奥巴马总统在埃及开罗大学讲话全文

第一篇：奥巴马总统在埃及开罗大学讲话全文

奥巴马总统在埃及开罗大学讲话全文

美国总统巴拉克·奥巴马6月4日在埃及开罗大学发表讲话，阐明美国致力于寻求与穆斯林国家关系的新开端。以下是讲话文字记录中译文，由美国国际信息局（IIP）翻译。

—————–(讲话文字记录开始)白宫新闻秘书办公室（埃及开罗）2009年6月4日 奥巴马总统谈新的开端

(Remarks by the President on A New Beginning)埃及开罗大学（Cairo University）2009年6月4日

当地时间下午1时10分

奥巴马总统：非常感谢你们。下午好。我荣幸地来到永恒的开罗古城，荣幸地受到两所著名学府的邀请。爱资哈尔(Al-Azhar)一千多年来一直是一座伊斯兰 学术的灯塔，开罗大学(Cairo University)一百多年来一直是埃及发展的源泉。你们并肩而立，象征着传统与进步的和谐共进。我对你们的盛情邀请，对埃及人民的盛情邀请表示感 谢。我也自豪地带来美国人民的友好情谊，带来我国穆斯林民众的平安问候： “Assalaamu alaykum.”（”愿你平安。”）

我 们相聚在美国和穆斯林世界之间关系十分紧张的时期──这种紧张关系的历史根源远远超出了当前的任何政策辩论。伊斯兰教与西方世界之间的关系史既包括好几个 世纪的共存与合作，也包括冲突和宗教战争。在近代，剥夺众多穆斯林权利和机会的殖民主义，以及穆斯林占主体的国家往往被视为傀儡、对其自身意愿鲜有顾及的 冷战，加剧了这种紧张。此外，现代化和全球化带来的巨大变化致使很多穆斯林将西方视为伊斯兰传统的敌人。暴力极端主义分子利用这种 紧张关系煽动穆斯林世界为数不多但很有影响的少数派。9.11袭击事件以及这些极端主义分子不断对平民百姓采用暴力的行径使得我们国家中的一些人认为，伊斯兰教注定不仅与美国和西方国家，而且与人权为敌。所有这一切导致滋生出更多的恐惧，更多的不信任。

只要我们之间的关系定位于我们的分歧，我们就会让那些播种仇恨而不是和平，宣扬冲突而不是合作的人得势，而合作会帮助将正义与繁荣带给所有人。我们必须打破这种怀疑与不和的恶性循环。

我来到这里是要在美国和穆斯林世界之间寻求一种以共同利益和相互尊重为基点的新开端──基于美国和伊斯兰教并不相互排斥、不必相互竞争的真情。不仅如此，它们相互重合，拥有一些共同原则──公正与进步的原则；容忍与全人类都有尊严的原则。

我 认识到，变化不会发生于一夜之间。一次讲话不可能排除多年来的不信任，我也不可能在我有限的时间里回答迄今摆到我们面前的所有复杂问题。但是我深信，为了 向前推进，我们必须公开说出内心深处的话，但我们往往关起门来才说这些话。这必须成为相互倾听、相互学习、相互尊重并寻求共同之处的持久努力。《古兰经》(Holy Koran)教诲我们：”明记真主，永吐真言。”这就是我将在今天努力做到的──尽最大努力说实话，兢兢业业面对使命，坚信我们同为人类的共同利益远比给 我们造成隔阂的力量强大得多。

这种信念一部分来源于我个人的经历。我是基督教徒。我父亲来自肯尼亚一个数代穆斯林家庭。我小时候在印度尼西亚生活过几年，听到过宣礼塔在破晓和日落时刻的召唤。我年轻时在芝加哥的社区工作，那里有很多人从他们的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊严与安宁。

作为一个研读历史的人，我还知道伊斯兰教对文明的重大贡献。正是伊斯兰教──在爱资哈尔这样的地方──让学术之光照亮了一个又一个世纪，为欧洲的文艺复兴和 启蒙运动铺平了道路。穆斯林群体不断创新，发明了代数学；磁性罗盘仪和导航工具；掌握了书写与印刷术；使我们了解了疾病的传播与治疗方式。伊斯兰文化为我 们创造了雄伟的拱顶和高耸的尖塔；永恒的诗篇和美妙的音乐；遒劲的书法和瞑思静想之所。纵观历史，伊斯兰教以言词和行动揭示了宗教容忍与种族平等的可能。

我也知道，伊斯兰教一直是美国历程的一个组成部分。第一个承认我的国家的是摩洛哥。我国第二任总统约翰·亚当斯(John Adams)在1796年签署《的黎波里条约》(Treaty of Tripoli)时写道，”美国自身对穆斯林的法律、宗教或安宁 1

绝无任何敌意”。自我国建国以来，美国穆斯林使美国丰富多姿。他们为国作战，担任公职，为民权奋斗，创办企业，在高等院校任教，在体育场上出类拔萃，赢得诺贝尔奖，建造我 国最高建筑，点燃奥林匹克火炬。当第一位当选国会议员的美国穆斯林在宣誓捍卫我国宪法时，他手抚的是来自我国建国先父之一──托马斯·杰斐逊(Thomas Jefferson)──私人图书馆藏书中的那本《古兰经》。

因此，在来到伊斯兰教的最初降示之地以前，我已经在三大洲了解了伊斯兰教。这段经历使我确信不疑，美国和伊斯兰教的伙伴关系必须基于真实的伊斯兰教，而不是那些不实之词。身为美国总统，我认为我的职责之一是随时驳斥对伊斯兰教的消极成见。

然 而，同样的原则也必须适用于穆斯林对美国的态度。就像穆斯林不是一个模子里刻出来的一样，美国也不能被用妄自尊大的帝国模子定型。美国是世界历来所知的最 伟大的发展源泉之一。我的国家是在反抗一个帝国的斗争中诞生的。我们的建国理念是人人平等。几个世纪以来，我们不惜流血奋斗，实现那些话的含义──在我国 国内，以及在世界各地。我们受到来自地球四面八方的各种文化的影响，但笃信一个简单的理念：合众为一(E pluribus unum)。对 一个名叫巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马的非洲裔美国人能够当选美国总统这一点已经议论繁多。但我的个人经历并不是那么独特。虽然人人都有机会的这个理想还没有在 美国每一个人身上实现，但对于登陆我国的所有人来说，这个希望是存在的──其中包括属于我国今天80多个族裔群体的近700万美国穆斯林。实际上，美国穆 斯林的收入及教育水平超过了我国的平均线。

而且，美国的自由与信奉宗教的自由密不可分。这就是为什么清真寺遍及我们合众国的每个州，在我们境内有着1200多座清真寺。这就是为什么美国政府为保护妇女和女童戴头巾的权利和为了惩罚那些想剥夺这项权利的人而诉诸司法手段。所以，毋庸置疑：伊斯兰是美国的一部分。我认为美国自身坚信这样一个真理：我们大家，无论种族、宗教或生活地位，都有着共同的理想──和平安全地生活；受教育和有尊严地工作；热爱我们的家庭、我们的社区、我们的神主。这些是我们共享的东西。它是全人类的希望。

当然，认识到我们共同的人性还只是我们使命的开始。仅凭言语无法满足我们人民的需要。要做到满足这些需要，我们必须在今后的年月里大胆行动，我们必须理解，全世界人民面临的种种挑战是共同的，不能应对这些挑战将使我们所有人受害。

我们已经懂得，当一个国家的金融体系衰弱时，世界各地的繁荣都受损害。当一种新流感感染了一个人时，对所有人都有威胁。当一个国家寻求核武器时，所有国家都 面临核袭击的更大危险。当暴力极端分子在一个山区活动时，大洋彼岸的人受到威胁。当波斯尼亚和达尔富尔无辜的人民遭屠杀时，它给我们大家的良心留下污点。这就是在21世纪共享世界的含义。这就是我们作为人类相互具有的责任。

这是一项艰难的责任；人类的历史常常是国家、部落甚至宗教为自身利益征服他方的历史。然而，在这个新时代，那种心态是自我消损。任何旨在让某一国家或某一群体提高地位的世界秩序都将注定失败。因此，无论我们如何看待过 去，我们绝不成为它的俘虏。我们的种种问题必须通过合作方式来处理，我们必须分享进步。

这并不意味着我们应忽视紧张关系的来源。恰恰相反，它需要我们必须严正面对。本着这一精神，请让我尽力明确和直率地谈谈某些我认为我们最终必须共同面对的具体问题。我们必须面对的第一个问题是一切形式的极端主义。

我在安卡拉明确表示，美国并非──也绝不会──与伊斯兰教交战。但我们会无情抗击对我国安全构成严重威胁的暴力极端主义分子。因为我们绝不接受所有宗教的信众都会拒绝的同样的行为：杀害无辜的男子、妇女和儿童。保护美国人民的安全是我作为总统的首要职责。

阿 富汗的形势既说明了美国的目标，也说明我们必须进行合作。7年多前，美国在广泛的国际支持下追剿“基地”组织和塔利班。我们毫无选择的余地，因为我们必须 这样做。我知道，有人仍对9.11事件有疑问或为其找借口。但我们必须清楚地认识到：2001年9月11日，“基地”组织杀害了将近3000人，受害者是 美国和许多其他国家的无辜男子、妇女和儿童，他们未曾伤害任何人。他们与“基地”组织政治上的嫌怨或仇恨意识形态毫不相干。然而，“基地”组织蓄意残忍地 杀害了这些人，声称这一袭击行动系其所为，并一再表明打算再次进行大规模屠杀的狼子野心。他们在很多国家都有同伙，并企图扩大他们的影响。这些都不是可以 辩论的看法问题，而是必须正视的事实。

不要有任何误解：我们不希望保持在阿富汗的驻军。我们不在阿富汗寻求军事基地。失去我国青年男女的生命是美国十分痛苦的事。继续这场冲突要付出昂贵的代价，在政治上也是困难的决定。一旦我们可以确定在阿富汗和巴基斯坦已经 2

不存在要尽可能多地杀害美国 人的丧心病狂的暴力极端主义分子，我们会很高兴地撤回每一名美军士兵。但目前还不是这种情况。

因此我们在与46个国家结成合作联盟。尽管需要付出代价，美国的决心不会减弱。的确，我们任何人都不应容忍这些极端主义分子。他们在很多国家杀人。他们杀害了持有各种宗教信仰的人──杀害最多的是穆斯林。他们的行为与人类的权利、国家的进步和伊斯兰教的教义是不相容的。《古兰经》教导说，谁杀害一个无辜者就好比杀害了整个人类；《古兰经》还说，谁拯救了一个人就好比拯救了整个人类。有超过10亿人口的这一永恒信仰之宏大是一小撮人狭隘的仇恨之心无法比拟的。我知道，在打击暴力极端主义的斗争中，伊斯兰教并不是一个问题──伊斯兰教必须是解决问题的途径之一。

我们也知道，仅凭军事力量无法解决阿富汗和巴基斯坦的问题。正是因为这个原因，我们打算在今后5年内每年投入15亿美元，与巴基斯坦合作建造学校、医院、道路和企业，另投资1.7亿美元帮助流离失所的人。也正是因为这个原 因，我们提供超过28亿美元帮助阿富汗人发展经济和提供人民赖以生存的服务。

我再来谈谈伊拉克问题。不同于阿富汗的是，伊拉克战争是一 场可以选择不打的战争，在美国国内和国际上引起了巨大分歧。虽然我相信没有萨达姆·侯赛因的暴虐政权，伊拉克人民最终会获益良多，但我也相信，伊拉克发生 的事件提醒我们，有必要通过外交手段和建立国际共识解决我们的问题。确实，我们可以回想一下托马斯·杰斐逊曾经说过的话：“我希望我们的智慧会随我们的力 量而增长，并告诫我们，我们的力量使用得越少，它就越有力。”

今天，美国承担着双重责任：帮助伊拉克人打造更美好的未来，同时要将伊拉 克交给伊拉克人。我明确地向伊拉克人民表示，我们不寻求基地，对领土或资源没有要求。伊拉克的主权属于伊拉克自己。正是出于这个原因，我已下令在明年8月 前撤出我们的作战部队。也正是出于这个原因，我们将履行与伊拉克民选政府达成的协议，在7月前从伊拉克城市撤出作战部队，在2012年年底前将所有的部队 撤出伊拉克。我们将帮助伊拉克训练安全部队和发展经济。但我们是以伙伴的身份，而绝不是以保护人的身份支持伊拉克的安全与统一。

最后，美国绝不能容忍极端主义分子的暴力，同样我们也绝不能改变或忘记我们的原则。9.11事件给我国造成了巨大的创伤。这一事件引起的忧惧和愤怒是可以理解 的，但在某些情况下，这一事件也使我们采取了与我们的传统和理想相悖的行动。我们正在采取具体行动改变路线。我明确禁止美国使用酷刑，我已下令明年初关闭 关塔纳摩湾监狱。

因此，美国将进行自卫，同时尊重其他国家的主权和法治。我们在这样做的时候，将与同样受到威胁的穆斯林社区结成伙伴。早一天使极端主义分子在穆斯林社区受到孤立和丧失人心，我们就能早一天获得更大的安全。我将讨论的紧张关系的第二大根源是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之间的局势。

美国与以色列之间的牢固关系众所周知。这种关系坚不可摧。它基于文化和历史的纽带以及这样一个认识：对犹太家园的渴望有着一个悲哀的历史源头，这个历史是无可否认的。

犹 太人在世界各地经受了很多世纪的迫害，反犹太主义被前所未有的大屠杀推到顶峰。明天，我将参观布痕瓦尔德，那里曾是犹太人遭受纳粹奴役、折磨、杀害和被毒 气致死的集中营之一。600万犹太人惨遭杀害──这超过了今天以色列的全部犹太人口。否认这一事实是站不住脚的，无知的，仇视性的。威胁毁灭以色列──或 不断重复有关犹太人的恶意成见──是极其错误的，而且只会在以色列人心目中唤起这一最痛苦的记忆，同时阻碍这个地区人民应得的和平。然 而，同样不能否认的是，巴勒斯坦人民──穆斯林和基督徒──在寻找家园的过程中历经苦难。60多年以来，他们承受了流离失所的痛苦。许多人在西岸、加沙以 及邻国土地的难民营里等待着他们从不曾过上的和平与稳定的生活。他们每天忍受着由占领带来的大大小小的羞辱。所以，毋庸置疑：巴勒斯坦人民的境况是不能容忍的。美国对巴勒斯坦人追求尊严、机会和自身国家的合理抱负不会置之不理。

几十年来，一直存在着一种僵持局面：有着合理追求的两族人民，因各自的痛苦历史而使妥协可望不可及。相互指责并不难——巴勒斯坦人指责由以色列建国而造成的流离失所，以色列人指责贯穿其全部历史的来自境内外的敌 意和袭击。然而，如果我们仅仅从一方或另一方来看待这一冲突，我们将无视事实：实现双方愿望的惟一出路是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人和平安全共存的两国解决方 案。这符合以色列的利益，符合巴勒斯坦的利益，符合美国的利益，符合世界的利益。因此我将亲自致力于取得这一结果。各方根据“路线图”已同意承担的义务是 明确的。为了实现和平，现在是他们──以及我们各方──应该履行自己职责的时候了。

巴勒斯坦人必须放弃暴力。暴力抵抗和屠杀不能达到目 的。在几个世纪里，美国黑人奴隶遭鞭打，受种族隔离的凌辱。然而，最终导致获得全面平等权利的不是暴力，而是对美国建国核心理想的和平与执著的坚持。同样 的经历也可在从南 3

非到南亚，从东欧到印度尼西亚的其他国家人民的历史中看到。这个经历揭示了一个简单的真理：暴力是死路一条。向睡梦中的以色列儿童发射火 箭炮或炸死公共汽车上的老妪，既非胆识也非力量的表现。它不是在申明道义权威，而是在丧失道义权威。

现在是巴勒斯坦人致力于如何进行建设的时候了。巴勒斯坦权力机构必须发展治理能力，建立为人民的需求服务的机制。“哈马斯”确实在一些巴勒斯坦人中拥有支持，但他们也有责任。要为实现巴勒 斯坦的抱负而发挥作用，“哈马斯”就必须停止过去的暴力，遵守过去的协议，承认以色列的生存权。

与此同时，以色列人必须意识到，正如以色列的生存权不能被剥夺一样，巴勒斯坦的生存权也不能被剥夺。美国不接受以色列继续建造定居点的合法性。这一做法违反了过去的协议，有损实现和平的努力。现在是停止这些定居点的时候了。以色列也必须履行其义务，确保巴勒斯坦人能够生活、工作、建设其社会。正如摧毁巴勒斯坦人的家庭一样，加沙持续的人道危机无益于以色列的安全，西岸缺乏机会也同样如此。巴勒斯坦人民日常生活的改善必须是通向和平之路的一个关键部分。

最 后，阿拉伯国家必须认识到，阿拉伯和平倡议（Arab Peace Initiative）是一个重要的开端，而不是责任的终止。阿-以冲突决不应再被用来转移阿拉伯国家人民对其他问题的视线。相反，它应成为一个行动的号 召，帮助巴勒斯坦人民发展维系国家的机制；承认以色列的合法性；选择进步，而不是自我消耗地向后看。

美国将使我们的政策与追求和平者的 政策协调一致。无论在公开场合还是非公开场合，我们将对以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯人说同样的话。我们不能把和平强加于人。但是，在非公开场合，许多穆 斯林承认以色列不会消失。同样，许多以色列人也承认建立巴勒斯坦国的必要性。时不我待，我们必须基于人所共知的事实行动起来。

眼泪已流 得太久；鲜血已洒得太多。我们大家都有责任为这样一天的到来而奋斗，那就是：以色列和巴勒斯坦的母亲能够看到自己的孩子毫无恐惧地长大，三大信仰的圣地(Holy Land)成为天意属望的和平之地，耶路撒冷是犹太人、基督徒和穆斯林的安全和永久的家园，并像伊斯拉(ISRA)故事中摩西、耶稣和穆罕默德(颂安)共 同祈祷那样，成为亚伯拉罕所有子孙和平相处的地方。

第三个造成紧张关系的原因涉及国家在核武器问题上的权利和责任，对此，我们必须达成共识。

这 个问题是美国与伊朗伊斯兰共和国之间关系紧张的一个根源。多年来，伊朗在某种程度上用它与我的国家的对立来给其自身定位。伊朗与美国之间确实有着坎坷的历 史。在冷战期间，美国对伊朗的民选政府被推翻起了作用。自伊斯兰革命以来，伊朗在劫持人质和对美军及平民发动的暴力事件中扮演了角色。这一历史众所周知。我没有选择自陷于过去，我已经向伊朗领导人和伊朗人民表明，我国已做好向前迈步的准备。对于伊朗而言，现在的问题不在于反对什么，而在于它希望建设什么样的未来。

消除数十年的不信任决非易事，但是我们有勇气、有正气、有决心向前迈进。我们两国之间有许多问题有待商讨，我们愿意在没有先决 条件的情况下基于相互尊重向前迈进。但是，有关各方都很清楚，在核武器方面我们已经处在一个决定性关头。它所关系到的不单纯是美国的利益，而是为了阻止一 场可能会使中东地区和全世界走上一条极其危险的道路的核武器竞赛。

我理解有些人针对一些国家拥有核武器而其他国家没有核武器而提出的抗议。任何一个国家都不应挑选哪些国家可以拥有核武器。因此，我坚决重申，美国承诺争取建立一个任何国家都不拥有核武器的世界。任何一个国家——包括伊朗 ——如果它履行对《不扩散核武器条约》(Non-Proliferation Treaty)承担的责任，就应当有权获取用于和平目的的核能源。这一承诺是这项条约的核心，应为条约各方全面遵守。我希望这个地区的所有国家都支持这一 目标。我要讲的第四个题目是民主。

我知道，近几年来在推进民主方面存在争议，而且许多争议与伊拉克战争有关。所以，我要明确表示：没有任何一种政府体制能够或应该被一个国家强加给另一个国家。

但是，我并不因此而减少我对代表人民意愿的政府的承诺。每个国家以植根于本国人民传统的各自方式给这一原则赋予生命力。美国并不自认知道什么是对所有人最为有益的做法，正如我们不会主观选择和平选举的结果一样。但是我确实坚信，某些东西是所有人都渴望的：能够畅所欲言并对自己被管理的方式有发言权；对法治和 司法公正有信心；政府施政透明，不盗窃人民财富；以及有自由按自己选择的方式生活等。这些不是美国人的发明，这些是人的权利，因此美国在各地都支持这些权 利。

实现这一诺言没有直线可循，但是有一点是明确的：保护这些权利的政府最终会更稳定、更成功、更安全。压制思想决不会让这些思想消 失。美国尊重世界各地一切和平、守法人士的发言权，即使我们与他们意见不一。我们将欢迎所有民选的和平政府——只要这些政府在施政时尊重本国人民。

最后一点很重要，因为有些人只是在不当政时呼吁民主，一旦大权在握，他们就残暴压制他人的权利。无论植根于何处，民有和民治的政府为所有当权者设定了一个标 准：你必须通过人民的许可保持权力，而不是采用强迫手段；你必须尊重少数派的权利，本着宽容和妥协的精神参与；你必须把人民的利益以及合法的政治程序至于自己的政党利益之上。没有这些要素，单凭选举无法实现真正的民主。

我们必须共同解决的第五个问题是宗教自由问题。

伊 斯兰教拥有值得自豪的宽容的传统。这一点我们在宗教法庭时期安达鲁西亚（Andalusia）和科尔多瓦（Cordoba）的历史上看得很清楚。我童年时 在印度尼西亚亲眼所见，在这个穆斯林占人口绝大多数的国家，虔诚的基督教徒可以自由地从事礼拜活动。这种精神是我们今天所需要的。每一个国家的人民都应能 听从自己的思想、感情和灵魂的驱使，自由地选择宗教信仰和过自己的宗教生活──无论他们选择的是何种宗教。这种宽容精神对宗教的兴旺是必不可少的，但现在 受到了来自多方面的挑战。

在某些穆斯林中，有一种令人不安的倾向：通过排斥他人的信仰来显示对自己的信仰之忠诚。丰富的宗教多样性必须 得到维护──无论是黎巴嫩的马龙派教徒(Maronites)还是埃及的科普特教会成员(Copts)。另外，如果我们能够诚实地对待这个问题，穆斯林内 部的裂隙也必须弥合，因为逊尼派和什叶派的分歧在某些地方已导致悲惨的暴力，特别是在伊拉克。

宗教自由对各族人民能否和睦相处至关重要。我们必须经常认真地考虑我们保护宗教自由的方式。例如，在美国，有关慈善捐款的规定加大了穆斯林履行宗教捐助义务的难度。为此，我承诺与美国穆斯林共同努力，以确保他们能够施行天课（zakat）。

同样，西方国家必须避免妨碍穆斯林公民按照自己的意愿从事宗教活动—例如，不能对穆斯林妇女的着装进行强制规定。我们不能以自由主义为幌子敌视任何宗教。的 确，信仰应有助于我们休戚与共。因此，我们正在美国制订一些新的服务计划，使基督徒、穆斯林和犹太人共同参与。因此，我们欢迎阿卜杜拉国王倡导的宗教间对 话和土耳其在文明联盟(Alliance of Civilizations)中发挥的领导作用。在全世界各地，我们可以使宗教间对话发展成宗教间服务，通过各种连接各族人民的桥梁促使我们采取行动推进 共同的人道精神──不论是在非洲抗击疟疾, 还是在自然灾害后提供救援。我要谈的第六个问题是妇女的权利。

我知道在这个问题上存在着争论，在座的各位就是例证。西方某些人认为一位妇女选择遮盖自己的头发即说明不那么平等，我反对这种看法。但我确实认为剥夺妇女的教育权利就是剥夺了妇女的平等权利。妇女受到良好教育的国家有极大的可能实现繁荣，这种情况决非偶然。

我希望明确表示：妇女的平等权利绝不仅仅是伊斯兰教的问题。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国和印度尼西亚，我们看到这些穆斯林人口占多数的国家选举了妇女领导人。与此同时，在美国社会生活的许多方面以及在世界上其他国家，争取妇女平等的斗争仍在持续。

我 深信，我们的女儿们也能像我们的儿子们一样为社会作出很大贡献。让全人类—包括男人和女人—充分发挥其潜力将促进我们的共同繁荣。我并不认为，妇女为了获 得平等必须作出与男人相同的选择，我尊重在生活中选择承担传统角色的妇女。但是，这应当是她们自己的选择。因此，美国愿意与任何一个以穆斯林为主体的国家 进行合作，支持提高女童识字率，并通过小型信贷帮助年轻妇女创业，实现自己的梦想。我要谈的最后一个问题是经济发展和经济机会。

我 知道对许多人来说，全球化的景象充满着矛盾。因特网和电视能传播知识和信息，但同时也会展示露骨的性行为和肆无忌惮的暴力。贸易可以带来新的财富和机会，但也会造成巨大的分化和社区的演变。在所有的国家──其中也包括美国──这种变化可以引起恐惧，担心现代化会意味着我们失去对自己的经济选择、对政治，最 重要的是对自身特征的控制──那些我们挚爱的有关我们的社区、我们的家庭和我们的宗教信仰的方方面面。

但我知道，人类的进步不可阻挡。发展与传统并不矛盾。日本和韩国等国家在保持自己特有文化的同时发展了经济。在从吉隆坡到迪拜的穆斯林占主体的国家内，也出现了同样惊人的经济进步。无论在古代还是现代，穆斯林社区都站在创新和教育的前列。

这一点十分重要，因为发展战略绝不能仅仅建立在地下资源的基础之上，在年轻人失业的情况下，发展也不可能持续。很多海湾国家因丰富的石油资源而享有富足的生 活，其中有些国家已开始专注于更广泛的发展。但是，我们大家都必须认识到，教育和创新将成为21世纪的资本，而太多穆斯林社区对这些领域投资不足。我正在 我的国家强调这一点。过去，美国特别重视这一地区的石油和天然气资源，如今，我们将寻求更广泛的接触。

在教育领域，我们将扩大交流项目，增加奖学金，就像我父亲，当年就是靠奖学金有机会去美国的。与此同时，我们将鼓励更多的美国人到穆斯林地区学习。我们将安排有前途的穆斯林学生到美国 实习，为世界各地的教师与儿童投资发展在线教学，创造新的在线网络，让堪萨斯的青少年能够即时与开罗的青少年进行网上沟通。

谈到经济发展，我们将建立新的商务志愿队，与穆斯林为主体的国家中的同行结成伙伴。我将在今年主持一次创业峰会(Summit on Entrepreneurship)，以确定我们如何能够深化美国与全世界穆斯林社区中的工商领导人、基金会及社会企业家之间的关系。

在 科学技术领域，我们将发起一项新的基金以支持穆斯林为主体的国家中的技术发展，帮助将创意投入市场，以创造更多就业机会。我们将在非洲、中东及东南亚地区 开设促进科学事业中心，并任命新的科学事务特使，就有关计划进行合作，以开发新型能源、创造有利环保的工作机会、使档案数字化、使水资源洁净化，并种植新 型作物。今天我宣布与伊斯兰会议组织(Organization of the Islamic Conference)的一项新合作，旨在根除小儿麻痹症。我们还将谋求扩大与穆斯林社区的合作关系，以促进儿童和妇女健康。

所有这一切必须通过合作关系来实现。美国人已准备与各国政府及公民、社区组织、宗教领袖及穆斯林社区的公司企业携手努力，帮助人们追求更好的生活。

我 所谈到的这些问题并不能轻易解决。然而，我们有责任携手努力建设一个我们所追求的世界——一个极端主义分子不再威胁我们的人民、美国军队返回家园的世界； 一个巴勒斯坦人和以色列人在各自国家中和平安全、核能仅用于和平目的世界；一个政府服务于人民、上天所有子民的权利都得到尊重的世界。这些是共同的利益。这是我们所追求的世界，但我们只有携手共进才能如愿以偿。

我知道有很多人──穆斯林和非穆斯林──怀疑我们是否能创造这个新的开端。有 些人急于煽风点火制造隔阂，成为前进路上的绊脚石。有些人认为不值得付出这样的努力──他们说我们注定要有分歧，文明的冲突在劫难逃。还有很多人只是对变 化是否真能发生疑虑重重。有太多的恐惧感，太多的不信任。但我们若甘于被过去束缚，就永远无法前进。我特别要对各国各个信仰的年轻人说——你们，比任何人 都有能力重建这个世界。

我们所有人都不过是这个世界的匆匆过客。问题在于，我们是把这段时间花在导致我们分裂的东西上，还是全心致力于一种努力──一种持久努力──以寻求共同之处，以我们争取为子孙后代创造的未来为重，并尊重全人类的尊严。结束战争比发动战争要难。看到与别人的共同之处比看到不同之处要难。我们应该选择正确的道路，而不只是容易的道路。而这正是信仰给我们指明的方向。所有宗教 都有同一个核心原则──已所不欲，勿施于人。这条真理超越国家与民族──这一信念不是新出现的；不是黑色的、白色的或棕色的；也不代表基督教、伊斯兰教或 犹太教。这种信仰孕育于文明的摇篮，至今跳动在亿万民众的心间。它是对他人的信任，它是促使我今天来到这里的原因。

我们有能力把世界变成我们所希望的那样，但前提是我们必须勇于开创新的开端，同时谨记经文的训导。《古兰经》告诉我们：“人类！我们创造了你男人和一个女人；我们让你们成为国家和部落以便彼此相识。” 《塔木德经》(Talmud)告诉我们：“全部《托拉》(Torah)都是为倡导和平。”

《圣经》（Holy Bible）告诉我们：“使人和睦的人有福了，因为他们必称为神的儿子。” 世界人民能够和平共处。我们知道这是主的旨意。现在，这必须是我们在地球上的使命。谢谢你们，愿主赐予各位平安。非常感谢你们。谢谢你们。（完）当地时间下午2时05分

Good afternoon.I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.For over a thousand years, Al—Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning;and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world — tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate.The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars.More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim—majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims.The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights.All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity.And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.Instead, they overlap, and share common principles — principles of justice and progress;tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors.There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other;to learn from each other;to respect one another;and to seek common ground.As the Holy Koran tells us, “Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.” That is what I will try to do today — to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience.I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims.As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam.It was Islam — at places like Al-Azhar — that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment.It was innovation in Muslim communities — it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra;our magnetic compass and tools of navigation;our mastery of pens and printing;our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires;timeless poetry and cherished music;elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation.And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story.The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco.In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, “The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims.” And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States.They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've

excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch.And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers — Thomas Jefferson — kept in his personal library.So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed.That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't.And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire.The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known.We were born out of revolution against an empire.We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words — within our borders, and around the world.We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum — “Out of many, one.” Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President.But my personal story is not so unique.The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores — and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations — to live in peace and security;to get an education and to work with dignity;to love our families, our communities, and our God.These things we share.This is the hope of all humanity.Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people.These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead;and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean.When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century.That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace.For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes — and, yes, religions — subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating.Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail.So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it.Our problems must be dealt with through partnership;our progress must be shared.Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension.Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely.And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.In Ankara, I made clear that America is not — and never will be — at war with Islam.We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security — because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children.And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together.Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support.We did not go by choice;we went because of necessity.I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11.But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody.And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale.They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.These are not opinions to be debated;these are facts to be dealt with.Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan.We see no military — we seek no military bases there.It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women.It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can.But that is not yet the case.And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists.They have killed in many countries.They have killed people of different faiths — but more than any other, they have killed Muslims.Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as — it is as if he has killed all mankind.And the Holy Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism — it is an important part of promoting peace.Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.Let me also address the issue of Iraq.Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: “I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be.” Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future — and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.Iraq's sovereignty is its own.And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy.But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles.Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country.The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.We are taking concrete actions to change course.I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.This bond is unbreakable.It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.Six million Jews were killed — more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today.Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful.Threatening Israel with destruction — or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews —is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people — Muslims and Christians — have suffered in pursuit of a homeland.For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation.Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead.They endure the daily humiliations — large and small — that come with occupation.So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.It's easy to point fingers — for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires.The obligations — the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear.For peace to come, it is time for them — and all of us — to live up to our responsibilities.Palestinians must abandon violence.Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed.For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia;from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end.It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.That's not how moral authority is claimed;that's how it is surrendered.Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people.Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities.To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.10

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.It is time for these settlements to stop.And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society.Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security;neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.The Arab—Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.We cannot impose peace.But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.Too many tears have been shed.Too much blood has been shed.All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be;when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us.In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government.Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage—taking and violence against U.S.troops and civilians.This history is well known.Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward.The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve.There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point.This is not simply about America's interests.It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons.And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.And any nation — including Iran — should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.11

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed;confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people;the freedom to live as you choose.These are not just American ideas;they are human rights.And that is why we will support them everywhere.Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise.But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them.And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments — provided they govern with respect for all their people.This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power;once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion;you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance.We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition.I saw it first-hand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.That is the spirit we need today.People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith.The richness of religious diversity must be upheld — whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit — for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear.We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.In fact, faith should bring us together.And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews.That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations.Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action — whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.I know, I know — and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue.I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a 12

woman who is denied an education is denied equality.And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam.In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim—majority countries elect a woman to lead.Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity — men and women — to reach their full potential.I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles.But it should be their choice.And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim—majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro—financing that helps people live their dreams.Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home.Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities.In all nations – including America – this change can bring fear.Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.There need not be contradiction between development and tradition.Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures.The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim—majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development.But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas.I am emphasizing such investment within my country.And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to his part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America.At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities.And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America;invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world;and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim—majority countries.And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim—majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs.We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops.Today, I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio.And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.13

All these things must be done in partnership.Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments, community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home;a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes;a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.Those are mutual interests.That is the world we seek.But we can only achieve it together.I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning.Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress.Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash.Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur.There is so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years.But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward.And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.It's easier to start wars than to end them.It's easier to blame others than to look inward.It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new;that isn't black or white or brown;that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew.It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world.It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.The Holy Quran tells us, “O mankind!We have created you male and a female;and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.” The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.” The Holy Bible tells us, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.” The people of the world can live together in peace.We know that is God's vision.Now, that must be our work here on Earth.Thank you.And may God's peace be upon you.Thank you very much.Thank you.

第二篇：奥巴马开罗大学演讲全文

奥巴马开罗大学演讲全文

一、我来此地，就是要在美国和穆斯林世界之间寻求一种全新的开端。我很荣幸来到开罗这座永恒的城市，并受到两所卓越的院校的款待。过去一千年来，阿兹哈尔（Al-Azhar）就是伊斯兰教义传播过程中的一盏明灯；过去一个世纪，开罗大学则是埃及前进的动力。你们一起展现了传统与发展之间的和谐。我对你们和埃及人民的盛情表示感激。我也很骄傲的带来了美国人民的善意，以及美国穆斯林对你们的问候：assalaamu alaykum（愿安拉赐您平安）。我们于此刻相会，正值美国和全世界穆斯林的关系紧张，这种气氛根植于历史，与现在的政策争论毫无关系。伊斯兰与西方世界共存与合作已长达几个世纪，同时也存在冲突甚至宗教战争。就在最近，这种紧张关系得以升级，罪魁祸首包括否认许多穆斯林拥有的权利和机会的殖民主义，以及政治冷战。在冷战中，穆斯林国家经常被认为是某些势力的代理人，而自己的渴望却被忽视。此外，由现代化和全球化带来的巨大变化，也令许多穆斯林认为西方对伊斯兰传统怀有敌意。

暴力极端主义者已经在数目小但却力量大的穆斯林中制造出了紧张局势。2001年9月11日的袭击以及极端主义者对平民那接连不断的攻击，这一切使我的国民不单单把穆斯林视作对美国和西方社会的威胁，也把穆斯林被视作是对人权的威胁。

但凡我们的关系是由彼此的所差异决定，我们就会纵容那些播种仇恨而非和平的人，那些挑起冲突而非平复冲突的人，然而，正是那些平复冲突的人才能够使我们的人民达到正义和繁荣。这个猜疑和混乱的圈子必须得到终结。我来此地，就是要在美国和穆斯林世界之间寻求一种全新的开端；这种开端建立在彼此的利益和相互的尊敬之上；建立在美国和穆斯林并非只能存一，不需要相互竞争的观点之上。恰恰相反，美国和穆斯林世界是相互交叠的，遵循着共同的价值观：正义和发展的价值观；以及宽容和人类尊严的价值观。诚然，我知道变革不是在一夜之间发生的。没有什么演说可以消除多年的猜疑，同时，此时此刻的我也不能医治在这一点上所有的沉疴。但是我已经证明了一点：为了前进，我们必须说出自己的心里话，那些常常是在彼此在背后才会说的话。我们必须学会倾听彼此、互相学习、相互尊重；我们必须寻求共识。正如《可兰经》中所说的，“感受安拉的存在，永远诚实。”这也是我一直在试着做到的一点——尽我所能地说实话，谦恭地面对我们眼前的工作，牢牢地守住我的信念，相信这样一点：作为人类之间我们共享的利益远比那些把我们分开的力量要强大得多。

此信仰部分根植于我自己的经历。我是个基督教徒，而我的父亲来自一个肯尼亚家庭，世代都是穆斯林信徒。小时候，我在印度尼西亚生活过几年，在黎明和黄昏都听到azaan的呼唤。年轻时，我在芝加哥社区工作，在那里，许多人都从他们的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊严和平静。

作为历史专业的学生，我也知道文明对伊斯兰教犯下的罪孽。是伊斯兰教——在像艾资哈尔大学这样的地方——展开几个世纪的学习，为欧洲的文艺复兴和启蒙运动铺平了道路。是穆斯林社区的创新开发了数学秩序；磁罗盘和航海工具；钢笔和印刷技艺；使我们了解疾病如何传播，又该如何治疗。伊斯兰文化为我们提供了宏伟的拱门和直插云霄的尖顶；永恒的诗歌和珍贵的音乐；优雅的书法和平静思考的地方。纵观整个历史，伊斯兰已经通过文字和实际行动证明，宗教宽容和种族平等的可能性。

我知道，伊斯兰也一直是美国历史的一部分。第一个承认我国的国家就是摩洛哥。1796年，我国第二任总统约翰·亚当斯在签署《黎波里条约》中写道，“美国本身没有反对法律、宗教或穆斯林宁静的敌意性质。”建国以来，伊斯兰信徒为美国的富裕做出了贡献。他们在我们的战争中战斗；为政府工作；主张公民权利；开创企业；在大学教书；在我们的竞技场表现突出；赢得诺贝尔奖；建造我们最高的建筑，还点燃了奥运火炬。最近第一位穆斯林-美国人被选入国会时，他宣誓捍卫我们宪法所用的神圣《古兰经》，是我们的一位建国之父托马斯·杰斐逊保存在自己私人图书馆中的。

在来到伊斯兰教的发源地之前，我已经在三个大洲上接触过它。过去的经历使我坚信，美国和伊斯兰世界国家之间的合作关系必须建立在求同存异的基础上。作为美利坚合众国的总统，我觉得我有责任消除人们心中对伊斯兰教存有的成见。

但同样的原则也适用于穆斯林对美国的看法上。正如穆斯林并不粗鲁一样，美国也并非一个自私自利的国家。在人类所取得的所有进步中，美国的贡献是非常之大的。我们也是通过抗争才赢得了独立。我们的建国理念是人人生而平等，数个世纪以来，我们一直在为实现理想而斗争，也为之抛洒过热血——无论是在国内，还是在全世界范围内。美国包容着多元的文化、吸引着来自世界各地的人，这一切都只为了实现一个简单的理念：合众为一：“众人戮力，只为一心”（E pluribus unum: “Out of many, one.”）。

过去的一切已经证明，一个名叫巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马的非裔美国人也能被选为美国总统。但我个人的经历并没有那么独特。虽然并非每个在美国的人都能实现心中理想，但对于每个踏上美国土地的人来说，他们的梦想都会得到尊重——现在，包括近700万在美国的穆斯林在内的人都享受着比普通人更高的收入、更好的教育。

此外，美国的自由与实现宗教信仰自由密不可分。这就是美利坚合众国的每一个州都有一所清真寺的原因，我们国土上有1200多所清真寺。这同样也是美国政府致力于保护妇女和少女有权戴穆斯林头巾的原因，谁要是阻挠必将受到处罚。因此毫无疑问：伊斯兰教是美国的一部分。我相信在美国这片土地坚持真理，无论是什么人种、什么宗教或生活在何处，我们所有人都有共同的愿望——我们想要和平安宁的生活；我们想要接受教育和有尊严地工作；我们热爱我们的家庭、社会和我们的神。这就是我们的共性。这就是我们全人类的愿望。

当然，认识到人类的共性只是我们任务的开端。仅仅靠耍嘴皮子并不能满足我们人民的需求。只有当我们在接下来的几年里大刀阔斧地行动；只有当我们懂得面对的是人类共同的挑战、认识到无法满足这些需求就是损害是我们全体利益的时候，人民的需求才能得以满足。

二、我们需要共同面对的问题。

最近我们吸取到的经验是，当一个国家的金融体系削弱时，各地的繁荣也将受到打击。当一种新型流感感染了一个人，那么所有人都有危险。当一个国家推行核武器，那么所有国家遭到核武器袭击的危险性就提高了。当极端分子在一片绵延的山区活动，那么大洋彼岸的人也会陷入危险之中。而无辜的波斯尼亚和达尔富尔人被屠杀，成为我们公德心上的污点。这就是在21世纪共享同一个世界的含义。这是作为人类我们对彼此的责任。

这是一个很难履行的责任。人类历史经常记录着民族和部落为了实现他们自己的利益而相互斗争。可是在这个新的世纪，这种做法会弄巧成拙。因为我们是相互依赖的，所以任何那一个国家或者组织的成员凌驾于其他人之上的行为必将失败。因此，不管我们怎么看待过去，我们都不要束缚其中。我们的问题必须通过合作解决，必须共同进步。

那不意味着我们会忽略紧张局势源头。实际正好相反：我们必须正视这些紧张事件。因此，在这种精神指引下，让我对一些具体的问题尽可能清楚和明白的做出解释，那就是，我相信我们最终必将共同面对。

我们必须面对的第一个问题是各种形式的暴力极端主义。

我曾在安卡拉明确表示，美国目前没有，也不会和伊斯兰世界开战。然而，我们对那些给我们的安全造成极大威胁的暴力极端主义分子不会手软。这是因为我们不欢迎那些全世界各种信仰的人民都不欢迎的事情：滥杀无辜的男女和儿童。作为总统我有义务保护美国人民。

目前阿富汗的局势表明了美国的目标，我们需要为此共同努力。七年前，美国对抗基地组织和塔利班的行动得到了国际社会的广泛支持。在有些事情上面我们别无选择，只能做出必要的行动。我知道有些人对9/11事件有疑问。但首先让我们明确一点，基地组织在那一天杀死了大约3000人。这些受害者包括美国和其他国家的男女和儿童，这些无辜的人没有做过任何伤害他人的事情。然而，基地组织选择无情地杀害这些人，借此攻击事件宣传自己，即使现在仍坚持大规模杀戮的理念。他们在各国都有分支机构，并且正试图扩大势力范围。这些不是可以辩论的观点，而是不容争辩应当得到处理的事实。不犯错误：我们不想让我们的军队驻扎在阿富汗。我们不想在那里有军事基地。失去美国的年轻人对我们来说是痛苦难忍的。继续这样子的冲突代价太大，政治上也阻力重重。如果我们能够自信的说，阿富汗和巴基斯坦没有坚决要杀死尽可能多的美国人的暴力极端主义分子，那我们将非常乐意将军队里面的每一个人带回家。但是现在，还不行。

所以我们会参加46个国家的联合部队。尽管付出了代价，美国的承诺不会变弱。真的，我们中的任何一个都不应该容忍这些极端分子。他们在那么多国家杀人。他们杀死了不同信仰的人们，而其中最多的就是穆斯林。他们的行为对于人权，国家的进步，还有伊斯兰都是难以想象的。《古兰经》教导说：如果杀了一个无辜者，那就好像杀死了全人类，而如果拯救了一个人，那就好像拯救了全人类。10亿多人的持久的信念要比一部分人的狭隘的仇恨强大的多。与暴力极端主义分子的战斗中，伊斯兰不是其中的问题的一部分，而是促进和平的重要的一部分。

我们也知道，单单就军事力量是不能解决在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的问题的。所以我们计划在未来的五年之内，每年投资15亿美元与巴基斯坦人们一起建造学校，医院，道路，还有商业，还将投资数千万来帮助流离失所的人们。所以我们会提供28亿多美元来帮助阿富汗发展他们的经济和输送人们日常需要的设施。同时我也想谈谈伊拉克的问题。与阿富汗不同，对伊拉克的战争是个可选项，是否应当开战在我国和全球各地都有巨大分歧。虽然我相信，伊拉克人民在摆脱萨达姆·侯赛因的暴政统治后比以前过的好，但是我也相信，伊拉克事件提醒美国在有可能的情况下，应选择通过外交手段和建立国际共识的方式解决我们的问题。在此我想引用托马斯·杰佛逊的话： “我希望我们的智慧可伴随着我们的力量一起成长，并同时教导我们，使用的力量越少意味着我们越强。” 今天，美国肩负着双重责任：一是帮助伊拉克建立一个更美好的未来，二是把伊拉克交还给伊拉克人民。我已经明确向伊拉克人民承诺，我们不会在伊拉克保留军事基地，也不会争夺其领土和资源。伊拉克是具有独立主权的。这就是我下令在明年8月前撤走我们的作战旅的原因。这也是我们履行我们和伊拉克民选政府的的协议。将于7月把作战部队撤离主要城市，并且在2012年全部撤军的原因。我们将帮助伊拉克建立自己的安全部队并发展经济。但是，我们只将作为维护伊拉克安全和统一的伙伴，并不会成为它的靠山。

最后，正如美国绝不容忍暴力极端主义分子，我们绝不会改变我们的原则。9/11对我国是一个巨大的创伤。由此引发的(对伊斯兰世界的)恐惧和愤怒是可以理解的。但在某些情况下，这使我们的行为违背了我们的理想。我们正在采取切实行动转变方向。我已经明确禁止美国政府使用酷刑，并已经下令在明年初关闭关塔那摩监狱。

因此美国在保护自己的时候，会尊重其他国家的主权和法规。而且我们将和也遭受威胁的穆斯林共同体一起这么做。极端分子越早被穆斯林世界孤立和拒绝，我们大家就会越早得到安全。我们必须探讨的第二个导致紧张局势的主要源头是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之间的情况。

众所周知美国和以色列的紧密结合。这种结合是牢不可破的。它是基于文化和历史的粘连，还有公认的对犹太人家园的渴望，它根植在犹太民族悲惨的历史里，不容否定。

全世界的犹太人被欺压了几千年，欧洲的反犹主义在一场空前的大屠杀中达到极致。明天我将访问布赫瓦尔德集中营，它是犹太人被第三帝国奴役、折磨、射杀和关毒气室屠杀的众多集中营里的一个。600万犹太人被屠杀－－比今天以色列国犹太人总人口还多。否定这些事实是毫无根据的、无知的、可恶的。以毁灭的言辞或重复关于犹太人的卑鄙的陈词滥调来威胁以色列，是极端错误的，而且只会唤起以色列人最惨痛的回忆，这将妨碍这个地区的人民得到本应享有的和平。

另一方面，不可否认，巴勒斯坦人民——穆斯林信徒和基督教徒——在寻求家园的过程中遭受了磨难。他们忍受了六十多年的痛苦和**。许多人在西方的难民营、在加沙以及周边地区等待着他们从未享受过的和平安全的生活。他们每天都忍受着大大小小来自占领军的屈辱。因此，毫无疑问，巴勒斯坦人民的处境是难以忍受的。美国不会背弃巴勒斯坦人寻求尊严、机会和自己国家的合法愿望。几十年来，出现了一种僵局：两国人民都有合法的愿望，每一个都饱含着痛苦的历史，使得折中的希望渺茫。指指点点很容易——对巴勒斯坦人来说，你可以指出其流离失所是以色列建国所致；而对以色列人来说，你可以指出在其整个历史中，它们在境内外不断受到敌视和攻击。如果我们只从单方面来看待这个冲突，我们就会迷失真理：唯一的解决办法是满足两国双方的愿望，即以色列人和巴勒斯坦人各自和平安全地生活。

这是符合以色列的利益，符合巴勒斯坦的利益，符合美国的利益，也符合世界的利益。正因为如此，我愿意付出这项任务所需要的全部耐心，身体力行地追求这一结果。当事双方已经同意执行路线图的义务是明确的。为了和平的到来，他们以及我们大家该履行我们的责任了。

巴勒斯坦人必须放弃暴力。通过暴力和杀戮进行抵抗是错误的，也不会成功。作为奴隶的美国黑人遭受几个世纪鞭笞和隔离羞辱。但是，并不是通过暴力赢得了全面平等的权力。美国建国的中心就是坚持和平和坚定的理想。从南非到南亚，从东欧到印度尼西亚的人们都能讲述同样的故事。这是含有一个简单真理的故事：暴力是一条走不通的死路。向熟睡的孩子发射火箭，或在公交车上炸死一位老妇人，既不是勇敢，也不是力量的象征。这不是道德权威所提倡的，而是道德权威所摒弃的。

现在是时候让巴勒斯坦人把精力集中在他们所能创立的事情上了。巴勒斯坦当局必须发展其管理的能力，要建立服务于人民的体系。一些巴勒斯坦人确实支持哈马斯，而他们也有自己的职责。要想发挥自己的作用，实现巴基斯坦人的愿望，哈马斯必须结束暴力、承认过去的协议、承认以色列的生存权。与此同时，以色列人也必须承认，正如以色列的生存权不可否认一样，巴勒斯坦人的生存权同样不可否认。美国不承认继续建设以色列定居点的合法性。这项建设违反了以前的协定，破坏了实现和平的努力。现在是这些定居点停建的时候了。

以色列同样必须履行它的义务确保巴勒斯坦人民能够生活、工作并发展自己的社会体制。就像加沙地带摧毁巴勒斯坦居住区这样的人道主义危机并不能保证以色列的安全；同时巴勒斯坦西岸地区也不会永远没有和平的机会。改善巴勒斯坦人民的日常生活肯定是走向和平的必经之路，而且以色列必须采取具体的行动作出这种改善。

最后，阿拉伯国家必须认识到“阿拉伯和平倡议”是一个重要的开端，而不是结束他们的责任。阿拉伯和以色列间的冲突不应该再成为阿拉伯人民关注的焦点。相反，它必定会引发一场行动帮助巴勒斯坦人民建立起维护他们国家的体制，这个行动也将使以色列得到合法承认；这个行动选择的是发展，从而结束了过去那种适得其反的纠缠。

美国将调整与寻求和平国家之间的外交政策，并且会公开和以色列、巴勒斯坦以及阿拉伯国家私下里的谈话内容。我们不会强求和平。但是私下里，许多穆斯林都认识到以色列不会消失。同样，许多以色列人也认识到需要有一个巴勒斯坦国的存在。众所周知，现在使我们真正采取行动的时候了。

人民流过的太多的眼泪，付出了太多的鲜血。我们大家为了目标都有责任付出，为那一天，以色列和巴勒斯坦的母亲们可以看着自己的孩子在免收恐惧的环境下长大;为那一天，三个伟大信仰的共同圣地成为上帝希望的和平之地；为那一天，耶路撒冷成为安全之地，成为犹太人，基督徒和穆斯林共同永久的家园，亚伯拉罕的子孙能如伊斯拉的故事中描述的一般聚集一处和平生活，摩西、耶稣和默罕默德(保佑他们)能够一同参与祈祷。

第三个造成紧张局势的原因是我们在核武问题上各国权利和责任的共同关注。

这一问题是美国和伊朗伊斯兰共和国紧张局势的根源。多年来，伊朗已经明确表示反对我国，而且事实上我们之前的确有动荡的过去。在冷战时期的中段，美国在推翻民选的伊朗政府上扮演了重要角色。伊朗伊斯兰革命以来，伊朗持续劫持美国军人和平民，并对他们使用暴力。这段历史是众所周知的。我已清楚地告诉伊朗的领导人和其人民，与其继续陷于过去，不如向前迈进，我的国家已经准备好了。现在的问题不是伊朗反对什么，而是未来应当如何建设。

要克服几十年的猜疑和不信任是困难的，但我们将凭借勇气、正直和决心继续前行。我们两个国家之间会有很多议题需要探讨，而且我们也原意在互相尊重的基础上不附带任何条件地推进两国的交流。然而对很显然大家都关心的议题，比如核武器，我们已处在一个决定性时刻。这不只是简单地关系到美国的利益。它关系到防止在中东地区展开核军备竞赛，那将导致这个地区以及全世界走向危险之路。我理解有人抗议有些国家有核武器有些没有。没有单独哪一个国家有权挑选和指定那些国家可以拥有核武器。这也是我为何着重重申美国的义务，寻求一个无核的世界。而且任何国家，包括伊朗，如果他们遵照自己在核不扩散条约下应负的责任，就应该有权使用以和平为目的的核能。这个义务是条约的核心所在，而且所有完全遵守条约的国家必须保持下去。我希望这个地区所有的国家都能共享这个目标。

我要谈的第四个议题是民主。

我知道，近几年曾有关于发扬民主政治的争论，其中大多数都与伊拉克战争有关。在这里允许我澄清一下：一个国家不能也不应该将一种政治系统强加于另一个国家。

然而，这并不能削弱我的承诺：政府应该代表人民的意愿。每个国家以自己的方式致力于这一准则，不同的方式又以国家传统为基础。美国并不认为自己通晓对所有人都有利的方式，就像我们不能预知一场顺利的选举的结果一样。但是我有一个非常坚定的信念，人民在渴望某种东西：可以表达思想的能力，以及评论自己如何被统治的能力；对于法律中的信心，以及相应的对于正义的贯彻；透明的、并且不会被夺走的政府；选择生活的自由。这些不仅仅是美国人的想法，而是人权，也是我们不管在哪里都支持它的原因。

实现诺言的道路并不平坦，但非常清晰：保护这些权利的政府更加稳固、成功和安全。镇压思想的方法绝不会让思想消失。美国尊重所有爱好和平并合法的声音响彻全球，即便我们可能不同意这些想法。而且，我们欢迎所有民选的、爱好和平的政府——倘若他们也受到自己人民的爱戴。

最后这一点很重要，因为有些人只有在不掌握权力的时候才鼓吹民主，一旦上了台，他们就毫不留情地压制别人的权利。无论在何处，民治与民有的政府为所有掌权者设立一条单一的标准：你必须籍由赞成而非威压而保有权利；你必须尊重少数群体的权利，并怀着宽容与妥协的精神参与其中；你必须将人民的利益和政治过程的合法决议置于自己的政党之上。没有这些内容，单靠选举无法带来真正的民主。

我们需要共同讨论的第五个问题是宗教自由。

伊斯兰教有着傲人的宽容传统。在宗教裁判所时代，我们在安达卢西亚和科多巴（Andalusia and Cordoba）的历史中可以看到这一点；当我童年在印度尼西亚的时候，亲眼看到这一点，在那里，在一个穆斯林占绝大多数的国家，虔诚的基督教徒可以自由地做礼拜。这是今天我们所需要的精神，每个国家的人民都应当可以自由地基于自己内心和灵魂的信念选择并坚持自己的信仰。这种宽容对于宗教的兴旺发达必不可少，但如今却正受到多方挑战。

在某些穆斯林当中，有一种令人不安的倾向，那就是通过拒绝他人的信仰来衡量自己信仰的坚定程度。我们必须支持丰富的宗教多样性-无论是黎巴嫩的马龙教派还是埃及的科普特教派。穆斯林当中的错误倾向也必须停止，我们看到，尤其在伊拉克，逊尼派和什叶派的分歧已经导致了悲剧性的暴力冲突。宗教信仰自由是人们能在一起生活的核心问题，我们要永远对这一点保持关注。比如在美国，法规使得穆斯林很难履行自己的宗教义务。这就是为何我会承诺与美国的穆斯林一同工作，以来确保他们可以完成自己的扎卡特（天课）。同样，还有一点很重要，西方国家应避免仅凭自身好恶妨而碍到穆斯林民众的宗教修行，比如，讨论穆斯林妇女应有的穿着。我们不能假借自由之名来掩饰自己的敌意，对宗教进行攻击。的确，信任会将我们带到一起。这就是我们在美国建立将基督教、伊斯兰教和犹太教的信徒带到一起的公共机构工程的原因所在。我们欢迎像沙特阿拉伯国王易卜拉欣的不同宗教间的对话，我们欢迎像土耳其领导层的不同文明联盟。在全球领域，我们可以把对话转在不同信仰之间的机构内进行，因此这种桥梁才能让不同信仰的人们冲破彼此的隔膜。--不论是对非洲的抵抗疟疾行动还是在对自然灾害后提供的援助上。

我要说的第六点是关于妇女的权利。

现在让我澄清一下：女性平等问题绝不仅仅是伊斯兰世界的问题。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国和印度尼西亚，我们已经看到这些穆斯林占多数的国家选出了女性领导人。同时，在美国生活的很多方面，以及在全球各国，争取女性平等的斗争还在继续。

我们的女儿也能像我们的儿子那样为社会做出同样的贡献，并且允许所有人（男人和女人）发挥自己最大的潜力，将会推动我们的共同繁荣。我不认为女性为了平等必须做出和男性一样的选择，并且我尊重那些生活中选择传统角色的女性。但是这应该由女性自己决定。正因为如此，美国将和所有穆斯林占多数的国家一道，帮助减少女孩文盲，并且通过小额贷款帮助人们实现自己的梦想，帮助年轻女性追求自己的职业生涯。

最后，我想谈谈经济发展和机会。

在教育方面，我们将扩大互换学生项目，并且增加奖学金，就像当年把家父带到美国的那笔奖学金，同时鼓励更多美国人来穆斯林地区学习。而且我们还将为有前途的穆斯林学生安排在美国的实习机会；为全世界的教师和学生投资联网在线学习项目；创造一个新的在线网络，以便一个远在堪萨斯州的孩子能和身处开罗的同龄人即时通讯。

在经济发展方面，我们将创立一种新的商业志愿者团体，和以穆斯林为主体的国家的商业组织合作。而且我还将在今年召开企业家峰会，来确定我们将如何加深美国、穆斯林国家和全世界范围内的商业领袖、创业者和企业家之间的纽带关系。在科学和技术方面，我们将在以穆斯林为主的国家推行一个新的基金来支持他们的科技发展，并帮助把科技理念转化到市场上去，以便创造就业机会。我们还将在非洲、中东和东南亚开设优秀科技中心，并任命新的科学特使来合作开展项目，包括发展新能源、创造环保的工作岗位、数字化唱片、清洁饮用水和引入新农作物。今天我还宣布了一项新的全球性措施，计划和伊斯兰会议组织共同努力消除脑灰质炎疾病。我们还将拓展和穆斯林团体的合作来促进儿童和孕妇的健康。

三、让美国与穆斯林世界携手前进。

所有这些事情都必须通过合作完成。美国人民已经准备好了，在全球范围内与其他市民、政府一起，与社区组织、宗教领袖一起，与穆斯林世界的企业一起，帮助人民追求更好的生活。

我所描述的问题并不是很容易能解决的。但是，为了我们寻求的世界，我们有责任携起手来，使得在这个世界上，极端分子不再威胁我们的人民，美国的士兵们都回到家乡；使得在这个世界上，以色列和巴勒斯坦的人民都可以在自己的土地上安全生活，核能源都被和平的使用；使得在这个世界上，政府为人民服务，诸神的子孙的权利都得到尊重。这些是我们的共同利益。这是我们所寻求的世界。但是，只有我们一起努力才能做到。

我知道有很多人，既有穆斯林也有非穆斯林，对我们有疑问，质疑我们是否能够建立新的开端。一些急性子的人点燃了怒火阻挡了我们前进的道路。有人告诉我们，这样的努力并不值得，人民注定会有反对的声音，文明之间注定会发生冲突。有更多的人只是怀疑是否真能产生变化。有如此多的担心，如此多的不信任。但是，如果选择被过去束缚，我们将永远无法向前迈进。我尤其要强调的是，各国各信仰的年轻人们，你们比其他任何人都有能力来改变这个世界。我们每个人都只能在这世界上停留一瞬。在这有限的时间里，我们到底是要彼此排斥，还是要共同努力、不停地寻求共识，为了我们子孙的未来和全体人类的尊严而奋斗。

发动战争比结束它们更容易；责备他人比审视自我更容易；挑剔别人比寻求共识更容易。但我们不仅要去做容易做到的事，更要去做正确的事。每种宗教都遵守着同样一条原则——己所不欲，勿施于人。这一真理超越了国界和种族——它自古就存在着；它也不为黑人、白人抑或褐色人种所独有；它更不是基督徒、穆斯林或犹太人的专利。它是自文明之始就跳动着的信仰，至今仍存在于亿万人的心中。是它让人们对他人充满了信心，今天，也正是它把我带到了这里。我们有能力改造世界，但在我们立志要开创一项事业的同时，也必须铭记我们所受过的教诲。

《古兰经》上说：“众人啊！我确已从一男一女创造你们，我使你们成为许多民族和宗族，以便你们互相认识。” 《犹太法典》上说：“所有教律都是为了促进和平。”

《圣经》上说：“使人和睦的人有福了，因为他们必称为神的儿子。” 世界上的人们必能和睦相处。这是上帝的远见。所以现在，也必须由我们为之而努力。谢谢你们。愿上帝赐和平于汝。

第三篇：奥巴马开罗演讲

奥巴马开罗演讲

I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.非常感谢你们。下午好。我荣幸地来到永恒的开罗古城，荣幸地受到两所著名学府的邀请。爱资哈尔(Al-Azhar)一千多年来一直是一座伊斯兰学术的灯塔，开罗大学(Cairo University)一 百多年来一直是埃及发展的源泉。你们并肩而立，象征着传统与进步的和谐共进。我对你们 的盛情邀请，对埃及人民的盛情邀请表示感谢。我也自豪地带来美国人民的友好情谊，带来 我国穆斯林民众的平安问候：

“Assalaamu alaykum.”（“愿你平安。”）

We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the worldprinciples of justice and progress;tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.我来到这里是要在美国和穆斯林世界之间寻求一种以共同利益和相互尊重为基点的新开端 ──基于美国和伊斯兰教并不相互排斥、不必相互竞争的真情。不仅如此，它们相互重合，拥有一些共同原则──公正与进步的原则；容忍与全人类都有尊严的原则。

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point.But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors.There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other;to learn from each other;to respect one another;and to seek common ground.As the Holy Koran tells us, “Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.” That is what I will try to doat places like Al-Azhar UniversityThomas Jeffersonthat includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.对一个名叫巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马的非洲裔美国人能够当选美国总统这一点已经议论繁多。但我的个人经历并不是那么独特。虽然人人都有机会的这个理想还没有在美国每一个人身上 实现，但对于登陆我国的所有人来说，这个希望是存在的──其中包括属于我国今天 80 多 个族裔群体的近700 万美国穆斯林。实际上，美国穆斯林的收入及教育水平超过了我国的平均线。

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.That is why the U.S.government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.而且，美国的自由与信奉宗教的自由密不可分。这就是为什么清真寺遍及我们合众国的每个 州，在我们境内有着 1200 多座清真寺。这就是为什么美国政府为保护妇女和女童戴头巾的 权利和为了惩罚那些想剥夺这项权利的人而诉诸司法手段。

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirationsand never will bemore than any other, they have killed Muslims.Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind;and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremismand to leave Iraq to Iraqis.I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.Iraq's sovereignty is its own.That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012.We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy.But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.今天，美国承担着双重责任：帮助伊拉克人打造更美好的未来，同时要将伊拉克交给伊拉克 人。我明确地向伊拉克人民表

示，我们不寻求基地，对领土或资源没有要求。伊拉克的主权 属于伊拉克自己。正是出于这个原因，我已下令在明年 8 月前撤出我们的作战部队。也正是 出于这个原因，我们将履行与伊拉克民选政府达成的协议，在 7 月前从伊拉克城市撤出作战部队，在 2012 年年底前将所有的部队撤出伊拉克。我们将帮助伊拉克训练安全部队和发展经济。但我们是以伙伴的身份，而绝不是以保护人的身份支持伊拉克的安全与统一。

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles.9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country.The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals.We are taking concrete actions to change course.I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.最后，美国绝不能容忍极端主义分子的暴力，同样我们也绝不能改变或忘记我们的原则。9.11 事件给我国造成了巨大的创伤。这一事件引起的忧惧和愤怒是可以理解的，但在某些情况下，这一事件也使我们采取了与我们的传统和理想相悖的行动。我们正在采取具体行动改变路线。我明确禁止美国使用酷刑，我已下令明年初关闭关塔纳摩湾监狱。

So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.因此，美国将进行自卫，同时尊重其他国家的主权和法治。我们在这样做的时候，将与同样 受到威胁的穆斯林社区结成伙伴。早一天使极端主义分子在穆斯林社区受到孤立和丧失人心，我们就能早一天获得更大的安全。

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis、Palestinians and the Arab world.我将讨论的紧张关系的第二大根源是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之间的局势。

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.This bond is unbreakable.It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.美国与以色列之间的牢固关系众所周知。这种关系坚不可摧。它基于文化和历史的纽带以及这样一个认识：对犹太家园的渴望有着一个悲哀的历史源头，这个历史是无可否认的。

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.Six million Jews were killedor repeating vile stereotypes about JewsMuslims and Christianslarge and smallfor Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.几十年来，一直存在着一种僵持局面：有着合理追求的两族人民，因各自的痛苦历史而使妥 协可望不可及。相互指责并不难——巴勒斯坦人指责由以色列建国而造成的流离失所，以色 列人指责贯穿其全部历史的来自境内外的敌意和袭击。然而，如果我们仅仅从一方或另一方来看待这一冲突，我们将无视事实：实现双方愿望的惟一出路是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人和平

安全共存的两国解决方案。

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires.The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear.For peace to come, it is time for themto live up to our responsibilities.这符合以色列的利益，符合巴勒斯坦的利益，符合美国的利益，符合世界的利益。因此我将 亲自致力于取得这一结果。各方根据“路线图”已同意承担的义务是明确的。为了实现和平，现在是他们──以及我们各方──应该履行自己职责的时候了。

Palestinians must abandon violence.Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed.For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia;from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end.It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.That is not how moral authority is claimed;that is how it is surrendered.巴勒斯坦人必须放弃暴力。暴力抵抗和屠杀不能达到目的。在几个世纪里，美国黑人奴隶遭鞭打，受种族隔离的凌辱。然而，最终导致获得全面平等权利的不是暴力，而是对美国建国核心理想的和平与执著的坚持。同样的经历也可在从南非到南亚，从东欧到印度尼西亚的其 他国家人民的历史中看到。这个经历揭示了一个简单的真理：暴力是死路一条。向睡梦中的以色列儿童发射火箭炮或炸死公共汽车上的老妪，既非胆识也非力量的表现。它不是在申明道义权威，而是在丧失道义权威。

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people.Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities.To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist.现在是巴勒斯坦人致力于如何进行建设的时候了。巴勒斯坦权力机构必须发展治理能力，建 立为人民的需求服务的机制。“哈马斯”确实在一些巴勒斯坦人中拥有支持，但他们也有责 任。要为实现巴勒斯坦的抱负而发挥作用，“哈马斯”就必须停止过去的暴力，遵守过去的协议，承认以色列的生存权。

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.It is time for these settlements to stop.与此同时，以色列人必须意识到，正如以色列的生存权不能被剥夺一样，巴勒斯坦的生存权也不能被剥夺。美国不接受以色列继续建造定居点的合法性。这一做法违反了过去的协议，有损实现和平的努力。现在是停止这些定居点的时候了。

Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society.And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security;neither

does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.以色列也必须履行其义务，确保巴勒斯坦人能够生活、工作、建设其社会。正如摧毁巴勒斯坦人的家庭一样，加沙持续的人道危机无益于以色列的安全，西岸缺乏机会也同样如此。巴勒斯坦人民日常生活的改善必须是通向和平之路的一个关键部分。

Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state;to recognize Israel's legitimacy;and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.最后，阿拉伯国家必须认识到，阿拉伯和平倡议（Arab Peace Initiative）是一个重要的开端，而不是责任的终止。阿-以冲突决不应再被用来转移阿拉伯国家人民对其他问题的视线。相反，它应成为一个行动的号召，帮助巴勒斯坦人民发展维系国家的机制；承认以色列的合法性；选择进步，而不是自我消耗地向后看。

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.We cannot impose peace.But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.美国将使我们的政策与追求和平者的政策协调一致。无论在公开场合还是非公开场合，我们将对以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯人说同样的话。我们不能把和平强加于人。但是，在非公开场合，许多穆斯林承认以色列不会消失。同样，许多以色列人也承认建立巴勒斯坦国的 必要性。时不我待，我们必须基于人所共知的事实行动起来。

Too many tears have flowed.Too much blood has been shed.All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be;when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Israel, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed(peace be upon them)joined in prayer.眼泪已流得太久；鲜血已洒得太多。我们大家都有责任为这样一天的到来而奋斗，那就是： 以色列和巴勒斯坦的母亲能够看到自己的孩子毫无恐惧地长大，三大信仰的圣地(Holy Land)成为天意属望的和平之地，耶路撒冷是犹太人、基督徒和穆斯林的安全和永久的家园，并像伊斯拉(ISRA)故事中摩西、耶稣和穆罕默德(颂安)共同祈祷那样，成为亚伯拉罕所有子孙和平相处的地方。

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.第三个造成紧张关系的原因涉及国家在核武器问题上的权利和责任，对此，我们必须达成共识。

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us.In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government.Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S.troops and civilians.This history is well known.Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward.The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.这个问题是美国与伊朗伊斯兰共和国之间关系紧张的一个根源。多年来，伊朗在某种程度上 用它与我的国家的对立来给其自身定位。伊朗与美国之间确实有着坎坷的历史。在冷战期间，美国对伊朗的民选政府被推翻起了作用。自伊斯兰革命以来，伊朗在劫持人质和对美军及平民发动的暴力事件中扮演了角色。这一历史众所周知。我没有选择自陷于过去，我已经向伊朗领导人和伊朗人民表明，我国已做好向前迈步的准备。对于伊朗而言，现在的问题不在于反对什么，而在于它希望建设什么样的未来。

It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve.There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point.This is not simply about America's interests.It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.消除数十年的不信任决非易事，但是我们有勇气、有正气、有决心向前迈进。我们两国之间 有许多问题有待商讨，我们愿意在没有先决条件的情况下基于相互尊重向前迈进。但是，有关各方都很清楚，在核武器方面我们已经处在一个决定性关头。它所关系到的不单纯是美国的利益，而是为了阻止一场可能会使中东地区和全世界走上一条极其危险的道路的核武器竞赛。

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons.That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.And any nationshould have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.我理解有些人针对一些国家拥有核武器而其他国家没有核武器而提出的抗议。任何一个国家 都不应挑选哪些国家可以拥有核武器。因此，我坚决重申，美国承诺争取建立一个任何国家 都不拥有核武器的世界。任何一个国家——包括伊朗——如果它履行对《不扩散核武器条约》(Non-Proliferation Treaty)承担的责任，就应当有权获取用于和平目的的核能源。这一承诺是这项条约的核心，应为条约各方全面遵守。我希望这个地区的所有国家都支持这一目标。

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.我要讲的第四个题目是民主。

I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.我知道，近几年来在推进民主方面存在争议，而且许多争议与伊拉克战争有关。所以，我要明确表示：没有任何一种政府体制能够或应该被一个国家强加给另一个国家。

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed;confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people;the freedom to live as you choose.Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.但是，我并不因此而减少我对代表人民意愿的政府的承诺。每个国家以植根于本国人民传统 的各自方式给这一原则赋予生命力。美国并不自认知道什么是对所有人最为有益的做法，正如我们不会主观选择和平选举的结果一样。但是我确实坚信，某些东西是所有人都渴望的：能够畅所欲言并对自己被管理的方式有发言权；对法治和司法公正有信心；政府施政透明，不盗窃人民财富；以及有自由按自己选择的方式生活等。这些不是美国人的发明，这些是人的权利，因此美国在各地都支持这些权利。

There is no straight line to realize this promise.But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them.And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governmentswhether it is for Marinates in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.在某些穆斯林中，有一种令人不安的倾向：通过排斥他人的信仰来显示对自己的信仰之忠诚。丰富的宗教多样性必须得到维护──无论是黎巴嫩的马龙派教徒(Marinates)还是埃及的科 普特教会成员(Copts)。另外，如果我们能够诚实地对待这个问题，穆斯林内部的裂隙也必须弥合，因为逊尼派和什叶派的分歧在某些地方已导致悲惨的暴力，特别是在伊拉克。

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.宗教自由对各族人民能否和睦相处至关重要。我们必须经常认真地考虑我们保护宗教自由的方式。例如，在美国，有关慈善捐款的规定加大了穆斯林履行宗教捐助义务的难度。为此，我承诺与美国穆斯林共同努力，以确保他们能够施行天课（zakat）。

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fitwhether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.的确，信仰应有助于我们休戚与共。因此，我们正在美国制订一些新的服务计划，使基督徒、穆斯林和犹太人共同参与。因此，我们欢迎阿卜杜拉国王倡导的宗教间对话和土耳其在文明联盟(Alliance of Civilizations)中发挥的领导作用。在全世界各地，我们可以使宗教间对话发展成宗教间服务，通过各种连接各族人民的桥梁促使我们采取行动推进共同的人道精神──不论是在非洲抗击疟疾, 还是在自然灾害后提供救援。

The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.我要谈的第六个问题是妇女的权利。

I know there is debate about this issue.I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.我知道在这个问题上存在着争论，在座的各位就是例证。西方某些人认为一位妇女选择遮盖自己的头发即说明不那么平等，我反对这种看法。但我确实认为剥夺妇女的教育权利就是剥夺了妇女的平等权利。妇女受到良好教育的国家有极大的可能实现繁荣，这种情况决非偶然。

Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam.In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead.Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.我希望明确表示：妇女的平等权利绝不仅仅是伊斯兰教的问题。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国和印度尼西亚，我们看到这些穆斯林人口占多数的国家选举了妇女领导人。与此同时，在美国社会生活的许多方面以及在世界上其他国家，争取妇女平等的斗争仍在持续。

Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanityto reach their full potential.I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles.But it should be their choice.That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.我深信，我们的女儿们也能像我们的儿子们一样为社会作出很大贡献。让全人类—包括男人 和女人—充分发挥其潜力将促进我们的共同繁荣。我并不认为，妇女为了获得平等必须作出与男人相同的选择，我尊重在生活中选择承担传统角色的妇女。但是，这应当是她们自己的选择。因此，美国愿意与任何一个以穆斯林为主体的国家进行合作，支持提高女童识字率，并通过小型信贷帮助年轻妇女创业，实现自己的梦想。

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.我要谈的最后一个问题是经济发展和经济机会。

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence.Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities.In all nationsthis change can bring fear.Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identitiesa world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home;a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes;a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.Those are mutual interests.That is the world we seek.But we can only achieve it together.我所谈到的这些问题并不能轻易解决。然而，我们有责任携手努力建设一个我们所追求的世界——一个极端主义分子不再威胁我们的人民、美国军队返回家园的世界；一个巴勒斯坦人和以色列人在各自国家中和平安全、核能仅用于和平目的世界；一个政府服务于人民、上天所有子民的权利都得到尊重的世界。这些是共同的利益。这是我们所追求的世界，但我们只有携手共进才能如愿以偿。

I know there are manywho question whether we can forge this new beginning.Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress.Some suggest that it isn't worth the effortyou, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world.我知道有很多人──穆斯林和非穆斯林──怀疑我们是否能创造这个新的开端。有些人急于煽风点火制造隔阂，成为前进路上的绊脚石。有些人认为不值得付出这样的努力──他们说我们注定要有分歧，文明的冲突在劫难逃。还有很多人只是对变化是否真能发生疑虑重重。有太多的恐惧感，太多的不信任。但我们若甘于被过去束缚，就永远无法前进。我特别要对各国各个信仰的年轻人说——你们，比任何人都有能力重建这个世界。

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effortto find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.我们所有人都不过是这个世界的匆匆过客。问题在于，我们是把这段时间花在导致我们分裂的东西上，还是全心致力于一种努力──一种持久努力──以寻求共同之处，以我们争取为子孙后代创造的未来为重，并尊重全人类的尊严。

It is easier to start wars than to end them.It is easier to blame others than to look inward;to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religiona belief that isn't new;that isn't black or white or brown;that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew.It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions.It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.结束战争比发动战争要难。看到与别人的共同之处比看到不同之处要难。我们应该选择正确的道路，而不只是容易的道路。而这正是信仰给我们指明的方向。所有宗教都有同一个核心原则──已所不欲，勿施于人。这条真理超越国家与民族──这一信念不是新出现的；不是黑色的、白色的或棕色的；也不代表基督教、伊斯兰教或犹太教。这种信仰孕育于文明的摇

篮，至今跳动在亿万民众的心间。它是对他人的信任，它是促使我今天来到这里的原因。

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.我们有能力把世界变成我们所希望的那样，但前提是我们必须勇于开创新的开端，同时谨记经文的训导。

The Holy Koran tells us, “O mankind!We have created you male and a female;and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.”

《古兰经》告诉我们：“人类！我们创造了你男人和一个女人；我们让你们成为国家和部落以便彼此相识。”

The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.” 《塔木德经》(Talmud)告诉我们：“全部《托拉》(Torah)都是为倡导和平。”

The Holy Bible tells us, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.” 《圣经》（Holy Bible）告诉我们：“使人和睦的人有福了，因为他们必称为神的儿子。”

第四篇：奥巴马开罗大学演讲（范文模版）

Good afternoon.I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.For over a thousand years, Al—Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning;and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world — tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate.The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars.More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim—majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims.The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights.All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity.And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.Instead, they overlap, and share common principles — principles of justice and progress;tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors.There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other;to learn from each other;to respect one another;and to seek common ground.As the Holy Koran tells us, “Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.” That is what I will try to do today — to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience.I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims.As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam.It was Islam — at places like Al-Azhar — that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment.It was innovation in Muslim communities — it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra;our magnetic compass and tools of navigation;our mastery of pens and printing;our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires;timeless poetry and cherished music;elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation.And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story.The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco.In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, “The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims.” And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States.They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch.And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers — Thomas Jefferson — kept in his personal library.So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed.That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't.And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire.The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known.We were born out of revolution against an empire.We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words — within our borders, and around the world.We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum — “Out of many, one.” Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President.But my personal story is not so unique.The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores — and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations — to live in peace and security;to get an education and to work with dignity;to love our families, our communities, and our God.These things we share.This is the hope of all humanity.Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people.These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead;and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean.When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century.That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace.For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes — and, yes, religions — subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating.Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail.So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it.Our problems must be dealt with through partnership;our progress must be shared.Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension.Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely.And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.In Ankara, I made clear that America is not — and never will be — at war with Islam.We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security — because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children.And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together.Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support.We did not go by choice;we went because of necessity.I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11.But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody.And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale.They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.These are not opinions to be debated;these are facts to be dealt with.Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan.We see no military — we seek no military bases there.It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women.It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can.But that is not yet the case.And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists.They have killed in many countries.They have killed people of different faiths — but more than any other, they have killed Muslims.Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as — it is as if he has killed all mankind.And the Holy Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism — it is an important part of promoting peace.Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.Let me also address the issue of Iraq.Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: “I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be.” Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future — and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.Iraq's sovereignty is its own.And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy.But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles.Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country.The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.We are taking concrete actions to change course.I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.This bond is unbreakable.It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.Six million Jews were killed — more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today.Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful.Threatening Israel with destruction — or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews —is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people — Muslims and Christians — have suffered in pursuit of a homeland.For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation.Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead.They endure the daily humiliations — large and small — that come with occupation.So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.It's easy to point fingers — for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires.The obligations — the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear.For peace to come, it is time for them — and all of us — to live up to our responsibilities.Palestinians must abandon violence.Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed.For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia;from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end.It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.That's not how moral authority is claimed;that's how it is surrendered.Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people.Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities.To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.It is time for these settlements to stop.And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society.Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security;neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.The Arab—Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.We cannot impose peace.But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.Too many tears have been shed.Too much blood has been shed.All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be;when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us.In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government.Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage—taking and violence against U.S.troops and civilians.This history is well known.Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward.The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve.There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point.This is not simply about America's interests.It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons.And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.And any nation — including Iran — should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed;confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people;the freedom to live as you choose.These are not just American ideas;they are human rights.And that is why we will support them everywhere.Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise.But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them.And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments — provided they govern with respect for all their people.This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power;once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion;you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance.We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition.I saw it first-hand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.That is the spirit we need today.People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith.The richness of religious diversity must be upheld — whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit — for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear.We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.In fact, faith should bring us together.And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews.That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations.Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action — whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.I know, I know — and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue.I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam.In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim—majority countries elect a woman to lead.Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity — men and women — to reach their full potential.I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles.But it should be their choice.And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim—majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro—financing that helps people live their dreams.Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home.Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities.In all nations – including America – this change can bring fear.Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.There need not be contradiction between development and tradition.Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures.The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim—majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development.But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas.I am emphasizing such investment within my country.And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to his part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America.At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities.And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America;invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world;and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim—majority countries.And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim—majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs.We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops.Today, I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio.And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.All these things must be done in partnership.Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments, community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home;a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes;a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.Those are mutual interests.That is the world we seek.But we can only achieve it together.I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning.Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress.Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash.Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur.There is so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years.But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward.And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.It's easier to start wars than to end them.It's easier to blame others than to look inward.It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new;that isn't black or white or brown;that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew.It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world.It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.The Holy Quran tells us, “O mankind!We have created you male and a female;and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.” The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.” The Holy Bible tells us, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.” The people of the world can live together in peace.We know that is God's vision.Now, that must be our work here on Earth.Thank you.And may God's peace be upon you.Thank you very much.Thank you.

第五篇：0906奥巴马开罗大学演讲全文

奥巴马开罗大学演讲全文

2009年6月4日，美国总统奥巴马在埃及开罗大学发表对伊斯兰世界的重要讲话。

新华社记者 张宁 摄

美国总统奥巴马本月4日在埃及开罗大学发表了演讲。他希望同世界上15亿穆斯林有一个“新的开始”，并呼吁结束周而复始的“怀疑和争议”。他称：“我来到这里是为了寻求美国同全球穆斯林世界建立一个新的开始。”此外，他还表示伊朗应该保有和平利用核能的权利，但同时应该更多地参与到核不扩散协议中来。

以下是由白宫提供的奥巴马开罗大学演讲稿：

一、我来此地，就是要在美国和穆斯林世界之间寻求一种全新的开端。

我很荣幸来到开罗这座永恒的城市，并受到两所卓越的院校的款待。过去一千年来，阿兹哈尔（Al-Azhar）就是伊斯兰教义传播过程中的一盏明灯；过去一个世纪，开罗大学则是埃及前进的动力。你们一起展现了传统与发展之间的和谐。我对你们和埃及人民的盛情表示感激。我也很骄傲的带来了美国人民的善意，以及美国穆斯林对你们的问候：assalaamu alaykum（愿安拉赐您平安）。

我们于此刻相会，正值美国和全世界穆斯林的关系紧张，这种气氛根植于历史，与现在的政策争论毫无关系。伊斯兰与西方世界共存与合作已长达几个世纪，同时也存在冲突甚至宗教战争。就在最近，这种紧张关系得以升级，罪魁祸首包括否认许多穆斯林拥有的权利和机会的殖民主义，以及政治冷战。在冷战中，穆斯林国家经常被认为是某些势力的代理人，而自己的渴望却被忽视。此外，由现代化和全球化带来的巨大变化，也令许多穆斯林认为西方对伊斯兰传统怀有敌意。

暴力极端主义者已经在数目小但却力量大的穆斯林中制造出了紧张局势。2001年9月11日的袭击以及极端主义者对平民那接连不断的攻击，这一切使我的国民不单单把穆斯林视作对美国和西方社会的威胁，也把穆斯林被视作是对人权的威胁。

但凡我们的关系是由彼此的所差异决定，我们就会纵容那些播种仇恨而非和平的人，那些挑起冲突而非平复冲突的人，然而，正是那些平复冲突的人才能够使我们的人民达到正义和繁荣。这个猜疑和混乱的圈子必须得到终结。

我来此地，就是要在美国和穆斯林世界之间寻求一种全新的开端；这种开端建立在彼此的利益和相互的尊敬之上；建立在美国和穆斯林并非只能存一，不需要相互竞争的观点之上。恰恰相反，美国和穆斯林世界是相互交叠的，遵循着共同的价值观：正义和发展的价值观；以及宽容和人类尊严的价值观。

诚然，我知道变革不是在一夜之间发生的。没有什么演说可以消除多年的猜疑，同时，此时此刻的我也不能医治在这一点上所有的沉疴。但是我已经证明了一点：为了前进，我们必须说出自己的心里话，那些常常是在彼此在背后才会说的话。我们必须学会倾听彼此、互相学习、相互尊重；我们必须寻求共识。正如《可兰经》中所说的，“感受安拉的存在，永远诚实。”这也是我一直在试着做到的一点——尽我所能地说实话，谦恭地面对我们眼前的工作，牢牢地守住我的信念，相信这样一点：作为人类之间我们共享的利益远比那些把我们分开的力量要强大得多。

此信仰部分根植于我自己的经历。我是个基督教徒，而我的父亲来自一个肯尼亚家庭，世代都是穆斯林信徒。小时候，我在印度尼西亚生活过几年，在黎明和黄昏都听到azaan的呼唤。年轻时，我在芝加哥社区工作，在那里，许多人都从他们的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊严和平静。

作为历史专业的学生，我也知道文明对伊斯兰教犯下的罪孽。是伊斯兰教——在像艾资哈尔大学这样的地方——展开几个世纪的学习，为欧洲的文艺复兴和启蒙运动铺平了道路。是穆斯林社区的创新开发了数学秩序；磁罗盘和航海工具；钢笔和印刷技艺；使我们了解疾病如何传播，又该如何治疗。伊斯兰文化为我们提供了宏伟的拱门和直插云霄的尖顶；永恒的诗歌和珍贵的音乐；优雅的书法和平静思考的地方。纵观整个历史，伊斯兰已经通过文字和实际行动证明，宗教宽容和种族平等的可能性。

我知道，伊斯兰也一直是美国历史的一部分。第一个承认我国的国家就是摩洛哥。1796年，我国第二任总统约翰•亚当斯在签署《黎波里条约》中写道，“美国本身没有反对法律、宗教或穆斯林宁静的敌意性质。”建国以来，伊斯兰信徒为美国的富裕做出了贡献。他们在我们的战争中战斗；为政府工作；主张公民权利；开创企业；在大学教书；在我们的竞技场表现突出；赢得诺贝尔奖；建造我们最高的建筑，还点燃了奥运火炬。最近第一位穆斯林-美国人被选入国会时，他宣誓捍卫我们宪法所用的神圣《古兰经》，是我们的一位建国之父托马斯•杰斐逊保存在自己私人图书馆中的。

在来到伊斯兰教的发源地之前，我已经在三个大洲上接触过它。过去的经历使我坚信，美国和伊斯兰世界国家之间的合作关系必须建立在求同存异的基础上。作为美利坚合众国的总统，我觉得我有责任消除人们心中对伊斯兰教存有的成见。

但同样的原则也适用于穆斯林对美国的看法上。正如穆斯林并不粗鲁一样，美国也并非一个自私自利的国家。在人类所取得的所有进步中，美国的贡献是非常之大的。我们也是通过抗争才赢得了独立。我们的建国理念是人人生而平等，数个世纪以来，我们一直在为实现理想而斗争，也为之抛洒过热血——无论是在国内，还是在全世界范围内。美国包容着多元的文化、吸引着来自世界各地的人，这一切都只为了实现一个简单的理念：合众为一：“众人戮力，只为一心”（E pluribus unum: “Out of many, one.”）。

过去的一切已经证明，一个名叫巴拉克•侯赛因•奥巴马的非裔美国人也能被选为美国总统。但我个人的经历并没有那么独特。虽然并非每个在美国的人都能实现心中理想，但对于每个踏上美国土地的人来说，他们的梦想都会得到尊重——现在，包括近700万在美国的穆斯林在内的人都享受着比普通人更高的收入、更好的教育。

此外，美国的自由与实现宗教信仰自由密不可分。这就是美利坚合众国的每一个州都有一所清真寺的原因，我们国土上有1200多所清真寺。这同样也是美国政府致力于保护妇女和少女有权戴穆斯林头巾的原因，谁要是阻挠必将受到处罚。

因此毫无疑问：伊斯兰教是美国的一部分。我相信在美国这片土地坚持真理，无论是什么人种、什么宗教或生活在何处，我们所有人都有共同的愿望——我们想要和平安宁的生活；我们想要接受教育和有尊严地工作；我们热爱我们的家庭、社会和我们的神。这就是我们的共性。这就是我们全人类的愿望。

当然，认识到人类的共性只是我们任务的开端。仅仅靠耍嘴皮子并不能满足我们人民的需求。只有当我们在接下来的几年里大刀阔斧地行动；只有当我们懂得面对的是人类共同的挑战、认识到无法满足这些需求就是损害是我们全体利益的时候，人民的需求才能得以满足。

二、我们需要共同面对的问题。

最近我们吸取到的经验是，当一个国家的金融体系削弱时，各地的繁荣也将受到打击。当一种新型流感感染了一个人，那么所有人都有危险。当一个国家推行核武器，那么所有国家遭到核武器袭击的危险性就提高了。当极端分子在一片绵延的山区活动，那么大洋彼岸的人也会陷入危险之中。而无辜的波斯尼亚和达尔富尔人被屠杀，成为我们公德心上的污点。这就是在21世纪共享同一个世界的含义。这是作为人类我们对彼此的责任。

这是一个很难履行的责任。人类历史经常记录着民族和部落为了实现他们 自己的利益而相互斗争。可是在这个新的世纪，这种做法会弄巧成拙。因为我们是相互依赖的，所以任何那一个国家或者组织的成员凌驾于其他人之上的行为必将失败。因此，不管我们怎么看待过去，我们都不要束缚其中。我们的问题必须通过合作解决，必须共同进步。

那不意味着我们会忽略紧张局势源头。实际正好相反：我们必须正视这些紧张事件。因此，在这种精神指引下，让我对一些具体的问题尽可能清楚和明白的做出解释，那就是，我相信我们最终必将共同面对。

我们必须面对的第一个问题是各种形式的暴力极端主义。

我曾在安卡拉明确表示，美国目前没有，也不会和伊斯兰世界开战。然而，我们对那些给我们的安全造成极大威胁的暴力极端主义分子不会手软。这是因为我们不欢迎那些全世界各种信仰的人民都不欢迎的事情：滥杀无辜的男女和儿童。作为总统我有义务保护美国人民。

目前阿富汗的局势表明了美国的目标，我们需要为此共同努力。七年前，美国对抗基地组织和塔利班的行动得到了国际社会的广泛支持。在有些事情上面我们别无选择，只能做出必要的行动。我知道有些人对9/11事件有疑问。但首先让我们明确一点，基地组织在那一天杀死了大约3000人。这些受害者包括美国和其他国家的男女和儿童，这些无辜的人没有做过任何伤害他人的事情。然而，基地组织选择无情地杀害这些人，借此攻击事件宣传自己，即使现在仍坚持大规模杀戮的理念。他们在各国都有分支机构，并且正试图扩大势力范围。这些不是可以辩论的观点，而是不容争辩应当得到处理的事实。

不犯错误：我们不想让我们的军队驻扎在阿富汗。我们不想在那里有军事基地。失去美国的年轻人对我们来说是痛苦难忍的。继续这样子的冲突代价太大，政治上也阻力重重。如果我们能够自信的说，阿富汗和巴基斯坦没有坚决要杀死尽可能多的美国人的暴力极端主义分子，那我们将非常乐意将军队里面的每一个人带回家。但是现在，还不行。

所以我们会参加46个国家的联合部队。尽管付出了代价，美国的承诺不会变弱。真的，我们中的任何一个都不应该容忍这些极端分子。他们在那么多国家杀人。他们杀死了不同信仰的人们，而其中最多的就是穆斯林。他们的行为对于人权，国家的进步，还有伊斯兰都是难以想象的。《古兰经》教导说：如果杀了一个无辜者，那就好像杀死了全人类，而如果拯救了一个人，那就好像拯救了全人类。10亿多人的持久的信念要比一部分人的狭隘的仇恨强大的多。与暴力极端主义分子的战斗中，伊斯兰不是其中的问题的一部分，而是促进和平的重要的一部分。

我们也知道，单单就军事力量是不能解决在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的问题的。所以我们计划在未来的五年之内，每年投资15亿美元与巴基斯坦人们一起建造学校，医院，道路，还有商业，还将投资数千万来帮助流离失所的人们。所以我们会提供28亿多美元来帮助阿富汗发展他们的经济和输送人们日常需要的设 施。

同时我也想谈谈伊拉克的问题。与阿富汗不同，对伊拉克的战争是个可选项，是否应当开战在我国和全球各地都有巨大分歧。虽然我相信，伊拉克人民在摆脱萨达姆•侯赛因的暴政统治后比以前过的好，但是我也相信，伊拉克事件提醒美国在有可能的情况下，应选择通过外交手段和建立国际共识的方式解决我们的问题。在此我想引用托马斯•杰佛逊的话：“我希望我们的智慧可伴随着我们的力量一起成长，并同时教导我们，使用的力量越少意味着我们越强。”

今天，美国肩负着双重责任：一是帮助伊拉克建立一个更美好的未来，二是把伊拉克交还给伊拉克人民。我已经明确向伊拉克人民承诺，我们不会在伊拉克保留军事基地，也不会争夺其领土和资源。伊拉克是具有独立主权的。这就是我下令在明年8月前撤走我们的作战旅的原因。这也是我们履行我们和伊拉克民选政府的的协议。将于7月把作战部队撤离主要城市，并且在2012年全部撤军的原因。我们将帮助伊拉克建立自己的安全部队并发展经济。但是，我们只将作为维护伊拉克安全和统一的伙伴，并不会成为它的靠山。

最后，正如美国绝不容忍暴力极端主义分子，我们绝不会改变我们的原则。9/11对我国是一个巨大的创伤。由此引发的(对伊斯兰世界的)恐惧和愤怒是可以理解的。但在某些情况下，这使我们的行为违背了我们的理想。我们正在采取切实行动转变方向。我已经明确禁止美国政府使用酷刑，并已经下令在明年初关闭关塔那摩监狱。

因此美国在保护自己的时候，会尊重其他国家的主权和法规。而且我们将和也遭受威胁的穆斯林共同体一起这么做。极端分子越早被穆斯林世界孤立和拒绝，我们大家就会越早得到安全。

我们必须探讨的第二个导致紧张局势的主要源头是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之间的情况。

众所周知美国和以色列的紧密结合。这种结合是牢不可破的。它是基于文化和历史的粘连，还有公认的对犹太人家园的渴望，它根植在犹太民族悲惨的历史里，不容否定。

全世界的犹太人被欺压了几千年，欧洲的反犹主义在一场空前的大屠杀中达到极致。明天我将访问布赫瓦尔德集中营，它是犹太人被第三帝国奴役、折磨、射杀和关毒气室屠杀的众多集中营里的一个。600万犹太人被屠杀－－比今天以色列国犹太人总人口还多。否定这些事实是毫无根据的、无知的、可恶的。以毁灭的言辞或重复关于犹太人的卑鄙的陈词滥调来威胁以色列，是极端错误的，而且只会唤起以色列人最惨痛的回忆，这将妨碍这个地区的人民得到本应享有的和平。

另一方面，不可否认，巴勒斯坦人民——穆斯林信徒和基督教徒——在寻求家园的过程中遭受了磨难。他们忍受了六十多年的痛苦和**。许多人在西方 的难民营、在加沙以及周边地区等待着他们从未享受过的和平安全的生活。他们每天都忍受着大大小小来自占领军的屈辱。因此，毫无疑问，巴勒斯坦人民的处境是难以忍受的。美国不会背弃巴勒斯坦人寻求尊严、机会和自己国家的合法愿望。

几十年来，出现了一种僵局：两国人民都有合法的愿望，每一个都饱含着痛苦的历史，使得折中的希望渺茫。指指点点很容易——对巴勒斯坦人来说，你可以指出其流离失所是以色列建国所致；而对以色列人来说，你可以指出在其整个历史中，它们在境内外不断受到敌视和攻击。如果我们只从单方面来看待这个冲突，我们就会迷失真理：唯一的解决办法是满足两国双方的愿望，即以色列人和巴勒斯坦人各自和平安全地生活。

这是符合以色列的利益，符合巴勒斯坦的利益，符合美国的利益，也符合世界的利益。正因为如此，我愿意付出这项任务所需要的全部耐心，身体力行地追求这一结果。当事双方已经同意执行路线图的义务是明确的。为了和平的到来，他们以及我们大家该履行我们的责任了。

巴勒斯坦人必须放弃暴力。通过暴力和杀戮进行抵抗是错误的，也不会成功。作为奴隶的美国黑人遭受几个世纪鞭笞和隔离羞辱。但是，并不是通过暴力赢得了全面平等的权力。美国建国的中心就是坚持和平和坚定的理想。从南非到南亚，从东欧到印度尼西亚的人们都能讲述同样的故事。这是含有一个简单真理的故事：暴力是一条走不通的死路。向熟睡的孩子发射火箭，或在公交车上炸死一位老妇人，既不是勇敢，也不是力量的象征。这不是道德权威所提倡的，而是道德权威所摒弃的。

现在是时候让巴勒斯坦人把精力集中在他们所能创立的事情上了。巴勒斯坦当局必须发展其管理的能力，要建立服务于人民的体系。一些巴勒斯坦人确实支持哈马斯，而他们也有自己的职责。要想发挥自己的作用，实现巴勒斯坦人的愿望，哈马斯必须结束暴力、承认过去的协议、承认以色列的生存权。

与此同时，以色列人也必须承认，正如以色列的生存权不可否认一样，巴勒斯坦人的生存权同样不可否认。美国不承认继续建设以色列定居点的合法性。这项建设违反了以前的协定，破坏了实现和平的努力。现在是这些定居点停建的时候了。

以色列同样必须履行它的义务确保巴勒斯坦人民能够生活、工作并发展自己的社会体制。就像加沙地带摧毁巴勒斯坦居住区这样的人道主义危机并不能保证以色列的安全；同时巴勒斯坦西岸地区也不会永远没有和平的机会。改善巴勒斯坦人民的日常生活肯定是走向和平的必经之路，而且以色列必须采取具体的行动作出这种改善。

最后，阿拉伯国家必须认识到“阿拉伯和平倡议”是一个重要的开端，而不是结束他们的责任。阿拉伯和以色列间的冲突不应该再成为阿拉伯人民关注的焦点。相反，它必定会引发一场行动帮助巴勒斯坦人民建立起维护他们国家的体 制，这个行动也将使以色列得到合法承认；这个行动选择的是发展，从而结束了过去那种适得其反的纠缠。

美国将调整与寻求和平国家之间的外交政策，并且会公开和以色列、巴勒斯坦以及阿拉伯国家私下里的谈话内容。我们不会强求和平。但是私下里，许多穆斯林都认识到以色列不会消失。同样，许多以色列人也认识到需要有一个巴勒斯坦国的存在。众所周知，现在使我们真正采取行动的时候了。

人民流过的太多的眼泪，付出了太多的鲜血。我们大家为了目标都有责任付出，为那一天，以色列和巴勒斯坦的母亲们可以看着自己的孩子在免收恐惧的环境下长大;为那一天，三个伟大信仰的共同圣地成为上帝希望的和平之地；为那一天，耶路撒冷成为安全之地，成为犹太人，基督徒和穆斯林共同永久的家园，亚伯拉罕的子孙能如伊斯拉的故事中描述的一般聚集一处和平生活，摩西、耶稣和默罕默德(愿主福安之)能够一同参与祈祷。

第三个造成紧张局势的原因是我们在核武问题上各国权利和责任的共同关注。

这一问题是美国和伊朗伊斯兰共和国紧张局势的根源。多年来，伊朗已经明确表示反对我国，而且事实上我们之前的确有动荡的过去。在冷战时期的中段，美国在推翻民选的伊朗政府上扮演了重要角色。伊朗伊斯兰革命以来，伊朗持续劫持美国军人和平民，并对他们使用暴力。这段历史是众所周知的。我已清楚地告诉伊朗的领导人和其人民，与其继续陷于过去，不如向前迈进，我的国家已经准备好了。现在的问题不是伊朗反对什么，而是未来应当如何建设。

要克服几十年的猜疑和不信任是困难的，但我们将凭借勇气、正直和决心继续前行。我们两个国家之间会有很多议题需要探讨，而且我们也原意在互相尊重的基础上不附带任何条件地推进两国的交流。然而对很显然大家都关心的议题，比如核武器，我们已处在一个决定性时刻。这不只是简单地关系到美国的利益。它关系到防止在中东地区展开核军备竞赛，那将导致这个地区以及全世界走向危险之路。

我理解有人抗议有些国家有核武器有些没有。没有单独哪一个国家有权挑选和指定那些国家可以拥有核武器。这也是我为何着重重申美国的义务，寻求一个无核的世界。而且任何国家，包括伊朗，如果他们遵照自己在核不扩散条约下应负的责任，就应该有权使用以和平为目的的核能。这个义务是条约的核心所在，而且所有完全遵守条约的国家必须保持下去。我希望这个地区所有的国家都能共享这个目标。

我要谈的第四个议题是民主。

我知道，近几年曾有关于发扬民主政治的争论，其中大多数都与伊拉克战争有关。在这里允许我澄清一下：一个国家不能也不应该将一种政治系统强加于另一个国家。

然而，这并不能削弱我的承诺：政府应该代表人民的意愿。每个国家以自己的方式致力于这一准则，不同的方式又以国家传统为基础。美国并不认为自己通晓对所有人都有利的方式，就像我们不能预知一场顺利的选举的结果一样。但是我有一个非常坚定的信念，人民在渴望某种东西：可以表达思想的能力，以及评论自己如何被统治的能力；对于法律中的信心，以及相应的对于正义的贯彻；透明的、并且不会被夺走的政府；选择生活的自由。这些不仅仅是美国人的想法，而是人权，也是我们不管在哪里都支持它的原因。

实现诺言的道路并不平坦，但非常清晰：保护这些权利的政府更加稳固、成功和安全。镇压思想的方法绝不会让思想消失。美国尊重所有爱好和平并合法的声音响彻全球，即便我们可能不同意这些想法。而且，我们欢迎所有民选的、爱好和平的政府——倘若他们也受到自己人民的爱戴。

最后这一点很重要，因为有些人只有在不掌握权力的时候才鼓吹民主，一旦上了台，他们就毫不留情地压制别人的权利。无论在何处，民治与民有的政府为所有掌权者设立一条单一的标准：你必须籍由赞成而非威压而保有权利；你必须尊重少数群体的权利，并怀着宽容与妥协的精神参与其中；你必须将人民的利益和政治过程的合法决议置于自己的政党之上。没有这些内容，单靠选举无法带来真正的民主。

我们需要共同讨论的第五个问题是宗教自由。

伊斯兰教有着傲人的宽容传统。在宗教裁判所时代，我们在安达卢西亚和科多巴（Andalusia and Cordoba）的历史中可以看到这一点；当我童年在印度尼西亚的时候，亲眼看到这一点，在那里，在一个穆斯林占绝大多数的国家，虔诚的基督教徒可以自由地做礼拜。这是今天我们所需要的精神，每个国家的人民都应当可以自由地基于自己内心和灵魂的信念选择并坚持自己的信仰。这种宽容对于宗教的兴旺发达必不可少，但如今却正受到多方挑战。

在某些穆斯林当中，有一种令人不安的倾向，那就是通过拒绝他人的信仰来衡量自己信仰的坚定程度。我们必须支持丰富的宗教多样性-无论是黎巴嫩的马龙教派还是埃及的科普特教派。穆斯林当中的错误倾向也必须停止，我们看到，尤其在伊拉克，逊尼派和什叶派的分歧已经导致了悲剧性的暴力冲突。

宗教信仰自由是人们能在一起生活的核心问题，我们要永远对这一点保持关注。比如在美国，法规使得穆斯林很难履行自己的宗教义务。这就是为何我会承诺与美国的穆斯林一同工作，以来确保他们可以完成自己的扎卡特（天课）。

同样，还有一点很重要，西方国家应避免仅凭自身好恶妨而碍到穆斯林民众的宗教修行，比如，讨论穆斯林妇女应有的穿着。我们不能假借自由之名来掩饰自己的敌意，对宗教进行攻击。的确，信任会将我们带到一起。这就是我们在美国建立将基督教、伊斯兰教和犹太教的信徒带到一起的公共机构工程的原因所在。我们欢迎像沙特阿拉伯 国王易卜拉欣的不同宗教间的对话，我们欢迎像土耳其领导层的不同文明联盟。在全球领域，我们可以把对话转在不同信仰之间的机构内进行，因此这种桥梁才能让不同信仰的人们冲破彼此的隔膜。--不论是对非洲的抵抗疟疾行动还是在对自然灾害后提供的援助上。

我要说的第六点是关于妇女的权利。

现在让我澄清一下：女性平等问题绝不仅仅是伊斯兰世界的问题。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国和印度尼西亚，我们已经看到这些穆斯林占多数的国家选出了女性领导人。同时，在美国生活的很多方面，以及在全球各国，争取女性平等的斗争还在继续。

我们的女儿也能像我们的儿子那样为社会做出同样的贡献，并且允许所有人（男人和女人）发挥自己最大的潜力，将会推动我们的共同繁荣。我不认为女性为了平等必须做出和男性一样的选择，并且我尊重那些生活中选择传统角色的女性。但是这应该由女性自己决定。正因为如此，美国将和所有穆斯林占多数的国家一道，帮助减少女孩文盲，并且通过小额贷款帮助人们实现自己的梦想，帮助年轻女性追求自己的职业生涯。

最后，我想谈谈经济发展和机会。

在教育方面，我们将扩大互换学生项目，并且增加奖学金，就像当年把家父带到美国的那笔奖学金，同时鼓励更多美国人来穆斯林地区学习。而且我们还将为有前途的穆斯林学生安排在美国的实习机会；为全世界的教师和学生投资联网在线学习项目；创造一个新的在线网络，以便一个远在堪萨斯州的孩子能和身处开罗的同龄人即时通讯。

在经济发展方面，我们将创立一种新的商业志愿者团体，和以穆斯林为主体的国家的商业组织合作。而且我还将在今年召开企业家峰会，来确定我们将如何加深美国、穆斯林国家和全世界范围内的商业领袖、创业者和企业家之间的纽带关系。

在科学和技术方面，我们将在以穆斯林为主的国家推行一个新的基金来支持他们的科技发展，并帮助把科技理念转化到市场上去，以便创造就业机会。我们还将在非洲、中东和东南亚开设优秀科技中心，并任命新的科学特使来合作开展项目，包括发展新能源、创造环保的工作岗位、数字化唱片、清洁饮用水和引入新农作物。今天我还宣布了一项新的全球性措施，计划和伊斯兰会议组织共同努力消除脑灰质炎疾病。我们还将拓展和穆斯林团体的合作来促进儿童和孕妇的健康。

三、让美国与穆斯林世界携手前进

所有这些事情都必须通过合作完成。美国人民已经准备好了，在全球范围内与其他市民、政府一起，与社区组织、宗教领袖一起，与穆斯林世界的企业一 起，帮助人民追求更好的生活。

我所描述的问题并不是很容易能解决的。但是，为了我们寻求的世界，我们有责任携起手来，使得在这个世界上，极端分子不再威胁我们的人民，美国的士兵们都回到家乡；使得在这个世界上，以色列和巴勒斯坦的人民都可以在自己的土地上安全生活，核能源都被和平的使用；使得在这个世界上，政府为人民服务，诸神的子孙的权利都得到尊重。这些是我们的共同利益。这是我们所寻求的世界。但是，只有我们一起努力才能做到。

我知道有很多人，既有穆斯林也有非穆斯林，对我们有疑问，质疑我们是否能够建立新的开端。一些急性子的人点燃了怒火阻挡了我们前进的道路。有人告诉我们，这样的努力并不值得，人民注定会有反对的声音，文明之间注定会发生冲突。有更多的人只是怀疑是否真能产生变化。有如此多的担心，如此多的不信任。但是，如果选择被过去束缚，我们将永远无法向前迈进。我尤其要强调的是，各国各信仰的年轻人们，你们比其他任何人都有能力来改变这个世界。

我们每个人都只能在这世界上停留一瞬。在这有限的时间里，我们到底是要彼此排斥，还是要共同努力、不停地寻求共识，为了我们子孙的未来和全体人类的尊严而奋斗。

发动战争比结束它们更容易；责备他人比审视自我更容易；挑剔别人比寻求共识更容易。但我们不仅要去做容易做到的事，更要去做正确的事。每种宗教都遵守着同样一条原则——己所不欲，勿施于人。这一真理超越了国界和种族——它自古就存在着；它也不为黑人、白人抑或褐色人种所独有；它更不是基督徒、穆斯林或犹太人的专利。它是自文明之始就跳动着的信仰，至今仍存在于亿万人的心中。是它让人们对他人充满了信心，今天，也正是它把我带到了这里。

我们有能力改造世界，但在我们立志要开创一项事业的同时，也必须铭记我们所受过的教诲。

《古兰经》上说：“众人啊！我确已从一男一女创造你们，我使你们成为许多民族和宗族，以便你们互相认识。”

《犹太法典》上说：“所有教律都是为了促进和平。”

《圣经》上说：“使人和睦的人有福了，因为他们必称为神的儿子。”

世界上的人们必能和睦相处。这是上帝的远见。所以现在，也必须由我们为之而努力。谢谢你们。

愿上帝赐和平于汝。

奥巴马前往埃及访问 将在开罗大学发表演讲

http://www.xiexiebang.com 2009年06月04日18:44 中国广播网

中广网北京6月4日消息（记者张加宁）据中国之声《央广新闻》16时35分报道，美国总统奥巴马今天离开沙特，前往埃及访问。下面连线中国之声国际新闻编辑张加宁了解一下详细情况。奥巴马就职以来，首次中东之旅为什么会选择沙特和埃及呢？

奥巴马首次中东之行特意避开以色列 想对以施加压力

记者：可以说沙特和埃及是两个和美国最为紧密的阿拉伯关系，这表明奥巴马政府再次强调美国和沙特、埃及两个国家传统盟友的地位，沙特是中东的超级大国，与伊拉克、伊朗都是相邻的，经济上是世界上最大的石油出口国，政治、经济上都于美国有最紧密的联系。埃及长期以来是阿拉伯世界的领袖，对于巴以的一些问题有很重大的影响，奥巴马非常清楚无论中东局势怎么变化，只要保证美国与沙特和埃及的关系处于最好的状态，美国载在中东的影响就能继续下去。另外是为了扮演中立调节人的形象，奥巴马首次中东之行特意避开以色列，没有访问以色列也是象征性的对以色列施加一些压力，迫使他们在巴以冲突上做出一些让步。很值得注意，奥巴马是临时决定在5月26、27号将首站定在沙特，然后是埃及。有媒体认为这个变动可能也是和朝鲜的核实验有关。朝鲜再次进行核实验可能会极大刺激伊朗核实验的发展，这也是美国最为担心的，如果伊朗有这方面的举动，以色列也会采取一些比较强硬的措施。所以，和这个可能有关系。

奥巴马调整美国对中东的政策 障碍重重

主持人：奥巴马目前的中东政策面临哪些难题呢？

记者：可以说奥巴马上台之后，一开始着手调整美国的中东政策，他上任四个多月了，中东政策的成效并不是非常大，还是有很多障碍的。第一个是以色列总理不接受两国方案。另外，我们看到虽然美军决定逐步的撤军，但是现在伊拉克暴力事件明显的增多，也有方面透露说是否真的能够完全从伊拉克撤军？另外一方面，美国和伊朗是互相有一些隔空喊话的行为，真正的面对面的对话没有实现。再一个，我们可以看出，反恐重点从伊拉克转移到阿富汗和巴基斯坦。但是 现在打击塔利班武装没有取得明显的战果。反而我们看到巴基斯坦境内的恐怖暴力事件是增多的。还有很多的难民问题，所以，在中东方面还是有很多的难题的。

奥巴马将在开罗大学发表演讲 拉丹先发制人播录音讲话

主持人：奥巴马今天晚些时间会在开罗大学发表演讲。外界对他在开罗大学的演讲肯定有些期待，反正现在伊朗的态度是表示十分痛恨美国，请你介绍一下其他国家的反应？

记者：从美国自己来说，奥巴马还是比较清醒的，他说不能对演讲希望过高，这只是与以色列事件展开更广阔对话的第一步，美国的一些媒体也说奥巴马不会说一些具体的政策或者是战略，还是象征意义比较大。美国马里兰大学的一项民意调查显示，埃及民众的反美出现转化的趋向，他们也不太相信美国在中东地区的政策会有大的变化，另外一方面我看到奥巴马开罗大学演讲之前，开罗的一支乐队为奥巴马创造一首歌曲。特别是《和平土地》希望这次奥巴马之行给阿拉伯世界带来和平的曙光。另外，我们可以看到奥巴马抵达沙特阿拉伯的时候，基地组织头目本拉登在一些录音中谴责奥巴马的穆斯林政策，他说的话，就是说奥巴马还是执着与前任布什总统的老路，美国应该做好准备承担穆斯林政策带来的后果。

主持人：好的，谢谢你的报道，再见。

记者：再见。