奥巴马诺贝尔和平奖获奖感言情态系统人际意义研究

第一篇：奥巴马诺贝尔和平奖获奖感言情态系统人际意义研究

玉林师范学院本科生毕业论文

A Study on Interpersonal Meaning of Modality in Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech

奥巴马诺贝尔和平奖获奖感言情态系统人际意义研究

院 系 专 业 学 生 班 级 姓 名 学 号

指导教师单位 指导教师姓名 指导教师职称

外语系

英语（应用英语方向）

2008级2班 邱佳凤 200803402223

外国语学院 袁志强 讲师

A Study on Interpersonal Meaning of Modality in Obama’s Nobel

Peace Prize Acceptance Speech Author: Qiu Jiafeng Class: 2008-2 Major: English(Applied English)School of Foreign

Studies

Supervisor: Yuan Zhiqiang

Abstract Interpersonal meaning of discourse means the function of negotiation or exchange between the addresser and the addressee, and the function of expressing the addresser’s opinion, judgment and attitude, etc.so as to establish and maintain appropriate social relationships between the addresser and addressee.Based on Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar(SFG), many scholars study interpersonal meaning of different discourse in recent years.Modality is a complex system in SFG，it is one of the devices to realize interpersonal meaning.Through proper choices of different types, values and orientations of modality, appropriate interpersonal meaning is reached.In the theoretical framework SFG, Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech is analyzed from the perspective of modality.Obama reach his aim of demonstrating his authority as a president as well as a peace keeper;shortening distance with the audience and motivating the audience by using modality.Though the analysis of the modality’s interpersonal meaning in the acceptance speech, we find the modality of interpersonal meaning can be investigated at the lexical and grammatical level.Obama uses the mixture of them to show his attitude and viewpoints, committing to the reliability of what he says, imposing pressure on himself and the audience, asking or offering the audience information, requesting the audience to take some certain actions.And the audience can feel the atmosphere and politeness through the wording choice of modality.The most often adopted modality modes are modal operators and modal adjuncts in this speech.We find that the modal operators taken high percentage are “will” “must” and “will”.The speaker also uses modal adjuncts and metaphors of modality to realize interpersonal meaning effectively.The thesis proves the effectiveness of SFG and provides the reader a good understanding of Obama’s feature of speech.Key words：interpersonal meaning, modality, Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech，Systemic Functional Grammar

奥巴马诺贝尔和平奖获奖感言情态系统人际意义研究

外国语学院 英语（应用英语）2班 邱佳凤

指导教师 袁志强

摘要

话语的人际意义是指语言传达信息，以及表达说话人观点、推断、态度，表明其身份、地位的功能。人际功能能在说话人和听话人之间建立良好的社会关系。近年来，很多学者基于韩礼德系统功能语法理论，对人际意义进行许多研究。情态这个复杂的系统，是实现人际意义的多种手段之一。通过情态的不同种类、不同量值、不同取向的正确选择，可以实现良好的人际意义。

在系统功能语法的理论框架下，本文选取奥巴马的诺贝尔和平奖获奖感言作为研究语料，从情态角度分析其人际意义。通过运用情态，奥巴马达到了他的目的，即建立了他作为一个总统和和平维护者的威望，缩短了和观众之间的距离，激励观众。通过对本篇感言的情态分析，我们发现情态的人际意义可以从词汇和语法两个层面来分析。奥巴马运用了两者，表达了他的态度和观点，承担他演讲的可靠性,对他自己及观众施加压力，向观众提供信息或者获取信息，要求观众采取一些行动。并且，观众也能够通过情态用词感觉到现场气氛及礼貌程度。本篇演讲中使用最多的是情态动词和情态副词，而使用最多的情态动词是“will” “must” 和 “can”。演讲者同样也很有效的运用了情态隐喻来实现人际意义。本篇论文证实了系统功能语法的有效性，也能够使读者很好的理解奥巴马演讲的特征。

关键词：人际意义，情态，奥巴马诺贝尔和平奖获奖感言，系统功能语法

Contents 1.Introduction…………………………………………………………………….1 2.Literature Review………………………………………………………………3 2.1 Previous Studies on Interpersonal Meaning From Systemic Functional Perspective ………………………….........................................................................................3 2.2 Functional Viewpoint of Modality………………………………………..........5

2.2.1 Types…………………………………………………………………...5

2.2.2 Values………………………………………………………………......6

2.2.3 Orientations………………………………………………………….....6 2.3 Linguistic Realizations of Modality……………………………………………7 3.Theoretical Framework......................................................................................10 3.1 Fundamental Speech Function……………………………..………………….10 3.2 Theoretical Framework of Modality………………………………………….11 3.2.1 Types………………………………………………………………........11 3.2.2 Values……………………………………………………………….......12 3.2.3 Orientations……………………………………………………………..12

3.3 Summary……………………………………………………………………...13 4.Discussion and Results……………….………………………………………..14 4.1 Data Analysis of Modality in This Speech……………………………...............14 4.2 Interpersonal Meaning of Modality in This Speech…………………………….17 4.2.1 Interpersonal Meaning of Different Types of Modality…….……………...17 4.2.2 Interpersonal Meaning of Different Values of Modality...............................23 4.2.3 Interpersonal Meaning of Different Orientations of Modality……………..26 5.Conclusions and Limitations…………………………………………………..30 References…………………………………………………………………………..32 Appendix: Text of Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech…………….33 Acknowledgment…………………………………………………………………....45

List of Tables

Table 2.1 Types of Modality……………………………………………………..5 Table 2.2 Degrees of Modality…………………………………………………...6 Table 2.3 Values of Modal Operators……………………………………………..6 Table 2.4 Orientations of Modality………………………………………………7 Table 2.5 Comment Adjuncts…………………………………………………….9 Table 3.1 Fundamental Speech Functions………………………………………..10 Table 4.1 Overall Frequencies of the Modal Operators…………………………..14 Table 4.2 Frequencies of Mood Adjuncts………………………………………..15 Table 4.3 Frequencies of Values of Modal Operators…………………………....16 Table 4.4 Frequencies of Values of Metaphorical Modality……………………..16 Table 4.5 Frequencies of Orientations of Modality……………………………...17

第二篇：诺贝尔和平奖获奖感言-奥巴马

奥巴马诺贝尔和平奖获奖感言（中英对照）

10月9日，挪威诺贝尔奖委员会(Nobel Committee)宣布授予奥巴马总统2009诺贝尔和平奖。奥巴马获悉后发表讲话。以下是奥巴马9日在白宫玫瑰园讲话的全文译文。Good morning.Well, this is not how I expected to wake up this morning.After I received the news, Malia walked in and said, “Daddy, you won the Nobel Peace Prize, and it is Bo's birthday.” And then Sasha added, “Plus, we have a three-day weekend coming up.” So it's--it's good to have kids to keep things in perspective.早上好。我没有料到今早醒来是这样。在我接到消息后，玛莉娅（Malia）走进来说：“爸爸，你获诺贝尔奖了，而今天是波（Bo，小狗的名字—译注）的生日！” 萨夏（Sasha）接着说：“还有，我们就要过三天长周末了。”所以，有孩子帮助保持清醒是好事。I am both surprised and deeply humbled by the decision of the Nobel Committee.Let me be clear, I do not view it as a recognition of my own accomplishments, but rather as an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of aspirations held by people in all nations.诺贝尔奖委员会的决定令我既惊讶又深受感动。我要说明：我不认为这是表彰我个人的成就，而是对为实现所有国家人民的愿望发挥美国带头作用的肯定。

To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who've been honored by this prize, men and women who've inspired me and inspired the entire world through their courageous pursuit of peace.坦率地说，我认为自己没有资格跻身于获此殊荣的众多变革者之列——是那些男女志士对和平的勇敢追求激励了我和整个世界。

But I also know that this prize reflects the kind of world that those men and women and all Americans want to build, a world that gives life to the promise of our founding documents.And I know that throughout history the Nobel Peace Prize has not just been used to honor specific achievement;it's also been used as a means to give momentum to a set of causes.And that is why I will accept this award as a call to action, a call for all nations to confront the common challenges of the 21st century.但我也知道，这个奖反映出这些男女志士及全体美国人民都想建立的那种世界——一个将我国建国纲领的承诺变为现实的世界。我知道，诺贝尔和平奖在历史上从来不是仅用来表彰具体的成就，而是也被作为一种给一系列事业增添动力的手段。因此，我将把接受这个奖视为行动的召唤——一个呼吁所有国家迎接21世纪共同挑战的行动召唤。

Now, these challenges can't be met by any one leader or any one nation.And that's why my administration's worked to establish a new era of engagement in which all nations must take responsibility for the world we seek.这些挑战无法由任何一位领袖或任何一个国家应对。因此，本届政府致力于创建一个交往接触的新时代——一个所有国家必须为我们所向往的世界承担责任的时代。

We cannot tolerate a world in which nuclear weapons spread to more nations and in which the terror of a nuclear holocaust endangers more people.And that's why we've begun to take concrete steps to pursue a world without nuclear weapons: because all nations have the right to pursue peaceful nuclear power, but all nations have the responsibility to demonstrate their peaceful intentions.我们不能容忍一个核武器向更多国家扩散的世界，不能容忍一个核武大屠杀的恐怖危及更多人民的世界。正因为如此，我们已经开始为争取实现没有核武器世界而采取具体步骤，因为，虽然所有国家都有和平利用核能的权利，但所有国家也都有责任表明他们的和平意图。We cannot accept the growing threat posed by climate change, which could forever damage the world that we pass on to our children, sowing conflict and famine, destroying coastlines and emptying cities.And that's why all nations must now accept their share of responsibility for transforming the way that we use energy.我们不能让气候变化构成的威胁日益增长——埋下冲突与饥荒的祸种，摧毁海岸线，城市萧疏——给我们将传予子孙后代的世界造成永久性破坏。因此，我们所有国家必须承担各自的责任，改变我们使用能源的方式。

We can't allow the differences between peoples to define the way that we see one another.And that's why we must pursue a new beginning among people of different faiths and races and religions, one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect.我们不能让民族间的差异来界定看待彼此的方式，因此，我们必须在不同信仰、种族和宗教的人民之间谋求一个新开端，一个以互利和互尊为基础的开端。

And we must all do our part to resolve those conflicts that have caused so much pain and hardship over so many years.And that effort must include an unwavering commitment to finally realize that--the rights of all Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace and security in nations of their own.我们必须竭尽全力解决多少年来导致无数创痛与苦难的冲突，这一努力必须包括坚定不移地致力于最后实现所有以色列人和巴勒斯坦人在各自国家平安生活的权利。

We can't accept a world in which more people are denied opportunity and dignity that all people yearn for: the ability to get an education and make a decent living, the security that you won't have to live in fear of disease or violence without hope for the future.我们不能容许一个使更多人被剥夺机会与尊严的世界——这种人人渴望的机会与尊严体现在，能够受教育，能够过像样的生活；享有安全感，不在疾病或暴力恐怖的威胁下无望过活。And even as we strive to seek a world in which conflicts are resolved peacefully and prosperity is widely shared, we have to confront the world as we know it today.I am the commander in chief of a country that's responsible for ending a war and working in another theater to confront a ruthless adversary that directly threatens the American people and our allies.即便在努力寻求一个和平解决冲突，共享繁荣的世界的同时，我们也必须面对今天我们眼前的世界。我是一国之最高统帅，而这个国家有责任结束一场战争并在另一战场抗击直接威胁美国人民和盟国的无情的敌人。

I'm also aware that we are dealing with the impact of a global economic crisis that has left millions of Americans looking for work.我也清楚，我们正在应对导致数百万美国人待业求职的全球性经济危机的冲击。这些是我必须为美国人民的利益每天迎战的问题。

These are concerns that I confront every day on behalf of the American people.Some of the work confronting us will not be completed during my presidency.Some, like the elimination of nuclear weapons, may not be completed in my lifetime.我们面临的一些工作不可能在我的任期内完成。有些工作，例如全部销毁核武器，可能在我的有生之年也不会完成。

But I know these challenges can be met, so long as it's recognized that they will not be met by one person or one nation alone.This award is not simply about the efforts of my administration;it's about the courageous efforts of people around the world.但我深信，只要我们认识到这些挑战不可能由一个人或一个国家来独自应对，则最终问题会得到解决。这份奖励针对的并非仅是本届政府的努力，而是全世界人民作出的无畏努力。And that's why this award must be shared with everyone who strives for justice and dignity;for the young woman who marches silently in the streets on behalf of her right to be heard, even in the face of beatings and bullets;for the leader imprisoned in her own home because she refuses to abandon her commitment to democracy;for the soldier who sacrificed through tour after tour of duty on behalf of someone half a world away;and for all those men and women across the world who sacrifice their safety and their freedom and sometime their lives for the cause of peace.That has always been the cause of America.That's why the world has always looked to America.And that's why I believe America will continue to lead.Thank you very much.因此，这份奖励必须由为正义和尊严而奋斗的每一个人分享——其中包括为争取自己的发言权，甘冒遭受毒打和枪击的危险默默上街游行的年轻妇女；包括因拒绝放弃追求民主而被软禁家中的领袖；包括为了地球他方的人而牺牲自己，一次次奔赴战场的士兵；包括那些在世界各地为了和平事业贡献出自己的安全、自由甚至生命的所有男女人士。这一直是美国的事业，一直是世界对美国瞩以厚望的原因，也是我认为美国将继续走在最前列的原因。

第三篇：奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖的获奖感言

英语演讲稿：奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖的获奖感言

[日期：2009-10-12]

来源：网络 作者：未知

[字体：大 中 小]

英语口语练习免费体验最便宜的外教课 模拟英语口语面试

Well, this is not how I expected to wake up this morning.After I received the news, Malia walked in and said, “Daddy, you won the Nobel Peace Prize, and it is Bo's birthday!” And then Sasha added: “Plus, we have a three-day weekend coming up.” So it's good to have kids to keep things in perspective.I am both surprised and deeply humbled by the decision of the Nobel Committee.Let me be clear: I do not view it as a recognition of my own accomplishments, but rather as an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of aspirations held by people in all nations.To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who have been honoured by this prize – men and women who have inspired me and inspired the entire world through their courageous pursuit of peace.But I also know that this prize reflects the kind of world that those men and women, and all Americans, want to build – a world that gives life to the promise of our founding documents.And I know that, throughout history, the Nobel Peace Prize has not just been used to honour specific achievement;it's also been used as a means to give momentum to a set of causes.And that is why I will accept this award as a call to action – a call for all nations to confront the common challenges of the 21st-century.These challenges can't be met by any one leader or any one nation.And that's why my administration has worked to establish a new era of engagement in which all nations must take responsibility for the world we seek...Some of the work confronting us will not be completed during my presidency.Some, like the elimination of nuclear weapons, may not be completed in my lifetime.But I know these challenges can be met so long as it's recognised that they will not be met by one person or one nation alone.This award is not simply about the efforts of my administration – it's about the courageous efforts of people around the world.And that's why this award must be shared with everyone who strives for justice and dignity – for the young woman who marches silently in the streets on behalf of her right to be heard even in the face of beatings and bullets;for the leader imprisoned in her own home because she refuses to abandon her commitment to democracy;for the soldier who sacrificed through tour after tour of duty on behalf of someone half a world away;and for all those men and women across the world who sacrifice their safety and their freedom and sometimes their lives for the cause of peace.That has always been the cause of America.That's why the world has always looked to America.And that's why I believe America will continue to lead.Thank you very much.

第四篇：奥巴马诺贝尔获奖感言-中英对照

奥巴马诺贝尔获奖感言-中英对照

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses，distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

国王和王后陛下，各位殿下，杰出的挪威诺贝尔委员会（Norwegian Nobel Committee）委员，美国公民及全世界公民们：

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility.It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations--that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate.Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.获此殊荣，我深怀感激并深表谦恭。这个奖表达出我们的最高理想--尽管这个世界存在种种凶残困苦，但我们并不任命运摆布。我们的行动是有作用的，能够推动历史向正义方向发展。

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated.(Laughter.)In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage.Compared to some of the giants of history who've received this prize--Schweitzer and King;Marshall and Mandela--my accomplishments are slight.And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice;those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering;the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics.I cannot argue with those who find these men and women--some known, some obscure to all but those they help--to be far more deserving of this honor than I.不过，如果不坦承你们这项厚爱有加的决定所引起的相当激烈的争议，那我就有失疏忽了。（笑声）其中部分原因是，我在世界舞台上的奋斗才刚刚开始，而不是接近尾声。与曾经获此殊荣的一些历史巨人相比--史怀哲（Schweitzer）和马丁·路德·金(King)；马歇尔(Marshall)和曼德拉(Mandela)--我的成就微不足道。还有全世界为追求正义而遭到监禁和欧打的男女志士；那些为减轻苦难而在人道组织中艰辛工作的人；那千百万默默无闻地以充满勇气和关爱的无声行动让最悲观的愤世嫉俗者也受到感召的人们。我绝不反驳那些认为这样的男女志士--有些知名，有些只为他们所帮助的对象所知--远比我有资格获此殊荣的看法。

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars.One of these wars is winding down.The other is a conflict that America did not seek;one in which we are joined by 42 other countries--including Norway--in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.但与我获奖有关的最深层的问题可能在于我是一个正打着两场战争的国家的三军统帅。其中一场战争已接近尾声。另一场并非是美国挑起的冲突；有包括挪威在内的42个国家在与我们共同努力，为的是保护我们及其他所有国家不再遭受攻击。

Still, we are at war, and I'm responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land.Some will kill, and some will be killed.And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict--filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.然而，我们仍处在战争时期，是我派遣成千上万名美国年轻人远赴战场。有些人要杀射，有些人要被杀射。因此，我是带着对武装冲突的代价的敏锐感觉来到这里的--心中充满有关战争与和平的关系以及我们为用和平取代战争而努力的难题。

Now these questions are not new.War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man.At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned;it was simply a fact, like drought or disease--the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.而这些问题并不新鲜。战争，以这样或那样的形式，随着人类的诞生而出现。在历史初期，战争的道义性无人质疑；它是如同干旱或疾病一样的现实--是各个部落以及后来的各种文明谋求权力和解决分歧的方式。

And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war.The concept of a “just war” emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense;if the force used is proportional;and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.后来，随着旨在控制群体内部暴力的规范的出现，哲学家、宗教领袖和政治家也纷纷致力于用条文限制战争的破坏力。“正义战争”的概念由此形成，亦即认为，在符合以下几个具体条件时，战争是正义的：如果战争是最后手段或是为自我防御；如果武力程度适当；以及在一切可能的情况下不对平民使用暴力。

Of course, we know that for most of history, this concept of “just war” was rarely observed.The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God.Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations--total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred.In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent.And while it's hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.当然，我们都知道，在人类历史的大部分时间内，这种“正义战争”的概念鲜被理会。人类显然有无穷的能力不断想出新的方式相互残杀，同样也有无穷的能力毫不怜惜那些外貌不同或信仰不同的人。军队之间的战争变成国家间的战争--模糊了战斗人员与平民界线的全面战争。这种战争大屠杀曾在30年内两度侵吞这块大陆。虽然难以设想还有什么比击败第三帝国（Third Reich）和轴心国（Axis powers）更正义的事业，但在第二次世界大战中死亡的平民总数超过了战死疆场的军人。

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war.And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations--an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize--America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons.在这种毁灭之后，并且随着核时代的到来，战胜者与战败者同样清楚地认识到，这个世界需要有防止另一次世界大战的机制。为此，在美国参议院拒绝接受国际联盟（League of Nations）的四分之一世纪后--而伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）正因为提出成立国联的设想而荣获诺贝尔和平奖，美国带动世界建起维护和平的体制：马歇尔计划(Marshall Plan)和联合国，对发动战争的规范，以及保护人权、防止种族灭绝大屠杀和限制最危险武器的各项条约。

In many ways, these efforts succeeded.Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed.But there has been no Third World War.The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall.Commerce has stitched much of the world together.Billions have been lifted from poverty.The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced.We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.这些努力在很多方面获得了成功。不错，可怕的战争仍然发生，种种暴行依然出现，但第三次世界大战没有爆发。冷战以兴高采烈的人群推倒一堵墙而告结束；商贸将世界大片地区紧密连在了一起；数十亿人口摆脱了贫困；自由、自决、平等和法治的理想断断续续地向前推进。我们是先辈们的坚韧精神和远大目光的继承人，这是我自己的国家有理由为之感到骄傲的业绩。

And yet, a decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats.The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe.Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.然而，在进入新世纪已10年之际，这一旧有的架构正在越来越难撑新生威胁的重压。世界或许不再为两个超级核大国之间可能发生战争而颤栗，但核扩散可能会增加发生巨大灾难的危险。恐怖主义一贯是一种手段，但现代技术会使少数怒火超量的小人以可怕的规模残杀无辜。

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations.The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts;the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states--all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos.In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers;the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred.而且，国与国的战争正在日益被国家内部的战争所取代。民族和宗派冲突的重新抬头、分离主义运动、叛乱活动和失控国家的增加，都越来越将平民困于无休止的**中。在今天的战争中，平民的死亡大大超过军人；埋下未来冲突的种子；破坏经济；摧毁公民社会；形成大批难民；使儿童遭受创伤。

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war.What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago.And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.我今天没有带来对战争问题的决定性解决办法。但我确知，应对这些挑战要求具有几十年前那些英勇无畏的前辈所具有的远见、勤劳和坚韧不拔。这需要我们从新的角度思考正义战争的含义和正义和平的必备条件。

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes.There will be times when nations--acting individually or in concert--will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.我们必须首先承认这个严峻的现实：在我们的有生之年，我们不会根除暴力冲突。会有一些时候，国家--不论是单独或共同行动--发现使用武力不仅必要，而且为道义所需。

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr.said in this same ceremony years ago: “Violence never brings permanent peace.It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones.” As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr.King's life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence.I know there's nothing weak--nothing passive--nothing na?ve--in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.我说这番话时并没有忘记马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King Jr.）多年前在这同一仪式上说过的话：“暴力永远不会带来持久和平。它解决不了社会问题：只会制造新的、更复杂的问题”。我站在这里，作为金博士毕生奋斗的直接受益者，就是对非暴力的道义力量的活见证。我知道在甘地（Gandhi）和马丁·路德·金的信念与人生中，绝无软弱--绝无消极--绝无天真。

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone.I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people.For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world.A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies.Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms.To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism--it is a recognition of history;the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.但是，作为宣誓保卫自己国家的一国元首，我不能只以他们的榜样为指南。我面对的世界是现实的世界，我不能面对美国人民遭到的威胁无动于衷。因为，切莫误会：邪恶在世界上确实存在。一场非暴力运动不可能阻止希特勒的军队。谈判不能说服基地（al Qaeda）组织的头目放下武器。说武力有时是必要的并不是让大家变得愤世嫉俗--这是承认历史；是人类的不完美和情理的限度。

I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause.And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower.我说起这一点，我以这一点开头，因为今天在许多国家，对军事行动，不管出于什么理由，都存在一种深深的矛盾心理。有时候，这种矛盾又掺杂着对美国，这个世界上惟一的超级大国的一种反射性的不信任。

But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions--not just treaties and declarations--that brought stability to a post-World War II world.Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms.The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans.We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will.We have done so out of enlightened self-interest--because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.但世人必须记住，不简单地是因为国际体制--不只是条约和宣言--才给二战后的世界带来稳定。不管我们犯了多少错误，一个明白的事实是：美利坚合众国在60 多年里，以自己公民的鲜血和军力，帮助维护和保证了世界的安全。我们的男女军人的贡献与牺牲促进了从德国到韩国的和平与繁荣，使民主能在像巴尔干这样的地方扎根。我们承受这些重负并不是因为我们谋求强加我们的意志。我们这样做是出于开化的自身利益--因为我们为我们的子子孙孙追求更美好的未来。我们相信如果别人的子子孙孙能生活在自由和繁荣中，他们的生活会更好。

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace.And yet this truth must coexist with another--that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy.The soldier's courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms.But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.所以，是的，战争的手段确实在保卫和平中具有作用。但这个事实必须同另一个事实共存--不管理由多么正当，战争导致人间悲剧。军人的勇敢和牺牲无比光荣，表达了对国家、事业、战友的忠诚。但战争本身决不光荣，我们决不能如此宣扬。

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths--that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly.Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago.“Let us focus,” he said, “on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions.” A gradual evolution of human institutions.因此，我们面对的挑战部分来自于调和这两个看似不可调和的事实--战争有时必要，战争在某种程度上是人类愚蠢的表现。具体说，我们必须把我们的努力放在肯尼迪总统（Kennedy）很久以前所指出的使命上。他说：“让我们把注意力，集中在更实际，更能取得的和平上，这种和平不是基于人类本性的突发革命，而是基于人类体制的逐渐演进。”

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?

这种演进可能具有何种形式？哪些可能是切实可行的步骤？

To begin with, I believe that all nations--strong and weak alike--must adhere to standards that govern the use of force.I--like any head of state--reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation.Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don't.首先，我认为所有国家，无论强弱，都必须遵循对使用武力的规范。与任何国家元首一样，我保留在必要时采取单边行动保卫自己国家的权利。然而，我确信遵循标准--国际标准--的国家更有力量，而那些不遵循标准的国家会陷于孤立，并且被削弱。

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense.Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait--a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.“9.11” 之后，全世界团结一致，与美国站在一起，并在今天继续支持我们在阿富汗的努力，这是滥杀无辜的残忍与公认的自卫原则使然。同样，当萨达姆·侯赛因（Saddam Hussein）入侵科威特时，世界也认识到必须与其抗衡。这一共识发出的清晰信息是：侵略必须付出代价。

Furthermore, America--in fact, no nation--can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves.For when we don't, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified.另外，美国──以及任何国家──都不能在自己拒绝遵守规则时要求别人遵守规则。如果我们不以身作则，我们的行动就会表现为专横武断，使未来进行干预的合理性受到影响，无论理由多么充足。

And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor.More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.当军事行动的目的超越了自卫或帮助某一国抵抗侵略者的防卫行动时，这一点变得尤其重要。我们大家都越来越多地面对棘手的问题：如何防止一国政府屠杀本国的平民？如何制止一场其暴行和所导致的痛苦会殃及整个地区的内战?

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war.Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later.That's why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.我认为，基于人道理由的武力是正当的，例如在巴尔干地区或饱经战乱的其他地区。不采取行动不仅折磨我们的良心，还会导致未来以更高的代价进行干预。因此，所有负责任的国家都必须相信使命明确的军事行动所能够发挥的维护和平作用。

第五篇：奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖的获奖感言 演讲稿(全文)

奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖的获奖感言 演讲稿(全文)

时间：2009年12月10日

演讲者：奥巴马

撰稿者：陈罗祥

尊敬的诺贝尔委员会，大家好！

10月9日清晨，我接到了白宫发言人吉布斯的来电，获悉贵委员会决定，将本的诺贝尔和平奖颁发给我。

我感到十分荣幸，在此，我非常感谢诺贝尔委员会对我的褒奖、信任和支持。

我知道，不仅仅是我赢得了一个奖项，这同样也是全体美国民众的胜利！

我知道，最近几十天来，有关我的获奖，引起多方的质疑和争论。赞成者认为，我在削减核武器、解决核问题争端、应对气候变化、支持―多伙伴世界‖等一系列全球性问题上的多次许诺和积极努力，是获奖的关键元素。反对者认为，做出颁奖给我的这一决定过早也过于草率，因为我就任美国总统，毕竟只有短短几个月的时间，需要假以时日。还有人认为，我的获奖仅仅是因为―明星力量‖而非有意义的成就；我之能够获奖也仅仅因为我是美国有史以来的第一位黑人总统。更有人认为，与其说把奖项颁给我是对我成绩的肯定，不如说是他们投给我的政府未来的―信任投票‖。甚至，有人认为，这不过是给我下的一个圈套而已。

我知道，我陷入了一个两难的境地：我的面前，是尊敬的诺贝尔委员会，我的身后，是广大的美国民众，我的左边和右边，是两种截然不同的意见，和一些叽叽喳喳的喧哗。这时，我听到一个清晰的声音，穿越了时空，静静地传来……

我知道，在遥远的中国，有一种宗教，叫道教；我知道，在五千年前的东方，有一个圣人叫老子。在我获奖的翌日，有一位来自中国的道长，送了一本书给我：《道德经》。

我知道，这是中国传统文化的经典之一。我打开了书，于是那些智慧的声音在我耳边响起：道可道，非常道；名可名，非常名……

于是，我明白了——

我知道，我信仰上帝，但我从不排斥，世界上任何一种智慧的声音。我不会排斥，美国大众不会排斥，世界各国人民都不会排斥。

我知道，在我之前，1906年罗斯福总统、1919年威尔逊总统都曾在任上获得诺贝尔和平奖。我并不认为我能与那些杰出前辈相提并论。

我知道，我的任上，还有下述这些或那些问题：

我知道，当今世界上，―准核国家‖数量似乎正不减反增；

我知道，印、巴的核武器好像已经被世界遗忘，而处理朝核、伊核问题也无进展； 我知道，我们确实是在开始从伊拉克撤军，但阿富汗呢？恐怕未来还要不断增兵； 我知道，应对―气候变化‖，我们作的承诺究竟能否兑现，也是一个问题。

我知道，古老中国还有一句名言：任重道远。

……

我知道，在今天这个特殊的日子和场合，面对尊敬的的诺贝尔委员会，我必须尽可能婉转地表达我对授予我诺贝尔和平奖的感激之情和谢绝之意。

我知道，我心里深深隐藏着对在座各位的抱歉。这里，我再一次深切地表达我的感激和歉意。

我知道，我这样做，是因为深知我面前任务的艰难。我们正面临平生最大的挑战——两场战争，一个处于危险边缘的星球、一个本世纪以来最严重的金融危机。

我知道，对于那些在其它国度关注美国和我的人们，从国会到王宫、到在被世界遗忘的角落摆弄收音机的人们，我要说：我们的经历或许各有不同，但是目标是共同的，一个新的黎明已经到来。

感谢大家，上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美利坚！

奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖的获奖感言 英文原稿：

Well, this is not how I expected to wake up this morning.After I received the news, Malia walked in and said, “Daddy, you won the Nobel Peace Prize, and it is Bo's birthday!” And then Sasha added: “Plus, we have a three-day weekend coming up.” So it's good to have kids to keep things in perspective.I am both surprised and deeply humbled by the decision of the Nobel Committee.Let me be clear: I do not view it as a recognition of my own accomplishments, but rather as an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of aspirations held by people in all nations.To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who have been honoured by this prize – men and women who have inspired me and inspired the entire world through their courageous pursuit of peace.But I also know that this prize reflects the kind of world that those men and women, and all Americans, want to build – a world that gives life to the promise of our founding documents.And I know that, throughout history, the Nobel Peace Prize has not just been used to honour specific achievement;it's also been used as a means to give momentum to a set of causes.And that is why I will accept this

award as a call to action – a call for all nations to confront the common challenges of the 21st-century.These challenges can't be met by any one leader or any one nation.And that's why my administration has worked to establish a new era of engagement in which all nations must take responsibility for the world we seek…

Some of the work confronting us will not be completed during my presidency.Some, like the elimination of nuclear weapons, may not be completed in my lifetime.But I know these challenges can be met so long as it's recognised that they will not be met by one person or one nation alone.This award is not simply about the efforts of my administration – it's about the courageous efforts of people around the world.And that's why this award must be shared with everyone who strives for justice and dignity – for the young woman who marches silently in the streets on behalf of her right to be heard even in the face of beatings and bullets;for the leader imprisoned in her own home because she refuses to abandon her commitment to democracy;for the soldier who sacrificed through tour after tour of duty on behalf of someone half a world away;and for all those men and women across the world who sacrifice their safety and their freedom and sometimes their lives for the cause of peace.That has always been the cause of America.That's why the world has always looked to America.And that's why I believe America will continue to lead.Thank you very much.