产党人的手里。这个不测事件一旦发生将立刻威胁到菲律宾的自由和日本的丧失，并且可能迫使我们把西部防线撤退到加利福尼亚州、俄勒冈州和华盛顿州海岸。

To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.为了理解中国大陆现在发生的巨变，你必须理解在过去的五十年里中国人的秉性和文化发生的巨变。中国，直到五十年前，还是彻头彻尾的一盘散沙，被互相争斗的军阀们各自割据。对外发动战争的倾向几乎没有，因为他们仍然信奉孔夫子的“和为贵”教义。在世纪之交，在张作霖的统治下，进一步统一国家的运动促成了民族主义者的壮大。在蒋介石的领导下这种统一取得了巨大的成功，导致的最大的后果就是在当今的政府领导下演变成了一种颇具统治和侵略倾向的民族主义秉性。

Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.在过去的五十年里，中国人民的观念和理想都军事化了。他们现在组成了拥有出色的指挥和参谋人员和最精锐的士兵的军队。这创造了亚洲的新的统治性的大国，它为了自己的利益与苏联结盟但坚持他们自己的观念和方法，已经成了侵略性的帝国。它的强军扩张的野心符合这类帝国主义。

There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.无论这样还是那样看，在中国人的秉性里几乎没有任何意识形态观念。他们的生活水平极低，资本积累在战争中灰飞烟灭，广大民众因此奋不顾身地追随任何可能把他们解救出当地桎酷的领导。

I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.我从开始就认为中国共产党人对北朝鲜的支持是占优的。他们在北朝鲜的利益在今天不亚于苏联。但是我认为他们最近显示的侵略性不仅在朝鲜而且还在印度支那和西藏，潜在的锋芒直指能南方，强力彰显了有史以来任何可能的征服者都具有的扩张国力的野心。

The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.日本人民，自战争时起，一直开展历史上最伟大的改革。他们有令人啧啧称赞的学习的意志和热望，出色的理解力，在战争的废墟上，建立了一个给国民最大个体自由和人身尊严的大厦；随后他们有建立了真正的人民代表组成的政府，致力于政治道德的进步、经济实体的自由和社会的公平。Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.在政治、经济和社会上日本已经可以和地球上的很多自由国家比肩了，不会再次辜负国际社会的信任了。或许寄希望于日本在亚洲的事务中发挥深远的有益影响已经被日本人民在应对最近的战争、**和纠缠他们的来自外部和内部被控制的共产主义的困惑的挑战中没有丝毫放缓进步的步伐的惊人表现所证明了。我把我们的四个占领师全部投入韩国前线没有一点对造成日本军力真空的影响的担忧。这些结果完全证实了我的信念。我知道没有任何国家比日本更加沉着、守序和勤奋，也没有哪个国家能在人类的进步中怀有更高的未来建设性的服务的希望。Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.关于我们的庇护国菲律宾，我们满怀信心地期待当前的动荡得到平息，一个强大健康的国家摆脱战争的严重破坏的后续影响，发展起来。我们一定要耐心、理解而且永远不能辜负他们—如同在我们需要的时候，他们没有辜负我们一样。作为一个基督国家，菲律宾是一个基督精神在远东的坚强堡垒，它在亚洲的崇高道德领导能力不可限量。

On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.在台湾，中华民国政府曾经有机会用行动驳斥大多数恶意的舆论，这些舆论侵蚀了国民党在中国大陆的领导力量。台湾人民将接受一个公正的开明的政府，这个政府具备政府的大多数功能，在政治、经济和社会上正在沿着健全和建设性的路线前进。

With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.带着这个对周边地区的简要洞悉，我现在转到韩战。虽然总统做出旨在支持大韩民国的军事干预的决定并没有与我商量，从军事观点来看，这个决定是正确的，因为我们击退了入侵者，大量杀伤了他的部队。当红色中国以绝对优势的地面部队干预时，我们的胜利是彻底的，我们的目标已经达到。

This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.这创造了一场全新的战争和彻头彻尾的新形势，一个我们的军队投身于抵御北韩侵略者时没有预料到的形势；一个在外交领域做出想决策以便赢得时间做出现实的军事战略调整的形势。这样的决策始终没有做出。

While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.虽然没有一个头脑冷静的人会提出派我们的地面部队入侵中国大陆，甚至一点这样的念头都没有，但是如果我们的政治目的是如同我们过去击败老对手一样击败这个新敌人，新形势的确迫切地需要果断的战略规划修改。

Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.在我看来，除了把鸭绿江以北的敌人的避难所中立化的军事需要，我觉得指挥一场战争的紧迫性必须：首先强化对中国的经济封锁；其次，部署海军对中国海岸进行封锁；第三，撤销对中国沿海地区和满洲里地区的空中侦察的限制；第四，撤销对在台湾的中华民国军队的限制，这只军队及其后勤支援可以有效地投入打击我们共同的敌人的军事行动。

For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.因为维护所有这些观点，这些观点都是精心设计的旨在支持我们投入韩国的部队和结束敌对状态，而且延迟最少，可以挽救无数美国和盟国军人的生命，我一直受到严厉的批评，他们指责我到处画圈子，主要是在国外，尽管我对这些观点从军事角度的理解在过去事实上一直被任何关注韩战的军事领导人所赞同，包括参谋长联席会议。

I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.我要求增援，都是得到的回答是无法增援。我阐明了如果不允许摧毁敌人在鸭绿江北的基地，如果不允许利用台湾的 600，000中国友军，不允许封锁中国的海岸防止红色中国得到他们没有的援助，如果主要的增援遥遥无期，从军事角度看，盟军司令部的地位就会封杀了胜利。

We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.我可以通过持续的军事行动在我们的优势补给线与敌人的劣势补给线持平的地区附近控制韩国，但是我们可能最多只能取得一些微不足道的胜利，而一旦敌人倾注全力我们的部队就会卷入可怕的持久的消耗战。我一直在谋求彻底解决的政治决定。

Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: 很多人不遗余力的诋毁我的立场。他们说事实上我是一个战争贩子。事实胜于雄辩。几乎没有活着的人对战争的理解能达到我对战争的理解程度，我最痛恨的就是战争。我长期以来致力于彻底消除战争，因为只要诉诸战争，无论敌我双方都会遭到毁灭性打击，使它对解决国际争端毫无作用。的确，在一九四五年九月二日，日本国在密苏里号战舰上的投降仪式刚刚结束，我就正式提出下列忠告： “Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.” 自从盘古开天地，人类一直在追寻和平。多少个世纪以来，人们尝试了无数的方法构建一个国际程序防止和解决国与国之间的争端。从一开始人们就找到了可行的解决人与人之间关系的方法，但是借助国际范围的解决机制从来没有成功的。军事结盟，力量制衡，国家联盟相继失败，留下的唯一方法就是战争的考验。战争的极大破坏性勾勒了这个替代方法。我们还有最后一次机会。如果我们不能构建一些更加有力更加平等的系统，世界末日大决战必将到来。这个问题从根本上讲是神学性质的涉及精神和人类品性的改进，这个改进是与我们在科学、艺术、文学的近乎无与伦比的进步和过去2，000年来所有物质的和文化的进化同步的。如果我们要拯救血肉之躯，就必须具备这种精神。

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.但是一旦战争强加到我们的头上，除了用一切手段尽快结束它别无选择。战争的最高目标是夺取胜利，不是举棋不定。在战争中除了取胜别无选择。

There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.一些人出于各种原因姑息红色中国。他们对清晰的历史教训视而不见，因为历史毋庸置疑地强调姑息绥靖只能是导致新的流血战争。历史上没有一个例子证明为了这个目的可以不择手段，所有的例子都是姑息绥靖导致的屈辱的和平。和敲诈勒索一样，它滋生新的欲壑难填的要求，如同敲诈勒索一样，直到动用唯一的另外选择—暴力。

“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.我的一个士兵问我：“为什么要把战场上的军事优势拱手让给一个敌人？”我无言以对。

有些人可能说：避免把冲突扩大为与中国的全面战争；另一些可能说避免苏联干预。没有一个解释成立，因为中国已经投入了他们的全部军力，苏联没必要和我们直接冲突。就像一条眼镜蛇，任何新的敌人极有可能在他认为他们在世界范围内有军事或其它潜在的优势时发动战争。

The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.把军事行动限制在韩国领土进一步加剧了韩国的悲剧。全面的海空狂轰滥炸的摧枯拉朽的破坏力捣毁了我们要保护的国家，而我们的敌人的栖身之地却安然无恙。

Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.在全世界所有的国家中，迄今为止只有韩国倾其举国之力抵御共产主义。韩国人民的勇气和坚毅是语言难以描述的。

They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!” 他们选择了死亡而不是当奴隶。他们给我的最后一句话是：“不要放弃太平洋！” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.我把你们英勇善战的儿女们留住了韩国。他们在那里接受了所有的考验，我可以毫无保留地告诉你们，他们在任何方面都表现得灿烂辉煌。It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.我一直致力于保护他们，以最短的时间和最小的牺牲来体面地结束这场残酷的冲突。日益增长的流血牺牲令我痛苦不堪、寝食难安。

这些仗义豪爽的优秀儿女们时常萦绕在我的心头，我永远为他们祈祷。I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.” 我52年的军旅生涯即将结束。当我从军时，还没有到世纪之交，它是我全部儿时的梦想和希望的实现。自从我在西点军校的操场上庄严宣誓以来，世界已经发生了翻天覆地的变化，这些希望和梦想早已灰飞烟灭了，但是我仍然记得那时一首最流行的军营歌谣的副歌：“老兵永远不死；他们仅仅是淡出了。” And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.正如那首歌谣中的老兵，我现在结束我的军旅生涯并且淡出，因为上帝还给他光芒让他看见天职，这个老兵就试图履行了他的天职。再见。

第四篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲稿：老兵不死(中英文)

麦克阿瑟告别演讲稿：老兵不死（中英文）

麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死（英文版）

Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we--as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter

destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.” And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死（中文版）总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们： 我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。这是世界金融尖端转变的必然结果，就像整个世界事物的中心正循环着回到它的起始点。在这种形势之下，我们用基本发展的状况使自己国家和东方国家在政策上保持和谐而不是一味追求不明现实的路线，因为殖民时代已经过去且亚洲人正为实现他们自由的命运而垂延。他们当今寻求的是友好的指引、协议、和支持——而不是专横的引导——是平等尊严而不是耻辱地屈从。他们战前的生活标准低得令人同情，现在又因战争所带来的破坏而变得更加无限的低。世界的意识形态几乎不把亚洲考虑在内，不给予他们体谅。那儿的人民为之拼命的只是为了能得到更多一点食物来填饱肚子，有稍好一点的衣物来遮背，盖结实些的屋顶在他们的头上，和普通国民们渴望政治自由的意识。这些政治社会性的条件为国内安全给予了间接的保障，不过要对慎重考虑过的现时方案建立背景来决定我们是否要避免不切实际的意外事件。能直系和快速地稳固住国内安全的是过去太平洋战争路线战略上的改变。先前的美国西面战略部署是美国原本线路，附和着暴露的岛屿夏威夷、中途岛、关岛通向菲律宾。这种战线证明了不是敌方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱点使敌人有机可乘太平洋地区是个令任何强国都虎视眈眈谋求发展和扩张领土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋战争的胜利改变了，我们那具有战略意义的边界才成为我们所拥有的整个太平洋，只要我们能够抓住它便能使其成为巨大的护城河。千真万确，它充当的是所有美国乃至整个太平洋自由领土的护盾。我们控制亚洲成弧形链状海岸线的岛屿从琉球到马尼拉都受我们和盟军控制。由这诸些岛屿我们能支配从海参葳到新加坡亚洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所说的——从海参葳到新加坡——保护并抵御太平洋上不友好的动机。在亚洲任何凶狠的进攻都必须具备两股力量。无任何两种力量能在没有海洋和空中的掌控权之下在推进道路上取得成功。有了海军、重要的空军和适度的陆军来保卫基地，任何对亚洲大陆的以及我们和我们在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻击都必将逃不了失败的厄运。在如此状况下，太平洋代表的不仅仅是预想中的侵略者的一种威胁。假定那里是个友好的和平湖畔，我们的防御路线就十分自然而且可花费最小的军事代价来维持。想象没有任何袭击，也用不着为突袭性的攻击而设置堡垒，只要适当维护，这将是抵制侵略的不可战胜的防御。在西太平洋上想拥有这种防御力因此要依赖各个部分，因为不友好的力量导致的任何线路破裂都会遭来每个部分在有预谋的攻击下变得十分脆弱。这是我仍在寻找的要接替我的军事领头者应当持有的军事评估。因为这个原因，我过去强烈地推荐自己，成为一个至关重要的军事代理，没有稳固的经济基础台湾就只能在共产主义的掌控下。这样一个世界有可能立刻就威胁到菲律宾和失败后的日本的自由，也会迫使我们西方的防守边界退到加利福尼亚沿岸、奥勒岗和华盛顿。要了解中国大陆所发生的变化，就必须知道50年来中国体制和文化的变化。中国，50年前是完全没有团结意识，分裂成很多团体互相争斗。经过过去的五十年中国人开始有了武装的概念和理想。如今他们组成了拥有胜任的参谋长和司令的优秀士兵团体。这就在亚洲诞生了一股新的统治力量，为了实现自己的目标，他们与观念方法都成了具帝国主义的苏联结盟，同时他们也带着扩张领土、增强实力的渴望趋向帝国主义。他们都使用精力来扭曲我的职位。结果我被说成了是个好战分子。没有事物能够越加远离真理。我明白现在活着的人当中几乎没多少能真正了解战争，没有比这更令我心情不悦的了。因为对朋友和敌人带来的破坏已经致使一系列国际上的争论都毫无用处，我倡导这项废除令很久了。事实上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本国在密苏里号战舰上投降后，我正式警告如下： “人类从一开始就寻求和平。不同的时代各式各样的方法都被用来设计国际性的进程，来平息和解国与国之间的争论。有许多可行性的方法是被个别的公民发掘的，但是在一个巨大的国际范围中，技术工人用单一的手段还从未成功过。军事的联盟，实力的平衡，国家的结盟，轮流着失败，留下这唯一的路径来当作战争的严酷考验。战争带来的整个破坏现在产生了二选一。我们只有最后的机会。如果我们我们不能设计出一些更好更公平的制度，大决战将近在咫尺。问题是神奇的，它涉及到一种精神的再生和人类性格的改进，将与我们在科学、艺术、文学及所有物质文化2000年来的发展近乎史无前例的同步进展。如果我们要保存肉体就必须有精神作支撑。” 但是一旦战争逼迫着我们发生，那就没有选择的尽力使战争尽快结束。战争的目的是为了胜利，而不是为了无休止的延长。战争中没有东西能代替胜利。有一些人因为各种原因要安慰红色中国。他们无视历史的教训，因为历史无庸质疑地强调了抚慰只能招致更血性的战争。就像敲诈勒索，它爆发于连续不断的新的需求，在威胁中，暴力成为了仅存的另外选择。“为什么？”我的士兵问我，“难道要我们在战场上放弃对敌人的优势？”我无言以对。有人会说：和中国携手进行一次全力以赴的战争来避免冲突的传播；另外，要避免苏联的干涉。似乎没有一种解释是有效的，因为中国已经表明有了最大限度的影响力，且苏联不会迎合我们的步伐。就如一条眼镜蛇，当新的敌人感到军事上的相互依存或者别的遍及世界的潜在诱惑，他们就很可能会发动进攻。事实使韩国的悲剧更为加深了，军事行动缩小了他们的国界。那个我们要拯救的国家、他们要饱受整个海军和空军毁灭性的对抗，然而敌人的地盘却在如此的攻击和破坏之下全全得到保护，这是受到谴责的。在世界上所有的国家中，韩国是仅存的唯一冒险反对共产主义的国家。韩国人民巨大的勇气和刚毅拒绝描述。比起奴隶身份他们情愿选择了拼死。他们对我留下的最后一句话是：“决不能逃离太平洋！”我只为你们留下了英勇善战的儿子们。他们在那遇到了各种各样的考验，我会毫无保留地向你们汇报他们在每个方面都很出色。我持久地尽我所能去保护他们光荣地结束这场野蛮的冲突，并且要花费最少的时间，付出最小的牺牲。那些日趋增长的杀戮给我带来了极度的痛苦和忧虑。那些勇敢的人们永久地留在我的脑海中以及我的祈祷文里。我即将结束我52年的戎马生涯了。还在本世纪开始前当我加入陆军时，我孩提时代所有的希望和梦想便实现了。自从我在西点广场上虔诚地宣誓以来，世界已几经倾覆，希望和梦想也早已消失，但我仍记得那时最流行的一首军歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布： “老兵永远不死，他们只是悄然隐去。” 像那首歌中的老兵一样，我作为一名在上帝的光辉下尽心尽职的老兵，现在结束我的军事生涯，悄然隐去。再见。

第五篇：作文素材之二战中的麦克阿瑟

二战中的麦克阿瑟

1941年6月美国政府任命远在菲律宾，业已退休的麦克阿瑟为远东陆空司令，军衔中将。这一任命的背景是：为了建立“大东亚共荣圈”，日本加紧扩大其在太平洋的势力，美国在远东的利益受到严重威胁。华盛顿政府的任命，唤起了这位将军的责任感。为了国家的利益，他再披戎装，走向战场。

将军之路

1880年1月26日，道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟出生于美国阿肯色州的小石城。其父亚瑟·麦克阿瑟是位职业军人，曾任旅长、菲律宾军事总督、美驻日使馆武官，回国后擢升为中将。他本应担任陆军参谋长，但因得罪总统而被委任普通军事职务。老麦克阿瑟认为，这是剥夺了中将的“传统权力”和“尊严”，他为此忿忿不平，不久便辞职还乡。

出生于军人之家的道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟，从小深受其父影响，他像父亲一样，性格直率，热爱军人生活。在父亲影响下，童年的麦克阿瑟学会了骑马、射击，有时还模仿父亲检阅部队的姿势。

他的母亲叫玛丽·品克妮·哈代。这是个有教养的坚强女人，她视军人的事业是一项极崇高的事业，因此希望儿子将来能成为一个“伟大军人”。她常教导儿子：“不要计较个人牺牲，去做正当的事，凡事以国家为先。”她告诫儿子有两件事不可以做——撒谎和搬弄是非。母亲的教诲深深地印在麦克阿瑟的心里，直到晚年他还常常回忆和品味。

麦克阿瑟天资聪慧，中学时代得过网球冠军，又是棒球好手。他的学习更是出色，1897年中学毕业时，他以总平均分数97.3的成绩获得学校的金质奖章。麦克阿瑟的理想是进入西点军校，将来做一个“伟大军人”，但由于他所在的学校是一所普通中学，因此，麦克阿瑟未被西点录取，尽管父亲为他作了许多努力。但母亲并不甘心，她携子迁往密尔华基，将儿子送到有名的西城中学作插班生，她陪儿子夜读，为他补习代数、英文、历史。1899年6月，麦克阿瑟以西城中学第一名的成绩进入了西点军校。

19岁的麦克阿瑟意气风发，同学描述他：像王子一般神气，身高6英尺，脸庞红润，身体健壮，即使穿着泳衣也能看出他像个军人；“他有狮子一般的勇猛，鬼一样的精灵。”西点的训练是严酷的，而且高年级学生可以惩罚不听话的低年级学生。麦克阿瑟受到高年级学生的体罚，但他都咬着牙忍受下来。有一次，在称之为“野兽营”的训练中，他因遭到高年级学生过分的戏侮、体罚，竟全身痉挛倒在帐篷里。此事成为西点一大丑闻，有关方面对此进行调查。如果麦克阿瑟拒绝提供那几个高年级学生的姓名，便有可能被开除学籍，如果供出来，那几个人的命运便可想而知。在听证会休会期间，母亲递给儿子一张便条：不要让耻辱玷污你的名字，永不说谎，永不搬弄是非。儿子会意地在便条下方写道：我知道应该怎样做。在听证会上，麦克阿瑟讲明了情况，但始终没有说出那几个人的名字。他的行为受到同学的普遍赞誉。

1903年6月，麦克阿瑟以总平均98.14分的高分毕业。该成绩是自1802年西点建校以来的第三个高分，以前只有两人略高于这个分数，其中之一是历史名将罗伯特·李(内战时期南部同盟军总司令)。西点没有给予麦克阿瑟20世纪的作战经验，但培养了他一种坚定的观念，即西点的校训：责任、荣誉、国家。

自军校毕业后，麦克阿瑟任工兵部队少尉军官，1905年调赴东京作父亲的中尉副官。在此期间随父亲考察过中国、印度、越南、泰国等，他的结论是：美国的未来和生存将不可避免地要和亚洲及其诸岛屿连接起来。1906年，麦克阿瑟应召回国，先后担任过总统侍从、工兵连长、陆军参谋部上尉参谋、陆军部长少校助理。在这些岗位上，麦克阿瑟干得有声有色。然而，真正使他崭露头角的是在第一次世界大战。

1914年第一次世界大战爆发，1917年美国参战，麦克阿瑟任美军“彩虹”师上校参谋长前往欧洲战场。作战时，他不避危险，亲临前线指挥。有人指责他不守军中的规矩：行军不戴钢盔，作战不戴防毒面具(有一次他被毒气熏倒，险些双目失明)，手里拿根马鞭，不在后方指挥。但总部并不理会这些指责。1918年初，他被提升为准将师长。在麦克阿瑟指挥下，“彩虹”师在攻打色当、夺取塞沙提朗山要塞的战役中都表现得相当出色。第一次世界大战结束时，麦克阿瑟共获得两枚十字勋章，七枚银星勋章，两枚紫心勋章，十八枚由法国和其他国家颁发的各种勋章，是获勋章最多的军官之一。美国陆军部长盛赞麦克阿瑟是“最伟大的前线将军”。

1919年4月，麦克阿瑟从欧洲回到美国，任西点军校校长。他改革了旧西点的一些弊端，在教学与管理上注入了新的内容，从而把西点带进了现代化军事教育世界。1925年，他晋升为少将。1928年，被派往菲律宾，任菲律宾陆军司令。1930年，50岁的麦克阿瑟终于以四星中将出任美国陆军参谋长。这是一个军人所能取得的最高荣誉。

1935年，麦克阿瑟任满后退了下来。麦克阿瑟不是一个能在闲职中得到满足的人，他希望有一项有分量和有挑战性的工作。他被派往菲律宾，以“军事顾问”身份去筹划那里的军事防务。任职期间，他曾同菲律宾政治活动家奎松前往白宫，要求菲律宾提前独立，结果引起总统不满。他悻悻地返回了菲律宾。1937年7月，麦克阿瑟向华府提出退休申请并获得批准。同年4月，麦克阿瑟与琴恩·加克洛丝小姐结婚(1928年与第一任妻子离婚，这是他第二次结婚)。退休后的麦克阿瑟与妻子过着悠闲生活。然而，这位退休的老兵雄心犹在，他常感叹道：“老兵不死，只是逐渐凋谢”。1941年6月，当接到华府的任命时，他立即振奋起来，“责任、荣誉、国家”的观念又唤起了这个老军人的第二个青春。

逃出柯里矶多

1898年的美西战争，美国从西班牙手中夺取了菲律宾，为了保卫菲律宾，美军曾制定了“奥伦治计划”。其要点：建一支小型亚洲舰队驻守菲的主要岛屿——吕宋岛，支援地面的卫戍部队。若吕宋遭到进攻，卫戍部队与海军坚持6个月，然后退往山峦起伏的巴丹半岛及马尼拉港口要塞柯里矶多。此时美军大舰队赶到救援，与敌人海军进行海战，并将其歼灭。“奥伦治计划”从来就不切合实际，自一战后，军事战略、战术都发生很大改变，武器性能，海、陆、空联合作战能力都大大改善，因此，“奥伦治计划”根本不适用。但几十年来，美国却一直保留这一计划，成为一种固定的军事战略。

“奥伦治计划”的本身决定了菲的防御力量是薄弱的。麦克阿瑟身为远东军事统帅，但他所能调动的军事力量竟然不足13万陆军(其中1.9万为美军，其余是菲律宾人)；35架轰炸机，72架战斗机，40架已经过时的菲律宾的战斗机。1939年，二战爆发。美国先是中立，尔后与英结盟，确立了“先欧洲，后亚洲”，在解决了德国之后再解决日本的战略方针。“奥伦治计划”已经使菲处于软弱被动状态，“先欧后亚”的方针，决定了菲将不会得到有力支援，那么，在即将开始的太平洋战争中，菲的处境便可想而知了。

1941年12月8日，日本偷袭了停泊在珍珠港的美国太平洋舰队，太平洋战争由此爆发。日本的目标是：先摧毁美军太平洋舰队；再打击麦克阿瑟的海、空力量，占领菲律宾；以菲为基地向南推进，占领婆罗洲，最后占领澳洲。对日美之战，麦克阿瑟早有估计，他认为此战最早也得在第二年4月开始。如今，“珍珠港事件”来得如此突然，使他感到有些措手不及。当麦克阿瑟及其参谋们还在商讨如何行动时，日本的机群已经出现在菲的上空(仅隔偷袭珍珠港后5小时)，对这里空军基地进行狂轰。此次空袭使麦克阿瑟损失了18架轰炸机，55架战斗机。几天后寥寥可数的战斗机也被日本飞机所击毁。一周后，麦克阿瑟下令将仅剩下的14架战斗机开往澳洲。麦克阿瑟的空军力量完全失掉了。

空袭得手后，日军集结了18万军队，在由一艘航母、两艘主力舰、7艘重巡洋舰、16艘轻巡洋舰、72艘驱逐舰以及一大群补给舰组成的庞大舰队的护卫下，向吕宋岛进发。美国亚洲舰队岂是日本舰队对手，在与日本舰队短暂接触后，急忙撤走，在整个海战中只击沉日本一艘大运输舰和两艘小运输舰。

12月21日，日军在吕宋的仁牙因湾、拉门湾登陆，防卫菲律宾的任务完全落到麦克阿瑟头上。麦的军队的主力集中在吕宋，且大部分是菲律宾人，因此根本不是日军对手，虽经浴血奋战，仍不能抵挡日军进攻。不久，日军兵临首府马尼拉。麦克阿瑟鉴于菲军缺乏训练，难以持久，宣布马尼拉为不设防城市，以期免遭日军的轰炸。同时，部署撤退，将8万军队撤到巴丹和柯里矶多，进行收缩防守。麦克阿瑟电告陆军参谋长马歇尔说：“我的部队将战斗到底”。

日军得知麦克阿瑟撤退后，立即对巴丹和柯里矶多实行包围。由于日军不停地轰炸，加上饥饿、热带病的折磨，麦克阿瑟的军队伤亡极大。一切都清楚地显示，巴丹和柯里矶多的军队不可能再坚持下去。华府向麦克阿瑟发出一连串指示，要求他和有关人员撤出柯里矶多。麦克阿瑟回电说：“深深感谢把我及其家属列入撤退名单，但他们和我均决定与守军共存亡”。华府决定“丢车保帅”，丢掉菲律宾，让麦克阿瑟去统帅其他部队。为了让这位固执的将军离开菲律宾，1942年2月22日，罗斯福总统亲自下令：任命麦克阿瑟为西南太平洋盟军司令，立即赴澳洲上任。起初，麦克阿瑟考虑辞去职务，以志愿军身份留在菲律宾继续战斗，但考虑再三，还是接受了总统的任命。麦克阿瑟指定由温莱特少将担任巴丹和柯里矶多最高指挥官。

当时，海军部指定“许可号”去撤离麦克阿瑟及其有关人员，而麦克阿瑟决定另一种逃离方法：乘现存的4只鱼雷艇，突破日军海上封锁，到卡加因(尚未被日军占领)，然后乘飞机飞往澳洲。参谋们被麦克阿瑟的冒险吓坏了，企图阻止他，但麦克阿瑟不为所动。为了不引人注目，麦克阿瑟决定一行22人在不同地点上船。3月11日傍晚，一艘鱼雷艇驶进了柯里矶多码头，麦克阿瑟向前来送行的温莱特告别，他紧紧地拥抱这位身负重任的将军，激动地说：“别了，但我一定会回来”。麦克阿瑟和其他的鱼雷艇成功地突破了日军海上封锁，在航行了560海里后，终于到达了汇合地点。3月17日，麦克阿瑟安全抵达澳洲。事后，属下们一想到5天的海上逃亡冒险，仍不免有些不寒而栗，感到是一种“奇迹”。

到了澳洲后，麦克阿瑟立即举行记者招待会，他说：“美国总统命我突破日军防线，从柯里矶多来到澳洲，是为了组织盟军对日本的反攻，其主要目的在于解放菲律宾。我现在来了，而我还要回去。”麦克阿瑟的话成为军事年鉴中有名的一段，它包含着对菲律宾人民的重大承诺。麦克阿瑟神奇地逃离柯里矶多，一时间成为人们谈论的重要话题，也成为当时最令人鼓舞的事件之一。一夜之间他似乎成了“巴丹英雄”。

保卫澳洲

按英美联军参谋长会议决定，太平洋战区一分为二：南太平洋战区由海军上将尼米兹指挥；西南太平洋战区由麦克阿瑟指挥，统帅驻扎在澳洲、荷兰、纽西兰和其他的部队。对总部这一决定，麦克阿瑟颇有看法。他写道：“在所有战争的错误决定中，或许最不可理喻的就是不能在太平洋中实行统一指挥„„它将导致军力分散、重复的浪费，增加伤亡和代价。”麦克阿瑟似乎有几分道理，但总部决定更符合实际情况。因为太平洋战争大部分是海战。实际上在后来的珊瑚海海战、中途岛海战中，尼米兹指挥海军沉重打击了日本海军，为麦克阿瑟保卫澳洲，反攻菲律宾起到重要作用。

麦克阿瑟离开柯里矶多后，那里的形势愈加危机。鉴于此，为了避免日本的军事屠杀，罗斯福总统撤销了“不准投降”的命令。4月，7万巴丹军队投降，5月，柯里矶多升起了白旗。5月7日，温莱特将军下令菲律宾所有美军投降。麦克阿瑟听到这一消息后暴跳如雷，他向菲律宾的另一位将军发电道：“温莱特将军发出的一切命令均属无效”。然而，这只是徒劳之举。美军的投降使他感到耻辱，同时也更加坚定了收复菲律宾的决心。

麦克阿瑟满怀希望来到澳洲，然而这里的情况更糟：只有2.5万军队，250架飞机，6艘轻、重巡洋舰,25艘潜艇，而且士兵士气低落。在许多人看来，澳洲迟早会成为第二个巴丹。麦克阿瑟似乎有一种被欺骗了的感觉，但他更知道，澳洲是惟一能使他重返菲律宾的基地，必须保卫它。

日军占领菲律宾后，继续南下，向澳洲逼近。一些失败主义者提出放弃澳洲西北部，实行焦土政策，破坏军事设施，炸毁电厂,焚烧码头。而麦克阿瑟主张必须迎头痛击日军，挫其锐气，方可保卫澳洲，退却只能增长敌人的嚣张气焰。麦克阿瑟要求华府给予支援。此时，罗斯福也感到一定要挽救澳洲，以期作为反攻日本的跳板。因此，马歇尔在人力、物力上尽可能多地给澳洲以支援。

巴布亚新几内亚是澳洲的门户，日军要占领澳洲必先夺得此地，尤其是新几内亚西南的摩里斯比湾和米尔恩湾(两地距澳洲本土较近)。麦克阿瑟在此加强防守。为了抗击日军，麦克阿瑟将其指挥部由墨尔本迁到接近前线的布里斯班，他对部下说：“我要在巴布亚保卫澳洲。”

1942年7月中旬，日军分两路向巴布亚新几内亚进发，一路进攻新几内亚北岸的邦纳，然后穿过山路从背后夺取摩里斯比湾。另一路直取米尔恩湾。8月，日军在米尔恩湾登陆，但遭到美国空军攻击和地面部队顽强抵抗。经过一周激战，日军因伤亡巨大而退出战斗。这是日军在登陆战中第一次遭到溃败。军事史家把这次战役看成是太平洋战争中陆战的一个里程碑。

另支日军在邦纳登陆成功，但在通向摩里斯比的山路上受到美军的狙击，最后不得不后退，建起邦纳—冈纳防线。麦克阿瑟调遣两个师从两翼攻击日军。两周过去了，美军没有取得预期效果。麦克阿瑟对此十分恼火，如果再拖下去，日军将得到后续增援，战斗结局将不得而知。他果断地撤掉哈定，任命艾辛伯格将军为前线总指挥，并告诉他：“我要你把一切不打仗的军官都除掉，换掉那些无能的团长、营长，倘若有必要，可以让一个上士指挥一个营，让一个下士指挥一个连，只要他们能作战就行。”随后，他向艾辛伯格下了道死命令：“我要你拿下邦纳，否则，就不要活着回来。”身负重任的艾辛伯格立即飞往前线，他革除了一些上校、少校的职务，冒着倾盆大雨亲临前线督战，美军在付出重大代价后，终于夺取了邦纳、冈纳。在记者招待会上，麦克阿瑟告诉记者：“澳洲要得救，关键在于巴布亚新几内亚，我在巴布亚一定要进攻，进攻，进攻。”

在巴布亚站住了脚后，麦克阿瑟决定继续向前推进。在新几内亚东北的新不列颠岛的拉布尔，还有16万日军，许多将领感到忧虑，不知如何以少于守军的兵力去攻取拉布尔。麦克阿瑟告诉他们：“我并不打算攻取它，而是要饿死他们，在这个丛林地带，饥饿是我们的盟军。”他又转身对空军司令说：“你去对付他们。”日后，麦克阿瑟的空军不停地轰炸拉布尔，破坏其军事设施，切断其补给线，拉布尔被完全孤立了。“避免与敌军正面作战，辗转前进”，这是麦克阿瑟的新战略，他自称是“隔岛跃进”，即绕过已被孤立的日军向前推进，力图占据更多基地。在这一战略下，麦克阿瑟的防线向前推进了1300海里，没有经过多少激烈的战斗切断了13.5万日军兵力，使他们完全失去了得救的希望。后来一位日本高级军官说：“日本人没有想到麦克阿瑟会在巴布亚立足，并在那里保卫澳洲，也不相信他会利用巴布亚作为反攻基地，因为他没有足够的兵力在那里维持。”日本人没曾想到而麦克阿瑟做到了，这正是他的高明。他的“隔岛跃进”战法，转变了被动的战争局面。

麦克阿瑟的胜利受到各方面高度评价：墨尔本的报纸以全版刊登麦克阿瑟的照片,题目为《此刻的巨人》；英国报纸把麦克阿瑟比作是纳尔逊和德雷克（英国近代著名海军将领)；美国人说他是一个军事天才，每在危机的时刻都能制造出奇迹。

反攻菲律宾

1944年10月，华府决定反攻菲律宾。麦克阿瑟任最高指挥官。麦克阿瑟的作战计划是：先攻取菲律宾中部的重要岛屿雷伊特和民多罗，最后夺取吕宋，解放菲律宾。一位美国军事评论家说：“麦克阿瑟最后的作战计划大胆而勇敢，远比巴顿在欧洲作战复杂得多。因为麦克阿瑟不仅指挥步兵作战，而且需调度海军、空军配合行动。‘隔岛跃进’绕避或包围日军，计划周密，战略诡奇，是整个战争中最高深莫测的。”

10月16日，麦克阿瑟告别了巴布亚新几内亚，登上了“那士维号”。麦克阿瑟向环绕在“那士维号”周围的庞大舰队致敬，感谢即将进入战场的将士们。19日晚，舰队抵达雷伊泰，翌日拂晓向日军的前沿进行了排山倒海般的炮击。在炮火的掩护下，美军在不同的地点开始登陆，艰难地向前推进。经过数小时激战，美军抢占了滩头。午饭后，麦克阿瑟乘登陆艇离开了指挥舰，到了浅水区后，他急不可耐地跳下登陆艇，涉水登上了滩头。当麦克阿瑟踏上雷伊泰的土地时，兴奋地大声说道：“我们回家了。”并立即向总统发电，报告登陆成功。为了唤起菲律宾人同日军斗争，麦克阿瑟通过无线电发表讲话：“菲律宾同胞们!我回来了，我们的军队重新踏上了这块我们两国人民以鲜血奉献的神圣国土。为了你们的家园，为了你们的生活，战斗吧!”讲话一遍又一遍播送着，回响在菲律宾的上空。

10月27日，麦克阿瑟在塔克木举行了一个简单仪式，宣布建立菲律宾政府。在一片欢呼声中，一个8岁女孩向麦克阿瑟献上一份礼物：一盒雪茄(麦克阿瑟喜欢抽烟)和一只手织的手袋(送给麦的妻子)。此刻麦克阿瑟的眼睛有些湿润，他说：“我觉得这一礼物比蒙哥马利的军刀更珍贵(数周之前，蒙帅接受了比利时人赠送的一把镶有宝石的军刀)。”

战斗在海上和陆上激烈展开。在海战中，双方投入的舰只共计282艘，美方损失航母一艘，护航舰两艘，驱逐舰四艘，而日方损失航母四艘，主力舰三艘，重巡洋舰六艘，轻巡洋舰、驱逐舰六艘。日军的海上力量进一步受挫。

陆战仍在继续。麦克阿瑟面临的是7万拼死顽抗的日本军。这就决定了雷伊特的陆战具有更大的残酷性、艰苦性。日军顽强地坚守每一个要塞，到11月底，麦克阿瑟的军队增加到18万，但胜利之日仍遥遥无期。僵局必须突破。11月底，麦克阿瑟在枪林弹雨的前线召开了参谋会议，大胆地制定了一个突袭计划：派遣一个师突袭奥马克港，摧毁日军补给基地，切断敌人后路。12月7日，美军出奇制胜地突击奥马克沿岸。10日，占领了该港口。失去了供给的日军在美军的正面攻击下溃散瓦解，逃往山林。

麦克阿瑟赢得了雷伊泰战役的胜利，歼敌6.5万。1944年圣诞前夕，麦克阿瑟擢升为五星上将(美国国会新创的超级官阶)。为了祝贺，他的部下熔化了美、荷、澳的钱币(象征他统帅过这些国家的军队)铸成两枚五星勋章，别在麦克阿瑟的领口上。

1945年1月，麦克阿瑟在攻占了民多罗之后又计划着吕宋战役。这是太平洋上规模最大的一次军事行动。美军集结了28万军队，以及第三、第四舰队千余艘大小战舰和三千多只登陆艇。日方在吕宋兵力为27.5万，拥有极具攻击力的“神风特攻队”机群。日军司令山下自信地说：“失去一两个岛屿算不了什么，菲律宾有广大领土，我们可以随心所欲地大战一场，我将为‘大东亚共荣圈’写下辉煌一页。”他要与麦克阿瑟作最后的较量。

麦克阿瑟在指挥部里踱来踱去。大战之前他要最后一次审视自己的作战计划：第三舰队在台湾与吕宋之间的海峡活动，阻止日本从台湾对吕宋的支援；第七舰队航空队、陆军航空队摧毁吕宋机场，并保护陆军登陆；主力部队从仁牙因湾登陆，穿过广阔平原向马尼拉挺进；少数部队从苏比克湾、马尼拉湾登陆，封锁巴丹半岛和柯里矶多；派遣特种部队解救战俘。计划可谓缜密周到。

按麦克阿瑟部署，第三舰队成功地把吕宋孤立起来，空军使日军机场受到严重破坏。1月9日，主力部队抵达仁牙因湾，“神风特攻队”旋即而来，击中一艘主力舰，两艘巡洋舰，一艘驱逐舰。上午9时，在一片混战中几千只登陆艇抢上了滩头。麦克阿瑟站在“波艾斯号”船桥上一直观察着登陆战，最后，他高声叫道：“优势在握，大快我心”。经过5个小时激战,美军抢占了滩头，日军节节败退，退往山中。1月29日，另一支部队在苏比克湾成功登陆，封锁了巴丹半鸟。1月31日，第11空降师在距马尼拉60英里处降落，其任务是迅速占领马尼拉。为了解放关押在马尼拉的美军战俘，麦克阿瑟组织了摩托化特遣队，于2月3日晚突入马尼拉市，占领了战俘营，解救出五千多名战俘。2月7日，麦克阿瑟进入马尼拉，来到战俘营。这是感人至深的一幕：麦克阿瑟来到时，被折磨得不成人形的战俘欢声雷动，他们流着激动的眼泪拥到麦克阿瑟身边，握着他的手放声大哭。一位战俘激动地说：“你回来了!”麦克阿瑟点点头道：“只是晚了一点，但我们终于回来了。”此后，麦克阿瑟又率军解放了巴丹、柯里矶多。到7月，菲律宾全境解放。

将军的风彩

麦克阿瑟习惯戴一顶巴丹帽(软顶宽帽)，上穿便装，嘴上叼着烟斗，透着一种自由的个性。正是这种个性，使他任西点校长时作出了被称之为自由主义的改革：用批评代替体罚；用体育代替某些枯燥的体能训练；给学生必要的自由活动，促进学生健康成长。麦克阿瑟从不带武器，但他身边却有一把小手枪，这是父亲的遗物。他说，这使他不至于成为敌人的俘虏。但从不佩带。麦克阿瑟手中惟一的武器是一根马鞭。在西点，他的骑术是一流的，如果说过去马鞭是用来策马的，那么后来则成为他手中的道具。他常握着马鞭在作战地图上比划，用它指示着军队的行动方向。

麦克阿瑟性格直率，有时直率得使人不可接受。他不怕权贵，敢于同总统较劲。1932年，在他担任陆军参谋长期间，罗斯福总统为了弥补财政困难准备削减军费，对此，麦克阿瑟颇有意见。他当面向总统陈述自己的意见，但每次总统总是巧妙地将话题岔开。一次，罗斯福与麦克阿瑟在白宫共进晚餐，麦克阿瑟忍不住说：“为什么总统总是问我一些社会改革方面的意见，而不注意我在军事方面的见解?”罗斯福笑道：“道格，不要提出那些问题来作你的忠告，对我来说，你是美国人良知的象征。”再次回避了他提出的问题。麦克阿瑟再也不能忍受了，他决定在会议上同总统交换意见。

在一次由总统参加的陆军会议上，麦克阿瑟明确表示反对政府削减军费，而罗斯福仍坚持削减军费的原则。两人争论不下。麦克阿瑟怒不可遏，忿忿地说：“当我们下次战争失败，一个美国兵被敌人刺刀刺入肚皮，被敌人一只脚踩着喉头时，他最后骂出和诅咒的话，我希望他骂的人的姓名不是麦克阿瑟，而是罗斯福。”罗斯福顿时脸色铁青，喝道：“你不应该这样对总统说话！”麦克阿瑟也觉得自己出言过重，立即向总统道歉，并丢给总统一句话——“我会向你引咎辞职的。”然后转身离去。罗斯福毕竟是位老练的政治家，他喊住麦克阿瑟，冷静地对他说：“道格，别傻了，你应该与预算局讨论此事。”对削减军费一事，总统显然松动了。会后，陆军部长对麦克阿瑟说：“你拯救了陆军。”

麦克阿瑟是位军事家，他没有政治野心，但却懂得如何利用政治实现自己的军事战略。1944年五六月间，当麦克阿瑟在巴布亚站稳了脚跟之后，华府着手研究加速太平洋战争策略问题。尼米兹主张，绕过菲律宾，攻取台湾，然后以台湾为基地进攻日本本土。麦克阿瑟主张，解放菲律宾，以菲为基地进攻台湾或日本本土。海军意见在华府占有优势。其时马歇尔也站在海军方面，他写信告诉麦克阿瑟：不要因为个人对菲律宾的情感而迷失了判断力。为了协调太平洋战区海、陆军统帅的意见，罗斯福决定在夏威夷召开军事会议。麦克阿瑟清楚，罗斯福此次来夏威夷更多是带有政治性。因为1944年是美国的大选之年，罗斯福正谋求第四次连任。一张罗斯福与麦克阿瑟的合影就会给他带来许多选民。因此，麦克阿瑟决定利用这一机会实现自己的太平洋战略。

7月26日，罗斯福乘“巴尔的摩号”巡洋舰来到夏威夷，一幕戏剧性的会见开始了：先前在此恭候的将领们依次登上了“巴尔的摩号”。当总统问及为何不见麦克阿瑟时，发现一个豪华车队向码头驶来。麦克阿瑟乘着特大的敞篷轿车，头戴军帽，身穿黑色皮夹克衫，戴一副深色眼镜，前边是警车开道，左右是警察的摩托车队。码头上的士兵向他发出阵阵欢呼。麦克阿瑟最后一个登上了“巴尔的摩号”。对此，众将皆感惊愕，认为麦克阿瑟过于高傲。不错，麦克阿瑟的性情是有些高傲，但他绝不会在如此重要关头作出不利于自己的事情。他此番行为不过是向总统显示他的“价值”。

当晚，总统举行高级军事会议。会上，尼米兹和麦克阿瑟仍坚持各自观点，总统没有作任何表示。翌日，罗斯福单独邀麦克阿瑟巡视市区，在这难得时间里，麦克阿瑟没有谈及军事而是谈大选。他问罗斯福，在即将开始的大选中是否有取胜的把握。罗斯福答国事太忙，无暇顾及这一问题。说完两人心照不宣地大笑起来。最后麦克阿瑟说：“在军中对国内的政治情势毫无所知，但可以确信，总统在军队中是最受尊重的人。”罗斯福显得十分高兴。晚饭后，军事会议继续进行。罗斯福用手指着地图问麦克阿瑟：“道格，我们下一步应该怎样走?”这一巧妙的发问，已经透出了罗斯福的倾向了。当晚，麦克阿瑟对副官说：“我们的意见已经被接受了。”

尾声

如果说二战使麦克阿瑟赢得了荣誉，那么随后的朝鲜战争，却在他的人生中留下了极不光彩的一页。

二战结束后，为了控制朝鲜半岛，美国操纵联合国组织了一个由16国参加的“联合国军”。1950年7月，麦克阿瑟出任“联合国军”总司令。9月，美军从仁川登陆，10月，攻占了平壤，把战火烧到鸭绿江边。为了保障国家的安全，1950年10月19日，中国人民志愿军雄赳赳、气昂昂跨过鸭绿江，发起了五次战略反攻，收复了平壤，把敌人推到三八线以南，歼敌23万(美军11.5万)。美国侵朝计划遭到严重挫折。

在这场战争中，我们不必指责麦克阿瑟的总司令角色，但人们有理由指责他的战争态度。他曾鼓吹动用核武器：“在一个星期内迫使中共和北朝鲜军停战求和”。侵朝战争的失败，对麦克阿瑟来说是可悲的，但真正可悲的是，他至死都没有认识到，战争侵略性是其失败的根本原因，没有认识到中国人民“保家卫国”的决心、意志是任何力量，任何武器所摧不垮的。

侵朝战争的失败加速了麦克阿瑟与总统杜鲁门间的矛盾。杜鲁门极力控制战争的界线，避免与中国发生纠纷，麦克阿瑟则主张扩大战火。美军占领平壤后，1950年10月15日，杜鲁门飞往夏威夷，与麦克阿瑟商讨美军行动。麦克阿瑟以“联合国军”总司令自居，当杜鲁门走下飞机时，记者们注意到他未向总统行军礼(美国宪法规定，总统为三军总司令)，只是趋前握手致意。这多少引起杜鲁门的不快。杜鲁门对中国参战一事表示担心，而麦克阿瑟对此表示不屑一顾，他说：“现在不用担心，中共只能派五六万军队渡江作战，而且没有空军掩护，而我们在韩国有空军基地。如中共进军平壤必遭痛击。”美军溃败使杜鲁门大为恼火，他斥责麦克阿瑟错误估计了中国力量，而麦克阿瑟却固执地认为是华盛顿方面限制了他的行动。

1951年3月，美军失败已成定局，鉴于此，华府向盟国提出了一份停战谈判的建议报告。但麦克阿瑟并不甘心失败，他采取了一个非常行动。3月20日，他发表了一份军事声明说：“自中共参加朝鲜战争以来，弱点完全暴露„„目前中共必须痛悟，一旦联合国军攻势不局限朝鲜境内，中共即将面临军事崩溃。”麦克阿瑟想以“声明”恫吓中国，岂料引起盟国间的混乱，巴黎、伦敦相继责问美国政府并向其施加压力。华府闻此大惊，立即声明说，盟军统帅越权发表声明，不足为凭。

麦克阿瑟的越权行为使自己陷入了困境。华府巨头们商定拿掉他。马歇尔在参议院发言说：“麦克阿瑟造成了我们与盟国间的紧张局势，我们的总统通知盟国说我们正在协议和平，盼望盟国支持，而前线的统帅发表声明说要彻底消灭敌人，使盟国不知所从，失去了对政府领袖的信心，事态非常严重。”杜鲁门也接着说：“麦克阿瑟又一次公然蔑视三军总司令——美国总统的政策。”

麦克阿瑟已经感到形势不妙，准备提出辞呈，杜鲁门则扬言：“我决不和他客气，一定要把这家伙革职，决不接受他的辞呈。”4月10日，他被革除了盟军总司令职务。麦克阿瑟为他的高傲、自负付出了代价。对此，他只能无可奈何地表示：“解职并不严重，只不过反应个人的判断，伤心的是所采取的手段，这样公开羞辱从军52年的军人，实在太残酷了些。”

麦克阿瑟带着“羞辱”离开了军界，此后，他作为名人参加过一些社会活动。那时，他的思想有所变化，认为不应再用核武器威胁对方，他甚至建议将国际间的武装战斗视为非法，以消灭战争。1953年，他接受老朋友的劝告，受聘为雷明顿·兰德公司董事长，安度他的退隐生活。1964年4月，麦克阿瑟去世。