第一篇:2014奥巴马西点军校演讲全文:美国比任何时候都更强盛
奥巴马西点军校演讲全文:美国比任何时候都更强盛
美国总统奥巴马5月28日面对西点军校毕业生演讲。他认为,美国的国力比任何时候都更加强盛,“全世界都期待美国出手相助”,“美国是一个不可或缺的国家,而且至今仍然如此。这是上一个世纪的现实,也将是下一个世纪的现实。”奥巴马将美国“在世界舞台上发挥领导作用”视为自己的底线,并表示“我们如果不领导世界,谁来领导?”当面对国际舆论时他说,“为了保护我国人民、我们的国土、我们的生活方式,美国永远不需要征求别人的许可”,“我对美国例外论深信不疑。”奥巴马认为,“美国对民主和人权的支持超出了理想主义的范畴”,“民主政权”这个最亲密的朋友能成为美国产品的市场。在中国南海问题上,他表示“我们正在这个过程中向东南亚国家提供支持”。最后,他勉励西点军校的毕业生们:“为了让美国领导世界,你们要竭尽所能。”
以下为奥巴马演讲全文
谢谢,非常感谢。感谢卡斯伦将军的介绍。特雷纳将军(General Trainor)、克拉克将军(General Clarke)、全体西点军校的教职员们,你们是这个光荣学府的杰出管理者,也是美军新晋军官的杰出导师。
奥巴马西点军校演讲全文:美国比任何时候都更强盛
5月28日,奥巴马在西点军校演讲
我要向陆军部长麦格修将军(General McHugh)和奥迪耶诺将军(General Odierno)表示感谢,同样要感谢的还有参议员杰克•里德(Senator Jack Reed),他今天也在这,他也是一名 自豪的西点人。2014届毕业生们,祝你们再续西点军魂的传奇。
你们当中出了首届女指挥官小组:艾琳•莫尔丁(Erin Mauldin)和奥斯汀•波洛夫(Austen Boroff)。加拉•格拉文(Calla Glavin),你获得了罗德奖学金,而乔希•荷贝克(Josh Herbeck)则证明西点军校的命中率在三分线上也不差(乔希•荷贝克是一名篮球球员-译者注)。(笑声)
这是你们在西点最后的几个小时,我想对整个年级说,身为总司令,我在此赦免那些因为小错被关禁闭的学员们。(笑声,掌声)
我只想说,我上学的时候可没人对我这么好。
我知道你们要跟我一道向家人说声谢谢。乔•德莫斯(Joe DeMoss)的儿子詹姆斯毕业在即,乔在写给我的一封信中,说出了很多家长的心里话。“内心深处,”他写道,“我想自豪地宣称他们为了祖国不惜赴汤蹈火。”好几名毕业生都跟詹姆斯一样是退伍老兵,在这里我想请各位起立,不仅是向我们当中的老兵致敬,更是向250多万曾在伊拉克或阿富汗等地服役的人和他们的家人致敬。(掌声)
阵亡将士纪念日刚过去不久,今天纪念那些为我们的自由作出巨大牺牲的人很有必要。你们是9•11以来首届不用被送上伊拉克或阿富汗战场的毕业生。(欢呼,掌声)
当我2009年第一次在西点演讲时,我们在伊拉克还有10万驻军。我们还在准备大幅增加阿富汗驻军。我们的反恐工作重点是基地组织的核心领导层——他们实施了9•11袭击。而我们的国家刚开始走出那场大萧条(1929)以来最大的金融危机。
四年半之后,在你们毕业之际,情况已大不相同。我们从伊拉克撤军、缩小阿富汗战争的规模。巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境区域基地组织的首恶遭到灭顶之灾,奥萨马•本拉登不复存在。(欢呼、鼓掌)。在此期间,我们重新将投资重点放在美国的实力增长之源,即能为所有愿意努力工作、承担责任的人提供机会的增长型经济体。
实际上,从大多数指标来看,美国的国力比任何时候都更加强盛。有人对此表示不同意,他们认为美国正在衰落,已经从主导全球事务的地位下滑。这些人不是对历史作出了错误的解读,就是陷入了党派政治的漩涡。想想吧。我国军队无可匹敌。任何国家对我们造成直接威胁的可能性很小,远远低于我们冷战时期面临的危险。
与此同时,我国经济活力充沛,在全球仍然首屈一指;我国企业最具创新精神。每年,我们都自主生产更多的能源。从欧洲到亚洲,我们是世界有史以来最强大联盟的核心。
美国继续吸引勤奋努力的移民。我们的建国理念激励了全球各地的议会领导人和公共广场上新发起的各类运动。当台风袭击菲律宾的时候,当尼日利亚女学生被绑架的时候,当蒙面人占领乌克兰建筑物的时候,全世界都期待美国出手相助。(掌声)所以,美国是一个不可或缺的国家,而且至今仍然如此。这是上一个世纪的现实,也将是下一个世纪的现实。
但是,这个世界正加速发生变化。这种情况提供了机会,也构成了新的危险。众所周知,由于9•11以来的技术状况和全球化,原来一些由国家掌握的权力已经掌握在个人手中,这增 强了恐怖主义分子造成危害的能力。
俄罗斯入侵前苏联共和国的行为震撼了欧洲各国首都的神经,与此同时中国的经济崛起和军力扩张引起了邻国的不安。
从巴西到印度,不断上升的中产阶级与我们展开竞争,各国政府要求在全球事务中获得更大的发言权。但即使在发展中国家迎接民主和市场经济之际,24小时不间断的新闻和社交媒体提醒我们,不要对持续不断的宗派冲突、国家衰败和民众起义等视而不见,这些可能是上一代人没有遇到的问题。
你们这一代人的任务将是应对这个新的世界。我们面临的问题、你们每一个人将面临的问题,不是美国是否能领导世界,而是我们如何领导世界——不仅仅是保障我们的和平与繁荣,还要让和平与繁荣扩展到全球各地。
但这不是一个新问题。至少从乔治∙华盛顿担任总司令开始,就有人发出警告,反对卷入不直接影响到我国安全和经济福祉的外部纠纷。
今天,从保守的现实主义角度来说,我们不该介入叙利亚、乌克兰或中非的冲突。毫无疑问,经过代价高昂的战争和国内不断的反战宣传,这种观点已经被很多美国人接受。
来自左翼和右翼的干涉主义者提出了另外一种观点,他们认为我们不能对这些冲突视而不见,否则我们自身会走向灾难。在他们看来,美国在世界各地使用武力,是世界免于战乱的最后保障。面对叙利亚的暴政和俄罗斯的挑衅,美国如果不采取行动,不仅违背了我们的良知,而且会招致未来日益升级的侵略行动。
这两派都可以引用历史资料支持自己的观点。但是我认为,不论哪一种观点都无法准确表达时代的需求。21世纪的美国孤立主义并不是可取的方案,这毫无疑问。对于我国边界以外的事态,我们不能选择置之不理。比如核材料如果得不到安全处理,就会威胁美国人民。
目前叙利亚内战已经跨出国界,富于侵略性的极端主义团伙袭击我们的能力正在加强。地区性侵略行为如果不得到制止——不论在南乌克兰、南中国海(South China Sea),还是全世界任何地方——最终都将影响到我国的盟国,届时我国军队可能被卷入其中。我们不能无视我国边界以外的事态。
除了这些狭隘的解释之外,我认为,我们还面临一个现实的道德选择,这同样是我们无法切割的利益。我们必须保证我们子孙生活的世界不再有女学生被绑架(指近日尼日利亚伊斯兰极端组织的袭击),不再有人因自己的民族、信仰和政治观点被杀害。
我认为世界获得更大的自由和更多的宽容,不仅是道义之必需,而且有助于保障我们的安全。
但是,我谈到我们在海外争取和平与自由,以保障我们自身利益的问题,这并不意味着对每一个问题都需要采取军事手段。自第二次世界大战以来,我们所犯的一些代价最高昂的错误都不是因为我们采取克制态度,而是因为我们没有认真考虑后果就匆忙进行军事冒险——没有事先争取国际支持和确立行动的合法性;没有坦白地将必需的牺牲告诉美国人民。豪言壮 语容易成为头条新闻,但战争并不因口号而分胜负。艾森豪威尔将军对这个问题有刻骨铭心的体会。1947年,他在这里的毕业典礼上发表讲话说:“战争是人类最悲惨和最愚蠢的闹剧;蓄意或鼓动挑起战争是反对全人类的邪恶肮脏罪行。”
跟艾森豪威尔一样,这一代的军人非常清楚战争的代价,它包括你们西点人的性命。当我宣布阿富汗增兵后,4名听众(指上次在西点军校演讲的军校生听众)为此牺牲,很多人都负了伤。
我相信为了保障美国安全,我们需要这些军事行动。但我对死难者无法释怀,我对伤者无法释怀。如果我置你们于危险之中仅仅为了解决世界某地的问题,或者担心批评者压力,用军事介入来避免美国显得软弱,那么我就背叛了我对你们的责任,背叛了我们热爱的国家。
我的底线是:美国必须一如既往在世界舞台上发挥领导作用。我们如果不领导世界,谁来领导?你们的军队是这种领导作用的中流砥柱,现在如此,一贯如此,今后也将如此。但是,美国的军事行动不能成为我们在每个场合发挥领导作用的唯一因素——甚至不是最基本的因素。不能因为我们有最优质的榔头,就把每个问题都当成钉子。
由于军事行动承担的代价如此高昂,你们应该知道,你们的每一位文职领导人——特别是你们的总司令——很清楚如何发挥这种无比强大的威力。余下的时间,请允许我谈谈我今后美国和美国军队如何发挥领导作用。因为你们将参与这种领导作用。
首先,请让我重复我担任总统之初提出的一项原则:在我国核心利益需要的时候——当我国人民受到威胁,当我们的生存处于紧急关头,当盟邦面临危险,美国将在必要的情况下单方面出兵。
在上述情况下,我们仍然需要提出一些尖锐的问题,考虑我们的行动是否适当,是否有效,是否正当。国际舆论需要受到重视,但为了保护我国人民、我们的国土、我们的生活方式,美国永远不需要征求别人的许可。(掌声)
另一方面,如果全球性问题对美国并未构成直接的威胁,当某些危机激发了我们的道德责任,或者使全世界滑向更危险的方向——但并不直接威胁到我们的时候,出兵的门槛必须提高。在这类情况下,我们不应该单独行动。相反,我们必须动员盟邦和伙伴采取集体行动。我们必须扩展我们的干预方式,比如深度外交、制裁、国际法;同时在正当、必要和有效的情况下,采取多边军事行动。在这类情况下,我们必须与其他力量合作,因为在这类情况下采取集体行动才更有可能成功,更有可能持久,同时比较不容易犯代价高昂的错误。
由此引出我的第二个观点:在可预见的未来,在美国国内与海外,最直接的威胁仍然是恐怖主义。但是,对每一个包庇恐怖主义网络的国家都发动攻击,这个战略未免过于天真,也不可能持续。我认为,我们必须调整我国打击恐怖主义的战略——吸取我们在伊拉克和阿富汗的成功经验和失败教训——转而与国内有恐怖主义基地的某些国家进行有效的伙伴合作。
新战略的必要性展示一个事实,即今天的主要威胁不再是中央集权的“基地”组织领导层,而是分散的“基地”组织外围团伙和极端主义分子,他们经常挑战所在国家的秩序。这种局面降低了本土遭受大规模9•11式袭击的可能性,但增加了美国海外人员受到袭击的危险。正如我们在班加西看到的情况(大使被杀)。这种情况令防备薄弱的目标身处险境,例如我们在内罗毕购物商场看到的情况。为此,我们必须制定适于应对这类弥漫式威胁的战略——扩大我们的影响,但不派遣军队,避免军队的战线过长,也可以避免引发当地的不满情绪。
我们需要合作伙伴与我们一起打击恐怖主义分子。在我们已经进行的工作和我们目前在阿富汗所做的工作中,很大一部份是提高伙伴的自主反恐能力。美国与我们的盟邦一起对“基地”组织核心给予沉重的打击,挫败了他们试图颠覆国家的反叛活动。
但是,这个进程能否持续进行取决于阿富汗人从事这项工作的能力。正是因为这个原因,我们为成千上万阿富汗士兵和警察提供训练。今年早春,这些部队,这些阿富汗部队保障了选举的进行,阿富汗人为该国有史以来第一次政权的民主转移进行投票。今年年底,新的阿富汗总统将就任,美国作战部队的使命也将完成。(掌声)
这是以美国军队为后盾取得的巨大成就。但是随着我们在阿富汗的作战行动转向训练和顾问活动,我们减少阿富汗驻军后可以更有效地应对中东和北非新出现的威胁。为此,今年早些时候,我要求我的国家安全事务团队就南亚和萨赫勒(撒哈拉沙漠南部的半干旱地区)等地的伙伴关系网络制定一个计划。
今天,作为这项努力的内容之一,我要求国会批准新的打击恐怖主义伙伴关系基金,筹款50亿美元用于我们为第一线的反恐伙伴国提供训练,建立军队并激励他们攻击。这些资源将使我们具备完成不同使命的灵活性,包括训练已经对“基地”组织发动攻势的也门安全部队;支援一支多国部队维持索马里的和平;与欧洲盟国合作为利比亚安全部队和边境巡逻部队发挥功能提供训练;并支持法国在马里的行动。
这项工作的一个很关键的方面将是应对叙利亚持续存在的危机。由于局势十分严重,不可能有简单的解决办法,任何军事方案都无法很快解除人们面临的深重苦难。我作为总统作出决定,我们不应该派美国军队卷入这场日益激烈的宗派战争。我认为,这是正确的战略。但是这并不意味着我们不应该帮助叙利亚人民反抗,不意味着我们无视用炸弹和饥饿残害本国人民的独裁者。我们帮助那些为叙利亚人民自决权而奋斗的人们,同时也对人数日益增长的极端主义分子给予狠狠的打击,这些极端主义分子正乘混乱之机寻求安全的庇护所(指加入叙利亚反政府武装的基地组织成员)。
所以,我今天宣布提供更多的资源后,我们将对叙利亚邻国加强支持——例如约旦和黎巴嫩;土耳其和伊拉克——这些国家需要应付难民问题,并抗击跨越叙利亚边境的恐怖主义分子。我将与国会一起加强对叙利亚反对派人士的支持。这些反对派是取代恐怖分子和残暴独裁者的最佳选择。我们将继续与我们在欧洲及阿拉伯世界的朋友和盟邦相互协调,推动为化解这场危机采取政治解决方案,同时确保这些国家,不仅仅是美国,都为支持叙利亚人民作出自己应该作出的一份贡献。
请让我就反恐行动谈最后一点。我所说的伙伴关系并没有排除在必要时直接采取行动保护我们自己。我们在掌握可行性情报时会这样做——比如将一名策划1998年我国大使馆被炸案的恐怖主义分子绳之以法;或是我们在也门和索马里执行过的那种无人机空袭。
有时采取这样的行动是必要的,为了保护我们的人民,我们不能犹豫不决。当正如我去年所 指出的,我们在采取直接行动时必须秉持体现我们价值观的各项标准。这意味着只有在我们面临一种持续不断、迫在眉睫的威胁时,只有在基本上能够肯定不会造成平民伤亡时,才会发起攻击。因为我们的行动应当经得起一个简单的考验:我们绝不能在战场上消灭敌人的同时制造更多的敌人。
我还相信,我们必须让我们的反恐怖主义行动更站得住脚,提高我们行动的透明度。我们必须能够公开说明有关行动,不论是无人机空袭还是训练合作伙伴。我将越来越依赖于我国军方发挥世界领导作用,并向公众提供有关我们的各项行动的信息。我们的情报部门工作出色,我们必须继续保护其情报来源和工作方式。不过,如果我们不能清楚地、公开地说明我们的努力,我们就将面对恐怖主义宣传和国际社会的质疑,我们将在我们的合作伙伴和我们的人民面前丧失合法性,而且我们还将削弱对我们本国政府的监督。
这个透明度问题直接关系到美国的领导力的第三个方面,即我们严格维护国际秩序的努力。
在第二次世界大战之后,美国深思远虑,要缔造维护和平及支持人类进步的机构——从北约组织到联合国,从世界银行到国际货币基金组织。这些机构并不完美,但它们一直发挥着使力量倍增的作用。它们减少了美国单方面采取行动的需要,增加了其他国家之间的约束力。
然而,世界已经变了,这种架构也必须改变。在冷战最紧张的时候,肯尼迪总统指出和平应当基于“人类机制的逐渐演进”。让这些国际机构不断演进以满足今日的种种需求,这必须成为美国的领导力的一个关键部分。
不过,有很多人,有很多持怀疑态度的人,往往贬低多边行动的效力。对他们而言,通过联合国这样的国际机构进行努力或是尊重国际法,都是软弱的表现。我认为他们是错误的。请让我仅以两个实例说明理由。
在乌克兰,俄罗斯最近的所作所为让人们回想起苏联坦克开进东欧地区的日子。但现在已经不是冷战时代了。我们影响世界舆论的能力立即把俄罗斯推进了孤立处境。由于美国的领导,全世界立即开始谴责俄罗斯;欧洲和7国集团同我们一道实施制裁;北约组织增强了我们对东欧盟友的承诺;国际货币基金组织正在帮助稳定乌克兰的经济;欧安组织的监察员将乌克兰**地区置于全世界的关注之下。
世界舆论和国际机构动员起来!就能够与俄罗斯的宣传抗衡,和部署在边境的俄军抗衡,和带着蒙面武装人员抗衡(指易装的俄军)。
本周末,千百万乌克兰人参加了投票。昨天,我同他们的候任总统通了话。我们不知道局势将如何发展,而且前面依然会有严峻的挑战,但我同我们的盟友站在一起,代表国际秩序同国际机构共同努力,从而不放一枪一炮就为乌克兰人民提供了一个决定自己的未来的机会。
同样地,尽管美国、以色列和其他方面不断发出警告,但伊朗多年来一直在一步步发展核项目。而在我就任总统伊始,我们结成了一个联盟,一方面对伊朗经济实施制裁,一方面向伊朗政府伸出外交之手。现在,我们有机会以和平方式解决我们之间的分歧。
成功的可能性仍然不大,而且我们保留所有制止伊朗获取核武器的选择。但10年来第一次,我们有了一个达成突破性协议的真切的机会——这可能比我们通过使用武力获得的协议更有效力、更加持久。在整个谈判过程中,我们始终愿意通过多边渠道进行努力,让国际社会一直站在我们一边。
重要的是,这就是美国的领导力。这就是美国的实力。
在上述每个实例中,我们都结成联盟来应对具体的挑战。现在,我们需要作出更大的努力来强化这些机构,它们能够预见问题并防止问题扩散。
例如,北约组织是全世界有史以来最强大的联盟。但我们现在正在同北约盟国共同执行新的使命,不仅在在东欧盟国关心的欧洲之内(指东欧边界),而且在欧洲以外。我们的北约盟国必须在欧洲之外尽力抗击恐怖主义,避免“失败国家”彻底失控并为一个合作伙伴网络提供训练。
同样地,联合国提供了一个在被冲突蹂躏的国家中维持和平的平台。现在,我们应当确保那些提供维和人员的国家得到切实维护和平所需的训练和装备,以使我们能够制止我们在刚果和苏丹所目睹的屠杀行径。我们将深化我们对支持这些维和使命的国家的投入,因为让其他国家邻近地区维护秩序,能减少我们被迫将自己的军队派往危险之地的情况。这是一种明智的投入。这是正确的领导方式。(掌声)
别忘了,并非所有国际准则都与武装冲突直接相关。我们面临着一个网络攻击的严重问题,因此,我们正在努力制定并严格执行行为规则,以保护我国网络和我国公民的安全。在亚太地区,东南亚国家与中国就南中国海出现了海事争端,我们正在这个过程中向东南亚国家提供支持,希望达成一项协议。而且我们正在通过国际法努力解决这些争端。
这种合作精神应被用于鼓舞抗击气候变化的全球性努力——这一日益严峻的全球安全危机将影响到你们身着军装期间的使命,因为我们要受命应对难民潮、自然灾害以及争夺水和粮食的冲突,因此,我计划明年一定要让美国积极主导制定一个保护整个地球的全球性框架。
你们看,每当我们以身作则地发挥领导作用,美国的影响力便会增强。我们不能让自己免于遵守适用于其他所有人的规则。如果我国有那么多的政治领导人都不承认气候变化正在发生,我们就无法敦促其他人作出抗击气候变化的承诺。如果《海洋法公约》得不到美国参议院的批准,我们就无法争取解决南中国海问题。而且我们的最高层军事领导人都说该公约能增进我们的国家安全。
这(回避国际准则)不是领导作用,这是退缩回避;这不是强大,而是软弱。恐怕像罗斯福和杜鲁门以及艾森豪威尔和肯尼迪这样的领袖对此(拒绝国际条约-译者注)会感到无比陌生。
我对美国例外论深信不疑。但令我们与众不同的不是我们能够无视国际准则和法治,而是我们愿意通过我们的行动维护它们。(掌声)
正因为如此,我将继续推动关闭关塔纳摩监狱——因为美国的价值观和法律传统不允许无限期地在我们境外关押人员。(掌声)正因为如此,我们正在针对美国收集和使用情报的行动 实施新的限制措施——因为如果我们承认监控普通公民是正常的事,我们的合作伙伴就将越来越少而且我们的行动效果将会减弱。(掌声)美国不会简单地主张稳定或消除冲突,不会不惜代价去落实这些想法。我们主张更加持久的和平,这必须在各国人民都享有机遇和自由的前提下才能实现。由此我要阐明美国领导作用的第四个、也是最后一个要素:我们愿意出于人类尊严而采取行动。
美国对民主和人权的支持超出了理想主义的范畴——这关系到国家安全。民主政权是我们最亲密的朋友,而且它们卷入战争的可能性要小得多。基于自由和开放的市场的经济体增长更快,并能成为我国产品的市场。尊重人权能够平息不稳定局面,能压制不满,消灭暴力和恐怖。
新的世纪并没有铲除暴政。在全球各国——令人遗憾的是,其中还包括一些美国的合作伙伴——公民社会遭到压制。腐败的毒瘤喂肥了太多的统治者以及权贵,从穷乡僻壤中到首都广场上,人民为此而愤怒。看到这样的发展趋势,看到阿拉伯世界部分地区的暴力**,人们不禁会对未来感到悲观怀疑。
但请你们记住,由于美国的种种努力,由于美国的外交工作和对外援助,以及我国军人付出的牺牲,今天民选政权管理的民众比人类历史上任何时期都多。技术正在增强公民社会的力量,这是任何铁拳都无法管控的。新的突破性成果正在使数亿人民摆脱贫困。甚至连阿拉伯世界的动荡局势都说明专制制度无法长久。而且(这种动荡)从长期来看,提供了更好的改革可能。
在埃及这样的国家,我们承认我们的关系植根于安全利益——从与以色列的和平协定,到反对暴力极端主义的共同努力。因此,我们没有切断同埃及新政府(军政府)的合作,但我们能够而且一定会支持埃及人民,支持他们改革的诉求。
与此同时,看一看像缅甸这个国家,这个人口4000万的国家在短短几年前还是一个顽固不化的独裁国家,而且与美国为敌。多亏了该国人民巨大的勇气,而且由于我们采取了外交行动并发挥了美国的领导作用,我们已经看到政治改革使一个一度封闭的社会逐步开放;缅甸领导人脱离同北韩的伙伴关系,转而倾向于同美国和我们的盟友接触。
我们正在通过援助和投资,通过说服劝告,甚至有时公开地予以批评,来支持改革以及迫切需要的全国和解。那里取得的进步有可能出现倒退,但如果缅甸取得成功,我们就不放一枪一炮地赢得了一个新的合作伙伴。这就是美国的领导力!
在上述各个实例中,我们都不应当期待一夜之间完成变革。因此,我们不仅要同各国政府,还要同普通民众结成联盟。因为与其他一些国家不同的是,美国不害怕增强个人的自主权,反而因此而更加强大。公民社会使我们更加强大,自由媒体使我们更加强大,努力奋斗的企业家和小企业使我们更加强大,教育交流以及性别平等使我们更加强大。这是我们的核心力量。这就是我们所代表的一切!(掌声)
我在去年访问非洲的旅途中看到,美国的援助使消灭艾滋病成为可能,同时帮助非洲人民照护病患。我们正在帮助农民将他们的产品送到市场,为一度受到饥荒威胁的人口提供粮食。我们致力于将非洲撒哈拉沙漠以南地区的电力供应扩大一倍,以使那里的人民与全球经济的 前景互联互通。所有这一切都带来了新的合作伙伴,并压缩了恐怖主义和冲突的空间。
然而,令人痛心的是,美国的安全行动无法根除像“博科圣地”(Boko Haram)这类极端主义组织所构成的威胁,该组织绑架了那些女孩。
因此,我们不仅应当集中力量马上营救出那些女孩,而且应当支持尼日利亚让青少年接受教育的努力。这应当是在伊拉克和阿富汗艰苦得来的教训之一,我们的军队已成为在那里提倡外交与发展的最坚定的倡导者。他们懂得,对外援助不是锦上添花,不是与我们的国家防御和我们的国家安全脱节的善举。这是使我们强大的因素之一。
归根结底,全球领导力要求我们必须认清世界的真相,认清其中的种种威胁和不确定性。我们必须做好最坏的准备,必须做好一切应急准备。但保持美国的领导也要求我们必须看到这个世界应有的未来——在这里,每个人的理想抱负都至关重要;在这里,主宰一切的是希望而不是恐惧;在这里,铭刻在我们建国文献中的真理能够让历史的潮流向正义的方向奔涌。为了实现这些目标,我们离不开你们的努力。
2014级毕业生们,此时时刻,你们即将离开哈德逊河宁静的河岸。你们即将延续一个传奇,在人类历史上空前的传奇。你们将作为团队的一员执行任务——团队不仅意味着你所在的部队,甚至不仅仅意味着美国三军。在你们服役的过程中,你们将同外交家和发展专家团队协作。
你们将认识盟友、训练战友。为了让美国领导世界,你们要竭尽所能。
下周我将去诺曼底缅怀曾经冲向沙滩的将士。也许很多美国人无法理解那些跳上登陆艇的将士的勇气和责任感,但你们理解。在西点,你们定义什么才算是爱国。
三年前卡文•怀特(Gavin White)从这所学院毕业。他去了阿富汗服役。跟比他先到的军人一样,他踏上了异国的土地,帮助那些从未谋面的人。他以身犯险只为保护他的社区、家人和亲友。在一次袭击中卡文失去了一条腿。我去年在瓦尔特•里德(Walter Reed)陆军医疗中心见过他。虽然身负重伤,但他跟刚来西点时一样意志坚定。他有一个简单的愿望。今天他的妹妹摩根即将毕业,卡文也兑现了他的诺言,他将在这里和她的妹妹互敬军礼。(欢呼,掌声)
我们经历了很长一段时间的战争。我们经历了无法预知的考验,也曾对未来规划产生分歧。但是卡文有一种精神,美国有一种精神,它总能让我们取得胜利。
你们将带着同胞们的敬意离开这里。你们代表一个国家的历史和希望。你们的责任不仅是保护我们的国家,还要伸张世界的正义。作为你们的总司令,我知道你们会不负所托。愿上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑我们的军人,愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。(欢呼,掌声)PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.Thank you so much.Thank you.Thank you, General Caslen, for that introduction.General Trainor, General Clarke, faculty and staff at West Point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the United States Army.I’d like to acknowledge the Army’s leadership--General McHugh--Secretary McHugh, General Odierno, as well as Senator Jack Reed who is here and a proud graduate of West Point himself.To the class of 2014, I congratulate you on taking your place on the Long Gray Line.Among you is the first all-female command team: Erin Mauldin and Austen Boroff.In Calla Glavin, you have a Rhodes Scholar, and Josh Herbeck proves that West Point accuracy extends beyond the three point line.(Laughter.)
To the entire class, let me reassure you in these final hours at West Point, as commander in chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses.(Laughter, applause.)
Let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when I was in school.I know you join me in extending a word of thanks to your families.Joe DeMoss, whose son James is graduating, spoke for a whole lot of parents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made.“Deep inside,” he wrote, “we want to explode with pride at what they are committing to do in the service of our country.” Like several graduates, James is a combat veteran, and I would ask all of us here today to stand and pay tribute not only to the veterans among us, but to the more than 2.5 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as their families.(Applause.)
It is a particularly useful time for America to reflect on those who’ve sacrificed so much for our freedom, a few days after Memorial Day.You are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who may not be sent into combat in Iraq or Afghanistan.(Cheers, applause.)
When I first spoke at West Point in 2009, we still had more than 100,000 troops in Iraq.We were preparing to surge in Afghanistan.Our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al-Qaida’s core leadership--those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks.And our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.Four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed.We have removed our troops from Iraq.We are winding down our war in Afghanistan.Al-Qaida’s leadership on the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan has been decimated, and Osama bin Laden is no more.(Cheers, applause.)And through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of American strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home.In fact, by most measures America has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world.Those who argue otherwise--who suggest that America is in decline or has seen its global leadership slip away--are either misreading history or engaged in partisan politics.Think about it.Our military has no peer.The odds of a direct threat against us by any nation are low, and do not come close to the dangers we faced during the Cold War.Meanwhile, our economy remains the most dynamic on Earth, our businesses the most innovative.Each year, we grow more energy independent.From Europe to Asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaled in the history of nations.America continues to attract striving immigrants.The values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the globe.And when a typhoon hits the Philippines, or schoolgirls are kidnapped in Nigeria, or masked men occupy a building in Ukraine, it is America that the world looks to for help.(Applause.)So the United States is and remains the one indispensable nation.That has been true for the century past, and it will be true for the century to come.But the world is changing with accelerating speed.This presents opportunity, but also new dangers.We know all too well, after 9/11, just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states in the hands of individuals, raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm.Russia’s aggression towards former Soviet states unnerves capitals in Europe while China’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors.From Brazil to India, rising middle classes compete with us, and governments seek a greater say in global forums.And even as developing nations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social media makes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts, failing states and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice a generation ago.It will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world.The question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether America will lead but how we will lead, not just to secure our peace and prosperity but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe.Now, this question isn’t new.At least since George Washington served as commander in chief, there have been those who warned against foreign entanglements that do not touch directly on our security or economic well-being.Today, according to self-described realists, conflicts in Syria or Ukraine or the Central African Republic are not ours to solve.And not surprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, that view is shared by many Americans.A different view, from interventionists from the left and right, says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril, that America’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate safeguard against chaos, and America’s failure to act in the face of Syrian brutality or Russian provocations not only violates our conscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future.And each side can point to history to support its claims, but I believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment.It is absolutely true that in the 21st century, American isolationism is not an option.We don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyond our borders.If nuclear materials are not secure, that poses a danger to American citizens.As the Syrian civil war spills across borders, the capacity of battle-hardened extremist groups to come after us only increases.Regional aggression that goes unchecked, whether in southern Ukraine or the South China Sea or anywhere else in the world, will ultimately impact our allies, and could draw in our military.We can’t ignore what happens beyond our boundaries.And beyond these narrow rationales, I believe we have a real stake--abiding self-interest--in making sure our children and our grandchildren grow up in a world where schoolgirls are not kidnapped;where individuals aren’t slaughtered because of tribe or faith or political belief.I believe that a world of greater freedom and tolerance is not only a moral imperative;it also helps keep us safe.But to say that we have an interest in pursuing peace and freedom beyond our borders is not to say that every problem has a military solution.Since World War II, some of our most costly mistakes came not from our restraint but from our willingness to rush into military adventures without thinking through the consequences, without building international support and legitimacy for our action, without leveling with the American people about the sacrifices required.Tough talk often draws headlines, but war rarely conforms to slogans.As General Eisenhower, someone with hard-earned knowledge on this subject, said at this ceremony in 1947, “War is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly;to seek or advise its deliberate provocation is a black crime against all men.”
Like Eisenhower, this generation of men and women in uniform know all too well the wages of war, and that includes those of you here at West Point.Four of the service members who stood in the audience when I announced the surge of our forces in Afghanistan gave their lives in that effort.A lot more were wounded.I believe America’s security demanded those deployments.But I am haunted by those deaths.I am haunted by those wounds.And I would betray my duty to you, and to the country we love, if I sent you into harm’s way simply because I saw a problem somewhere in the world that needed to be fixed, or because I was worried about critics who think military intervention is the only way for America to avoid looking weak.Here’s my bottom line: America must always lead on the world stage.If we don’t, no one else will.The military that you have joined is, and always will be, the backbone of that leadership.But U.S.military action cannot be the only--or even primary--component of our leadership in every instance.Just because we have the best hammer does not mean that every problem is a nail.And because the costs associated with military action are so high, you should expect every civilian leader--and especially your commander in chief--to be clear about how that awesome power should be used.So let me spend the rest of my time describing my vision for how the United States of America, and our military, should lead in the years to come, for you will be part of that leadership.First, let me repeat a principle I put forward at the outset of my presidency: The United States will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it--when our people are threatened;when our livelihoods are at stake;when the security of our allies is in danger.In these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actions are proportional and effective and just.International opinion matters, but America should never ask permission to protect our people, our homeland or our way of life.(Applause.)
On the other hand, when issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the United States, when such issues are at stake, when crises arise that stir our conscience or push the world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us, then the threshold for military action must be higher.In such circumstances, we should not go it alone.Instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action.We have to broaden our tools to include diplomacy and development, sanctions and isolation, appeals to international law, and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action.In such circumstances, we have to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely to succeed, more likely to be sustained, less likely to lead to costly mistakes.This leads to my second point.For the foreseeable future, the most direct threat to America, at home and abroad, remains terrorism, but a strategy that involves invading every country that harbors terrorist networks is naive and unsustainable.I believe we must shift our counterterrorism strategy, drawing on the successes and shortcomings of our experience in Iraq and Afghanistan, to more effectively partner with countries where terrorist networks seek a foothold.And the need for a new strategy reflects the fact that today’s principal threat no longer comes from a centralized al-Qaida leadership.Instead it comes from decentralized al-Qaida affiliates and extremists, many with agendas focused in the countries where they operate.And this lessens the possibility of large-scale 9/11-style attacks against the homeland, but it heightens the danger of U.S.personnel overseas being attacked, as we saw in Benghazi.It heightens the danger to less defensible targets, as we saw in a shopping mall in Nairobi.So we have to develop a strategy that matches this diffuse threat, one that expands our reach without sending forces that stretch our military too thin or stir up local resentments.We need partners to fight terrorists alongside us.And empowering partners is a large part of what we have done and what we are currently doing in Afghanistan.Together with our allies, America struck huge blows against al-Qaida core and pushed back against an insurgency that threatened to overrun the country.But sustaining this progress depends on the ability of Afghans to do the job.And that’s why we trained hundreds of thousands of Afghan soldiers and police.Earlier this spring, those forces--those Afghan forces--secured an election in which Afghans voted for the first democratic transfer of power in their history.And at the end of this year, a new Afghan president will be in office, and America’s combat mission will be over.Now--(applause)--that was an enormous achievement made because of America’s armed forces.But as we move to a train and advise mission in Afghanistan, our reduced presence there allows us to more effectively address emerging threats in the Middle East and North Africa.So earlier this year I asked my national security team to develop a plan for a network of partnerships from South Asia to the Sahel.Today, as part of this effort, I am calling on Congress to support a new counterterrorism partnerships fund of up to $5 billion, which will allow us to train, build capacity and facilitate partner countries on the front lines.And these resources will give us flexibility to fulfill different missions, including training security forces in Yemen who’ve gone on the offensive against al-Qaida, supporting a multinational force to keep the peace in Somalia, working with European allies to train a functioning security force and border patrol in Libya and facilitating French operations in Mali.A critical focus of this effort will be the ongoing crisis in Syria.As frustrating as it is, there are no easy answers there, no military solution that can eliminate the terrible suffering anytime soon.As president, I made a decision that we should not put American troops into the middle of this increasingly sectarian civil war, and I believe that is the right decision.But that does not mean we shouldn’t help the Syrian people stand up against a dictator who bombs and starves his own people.And in helping those who fight for the right of all Syrians to choose their own future, we are also pushing back against the growing number of extremists who find safe haven in the chaos.So with the additional resources I’m announcing today, we will step up our efforts to support Syria’s neighbors--Jordan and Lebanon, Turkey and Iraq--as they contend with refugees and confront terrorists working across Syria’s borders.I will work with Congress to ramp up support for those in the Syrian opposition who offer the best alternative to terrorists and brutal dictators.And we will continue to coordinate with our friends and allies in Europe and the Arab World to push for a political resolution of this crisis and to make sure that those countries and not just the United States are contributing their fair share of support to the Syrian people.Let me make one final point about our efforts against terrorism.The partnerships I’ve described do not eliminate the need to take direct action when necessary to protect ourselves.When we have actionable intelligence, that’s what we do, through capture operations, like the one that brought a terrorist involved in the plot to bomb our embassies in 1998 to face justice, or drone strikes, like those we’ve carried out in Yemen and Somalia.There are times when those actions are necessary and we cannot hesitate to protect our people.But as I said last year, in taking direct action, we must uphold standards that reflect our values.That means taking strikes only when we face a continuing, imminent threat, and only where there is no certainty--there is near certainty of no civilian casualties, for our actions should meet a simple test: We must not create more enemies than we take off the battlefield.I also believe we must be more transparent about both the basis of our counterterrorism actions and the manner in which they are carried out.We have to be able to explain them publicly, whether it is drone strikes or training partners.I will increasingly turn to our military to take the lead and provide information to the public about our efforts.Our intelligence community has done outstanding work and we have to continue to protect sources and methods, but when we cannot explain our efforts clearly and publicly, we face terrorist propaganda and international suspicion, we erode legitimacy with our partners and our people, and we reduce accountability in our own government.And this issue of transparency is directly relevant to a third aspect of American leadership, and that is our effort to strengthen and enforce international order.After World War II, America had the wisdom to shape institutions to keep the peace and support human progress--from NATO and the United Nations, to the World Bank and IMF.These institutions are not perfect, but they have been a force multiplier.They reducing the need for unilateral American action and increase restraint among other nations.Now, just as the world has changed, this architecture must change as well.At the height of the Cold War, President Kennedy spoke about the need for a peace based upon a gradual evolution in human institutions.And evolving these international institutions to meet the demands of today must be a critical part of American leadership.Now, there are lot of folks, a lot of skeptics who often downplay the effectiveness of multilateral action.For them, working through international institutions, like the U.N.or respecting international law, is a sign of weakness.I think they’re wrong.Let me offer just two examples why.In Ukraine, Russia’s recent actions recall the days when Soviet tanks rolled into Eastern Europe.But this isn’t the Cold War.Our ability to shape world opinion helped isolate Russia right away.Because of American leadership, the world immediately condemned Russian actions, Europe and the G-7 joined with us to impose sanctions, NATO reinforced our commitment to Eastern European allies, the IMF is helping to stabilize Ukraine’s economy, OSCE monitors brought the eyes of the world to unstable parts of Ukraine.And this mobilization of world opinion and international institutions served as a counterweight to Russian propaganda and Russian troops on the border and armed militias in ski masks.This weekend, Ukrainians voted by the millions.Yesterday, I spoke to their next president.We don’t know how the situation will play out, and there will remain grave challenges ahead, but standing with our allies on behalf of international order, working with international institutions, has given a chance for the Ukrainian people to choose their future--without us firing a shot.Similarly, despite frequent warnings from the United States and Israel and others, the Iranian nuclear program steadily advanced for years.But at the beginning of my presidency, we built a coalition that imposed sanctions on the Iranian economy, while extending the hand of diplomacy to the Iranian government.And now we have an opportunity to resolve our differences peacefully.The odds of success are still long, and we reserve all options to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.But for the first time in a decade, we have a very real chance of achieving a breakthrough agreement, one that is more effective and durable than what we could have achieved through the use of force.And throughout these negotiations, it has been our willingness to work through multilateral channels that kept the world on our side.The point is, this is American leadership.This is American strength.In each case, we built coalitions to respond to a specific challenge.Now we need to do more to strengthen the institutions that can anticipate and prevent problems from spreading.For example, NATO is the strongest alliance the world has ever known but we’re now working with NATO allies to meet new missions both within Europe, where our eastern allies must be reassured, but also beyond Europe’s borders, where our NATO allies must pull their weight to counterterrorism and respond to failed states and train a network of partners.Likewise, the U.N.provides a platform to keep the peace in states torn apart by conflict.Now, we need to make sure that those nations who provide peacekeepers have the training and equipment to actually keep the peace so that we can prevent the type of killing we’ve seen in Congo and Sudan.We are going to deepen our investment in countries that support these peacekeeping missions because having other nations maintain order in their own neighborhoods lessens the need for us to put our own troops in harm’s way.It’s a smart investment.It’s the right way to lead.(Applause.)
Keep in mind, not all international norms relate directly to armed conflict.We have a serious problem with cyberattacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the road to secure our networks and our citizens.In the Asia Pacific, we’re supporting Southeast Asian nations as they negotiate a code of conduct with China on maritime disputes in the South China Sea, and we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law.That spirit of cooperation needs to energize the global effort to combat climate change, a creeping national security crisis that will help shape your time in uniform, as we are called on to respond to refugee flows and natural disasters, and conflicts over water and food, which is why, next year, I intend to make sure America is out front in putting together a global framework to preserve our planet.You see, American influence is always stronger when we lead by example.We cannot exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everyone else.We can’t call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it is taking place.We can’t try to resolve problems in the South China Sea when we have refused to make sure that the Law of the Sea Convention is ratified by the United States Senate, despite the fact that our top military leaders say the treaty advances our national security.That’s not leadership.That’s retreat.That’s not strength;that’s weakness.It would be utterly foreign to leaders like Roosevelt and Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy.I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of my being.But what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law;it is our willingness to affirm them through our actions.(Applause.)
And that’s why I will continue to push to close Gitmo, because American values and legal traditions do not permit the indefinite detention of people beyond our borders.(Applause.)That’s why we’re putting in place new restrictions on how America collects and uses intelligence--because we will have fewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conducting surveillance against ordinary citizens.(Applause.)America does not simply stand for stability or the absence of conflict, no matter what the cost;we stand for the more lasting peace that can only come through opportunity and freedom for people everywhere--which brings me to the fourth and final element of American leadership: our willingness to act on behalf of human dignity.America’s support for democracy and human rights goes beyond idealism;it is a matter of national security.Democracies are our closest friends and are far less likely to go to war.Economies based on free and open markets perform better and become markets for our goods.Respect for human rights is an antidote to instability and the grievances that fuel violence and terror.A new century has brought no end to tyranny.In capitals around the globe--including, unfortunately, some of America’s partners--there has been a crackdown on civil society.The cancer of corruption has enriched too many governments and their cronies and enraged citizens from remote villages to iconic squares.And watching these trends, or the violent upheavals in parts of the Arab world, it’s easy to be cynical.But remember that because of America’s efforts--because of American diplomacy and foreign assistance, as well as the sacrifices of our military--more people live under elected governments today than at any time in human history.Technology is empowering civil society in ways that no iron fist can control.New breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty.And even the upheaval of the Arab world reflects the rejection of an authoritarian order that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-term prospect of more responsive and effective governance.In countries like Egypt, we acknowledge that our relationship is anchored in security interests, from peace treaties to Israel to shared efforts against violent extremism.So we have not cut off cooperation with the new government, but we can and will persistently press for reforms that the Egyptian people have demanded.And meanwhile, look at a country like Burma, which only a few years ago was an intractable dictatorship and hostile to the United States.Forty million people.Thanks to the enormous courage of the people in that country, and because we took the diplomatic initiative, American leadership, we have seen political reforms opening a once-closed society;a movement by Burmese leadership away from partnership with North Korea in favor of engagement with America and our allies.We’re now supporting reform and badly needed national reconciliation through assistance and investment, through coaxing and, at times, public criticism.And progress there could be reversed, but if Burma succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot--American leadership.In each of these cases, we should not expect change to happen overnight.That’s why we form alliances--not only with governments, but also with ordinary people.For unlike other nations, America is not afraid of individual empowerment.We are strengthened by it.We’re strengthened by civil society.We’re strengthened by a free press.We’re strengthened by striving entrepreneurs and small businesses.We’re strengthened by educational exchange and opportunity for all people and women and girls.That’s who we are.That’s what we represent.(Applause.)
I saw that through a trip to Africa last year, where American assistance has made possible the prospect of an AIDS-free generation, while helping Africans care themselves for their sick.We’re helping farmers get their products to market to feed populations once endangered by famine.We aim to double access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa so people are connected to the promise of the global economy.And all this creates new partners and shrinks the space for terrorism and conflict.Now, tragically, no American security operation can eradicate the threat posed by an extremist group like Boko Haram--the group that kidnapped those girls.And that’s we have to focus not just on rescuing those girls right away, but also on supporting Nigerian efforts to educate its youth.This should be one of the hard-earned lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan, where our military became the strongest advocate for diplomacy and development.They understood that foreign assistance is not an afterthought--something nice to do apart from our national defense, apart from our national security.It is part of what makes us strong.Now, ultimately, global leadership requires us to see the world as it is, with all its danger and uncertainty.We have to be prepared for the worst, prepared for every contingency, but American leadership also requires us to see the world as it should be--a place where the aspirations of individual human beings really matters, where hopes and not just fears govern;where the truths written into our founding documents can steer the currents of history in the direction of justice.And we cannot do that without you.Class of 2014, you have taken this time to prepare on the quiet banks of the Hudson.You leave this place to carry forward a legacy that no other military in human history can claim.You do so as part of a team that extends beyond your units or even our Armed Forces, for in the course of your service, you will work as a team with diplomats and development experts.You’ll get to know allies and train partners.And you will embody what it means for America to lead the world.Next week I will go to Normandy to honor the men who stormed the beaches there.And while it’s hard for many Americans to comprehend the courage and sense of duty that guided those who boarded small ships, it’s familiar to you.At West Point, you define what it means to be a patriot.Three years ago Gavin White graduated from this academy.He then served in Afghanistan.Like the soldiers who came before him, Gavin was in a foreign land, helping people he’d never met, putting himself in harm’s way for the sake of his community and his family and the folks back home.Gavin lost one of his legs in an attack.I met him last year at Walter Reed.He was wounded but just as determined as the day that he arrived here at West Point.And he developed a simple goal.Today his sister Morgan will graduate.And true to his promise, Gavin will be there to stand and exchange salutes with her.(Cheers, applause.)
We have been through a long season of war.We have faced trials that were not foreseen and we’ve seen divisions about how to move forward.But there is something in Gavin’s character, there is something in the American character, that will always triumph.Leaving here, you carry with you the respect of your fellow citizens.You will represent a nation with history and hope on our side.Your charge now is not only to protect our country, but to do what is right and just.As your commander in chief, I know you will.May God bless you.May God bless our men and women in uniform.And may God bless the United States of America.(Cheers, applause.)
第二篇:奥巴马西点军校演讲
奥巴马西点军校演讲
奥巴马
本周一是阵亡将士纪念日,所以在今天这个场合,美国来缅怀那些为捍卫自由牺牲的人们,特别合适。你们是“911”以来第一届不用奔赴伊拉克或阿富汗前线的毕业生。当我2009年第一次在西点演讲时,我们在伊拉克还有10万多名驻军。我们还准备增兵阿富汗。我们反恐行动的重点还集中在基地组织的核心领导层——那些策划了“911”袭击的人。我们的国家才刚刚从大萧条以来最严重的经济危机中爬起身来。
四年半之后,当你们毕业之时,局面已经改变了。我们从伊拉克撤出了军队。我们正在阿富汗收缩战线。盘踞在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境地区的若干基地组织领导人已被诛杀,奥萨马•本—拉登已不复存在。经此巨变,我们已将资源重新集中于美国实力的本源:不断成长的经济——能够为每一个愿在国内勤勉工作、尽职尽责的人创造机会。
实际上,以大多数指标来衡量,相对于世界其他国家,美国很少像今天这样强大。那些持不同论调——说美国正在衰落,或说她已丧失全球领导地位——的人,要么是误解了历史,要么就是被党派立场蒙住了双眼。想想看。我们的军事实力举世无匹。来自任何一个国家的直接威胁都很低,远不能同冷战时期的危险相比。同时,我们的经济仍是全球最具活力的经济,我们的企业是最富创新能力的企业。我们在能源供应上一年比一年更独立。从欧洲到亚洲,如此众多的盟友簇拥在我们周围,为万国历史上所仅见。
美国仍在吸引努力奋斗的移民前来。我们的建国理念在世界各地激励着议会中的领袖和广场上参与运动的人群。当菲律宾受台风肆虐,尼日利亚女学童遭到劫持,或是乌克兰的蒙面枪手占据大楼,美国仍然是全世界寻求帮助的对象。我国是而且仍然是一个不可或缺的国家。上一个世纪是这样,下一个世纪仍将如此。
然而,世界正在加速变迁。这种变迁带来机遇,但也带来新的危险。“911”以后我们深刻地认识到,新技术和全球化如何让个人掌握了原本只有国家才有的力量,提升了恐怖主义者实施伤害的能力。俄罗斯对前苏联加盟国的侵凌踩痛了欧洲各国的神经,而中国的经济和军事崛起则引发其邻国的紧张。从巴西到印度,新兴的中产阶级社会同我们展开竞争,它们的政府在国际议题上寻求更大的发言权。尽管许多发展中国家拥抱民主和市场经济,但24小时新闻和社交媒体让人难以忽视派系冲突、国家失灵和民众暴动的持续存在,而这一切在10年前只会偶尔受到关注。
应对这样一个新世界,是你们这一代的任务。我们所面临的问题,你们每一个人所要面临的问题,不是美国还会不会领导世界,而是我们将如何领导世界——不仅仅确保我们自身的和平和繁荣,还要把和平和繁荣扩展到全世界。
其实,这个问题并不是新问题。最晚从华盛顿在独立战争中担任大陆军总司令以来,总有人说,干嘛要关心那些并不直接牵涉我国安全和经济福利的外国烂摊子?如今,按照那些自诩为现实主义者的人的说法,不管是叙利亚、乌克兰还是中非共和国的纷争,都不关我们的事。并不奇怪,在经历了靡费的战争和国内的重重挑战之后,很多美国人都有类似想法。
左的和右的干涉主义者则持另一种看法,他们说,无视这些冲突,最终会令我们自己遭殃。他们说,美国在全世界运用实力的意志是防止世界陷入混乱的终极保障,如果美国面对叙利亚的暴行或俄罗斯的挑衅而无所行动,不仅违背我们的良心,而且也是在纵容未来更加肆无忌惮的行径。
两边都可以从历史上找到论据。但我认为,上面两种观点都没有充分满足当今时代所提出的要求。毫无疑问,在21世纪,美国孤立主义绝对行不通。我们不可能对国境之外的事态坐视不理。如果国外的核材料得不到妥善保存,美国的城市就会遭受威胁。当叙利亚内战向境外蔓延,经过战争历练的极端组织攻击美国的能力只会有增无减。如果地区扩张行为得不到约束——不论是在乌克兰南部还是南中国海,或是其他地方——最终会触及我们的盟友,并将我们自己的军队卷入冲突。我们不能对国境外的种种事态袖手旁观。
除了上面那些利益计算,我相信我们还有一个真实的关切、一个长远利益:保证我们的子孙后代在一个女学童不被劫持,人们不因部落、信仰或政治立场而遭屠戮的世界里长大。我坚信,建设一个更自由、更宽容的世界不仅是一种道德要求,也有助于保障我们本国的安全。
然而,说我们有必要在国境之外推进和平与自由,并不是说所有所有问题都要用军事手段解决。自第一次世界大战以来,我们所犯过的一些代价最高昂的错误不是来自我们的克制,而是因为我们在贸然投入军事冒险前对后果考虑不周——没有为我们的行动获得国际支持与合法性;没有对美国人民坦陈需要他们做出的牺牲。强硬言辞容易博取新闻版面,但战争的真相很少能够符合口号。对这个问题理解深刻的艾森豪威尔将军1947年在这个典礼上说得好:“战争是人类最可悲、最愚昧的蠢行。故意挑起战争,不论是自己决断还是出谋划策,都是对全人类犯下的邪恶罪行。”
像艾森豪威尔一样,这一代的男女军人对战争的代价理解甚深,你们西点毕业生也是如此。当我5年前在此宣布增兵阿富汗的时候,听众中的四人后来就在那个战场上捐躯。还有很多西点生负伤。我相信美国的国家安全需要采取那次军事部署。但那些伤亡者的英灵和苦痛令我寝食难安。如果我把你们送去冒生命危险,只是因为觉得世界上的哪个地方出了问题得有人管管,或者因为怕别人说不派兵干涉就会显得美国很软弱,那我就是背叛了我对你们、对我所爱的这个国家所负有的责任。
这是我的底线:在世界舞台上,美国必须坚持发挥领导作用。如果我们不做,就没人会去承担那份责任。你们加入的美国军队一直是支持美国领导作用的中坚力量。但是美国的军事行动不能在所有情况下都构成美国领导力的唯一内容,甚至不能总是其首要内容。我们手中握有最好的榔头,并不意味着所有的问题就都成了钉子。而且,正因为军事行动成本高昂,你们理当期待,每一位平民政府的总统——尤其他又是你们的总司令——在动用这种令人敬畏的力量之时,都应该怀着何种戒慎恐惧的心情。
所以,我将用接下来的时间,描述一下我设想的前景:美利坚合众国及其军队如何在未来若干年内领导世界,因为你们都将组成那种领导力的一部分。
首先,请允许我重复我在初任总统时所说的一句话:美国将运用军事力量,如必要时甚至是单边运用,如果我们的核心利益要求如此——如果我们的人民受到威胁,如果我们的生计蒙受风险,如果我们的盟友陷入危难。在这些情况下,我们仍须追问,我们的行动是否适度、有效和正义。国际舆论很重要,但保护我们的人民、国土和生活方式,美国不需要请求允许。
另一方面,如果全球关心的问题并没有直接威胁到美国,却也有所关涉的时候——当国外的危机刺痛了我们的良心,或者将世界推向一个更危险的方向却并未直接威胁到我们时,军事行动的门槛必须提高。在这些情况下,我们不应独自动武。而是必须动员盟友和伙伴采取集体行动。我们必须拓展手段,包括外交和国际开发、制裁和孤立、诉诸国际法和采取多边军事行动——前提是正义、必要和有效性。我们必须同其他方面合作,因为在此类情况下,集体行动更容易成功,更容易持久,也更不容易导致严重的错误。
这就引出我的第二个论点:在可预见的未来,在国内外对美国构成最直接威胁的还是恐怖主义。但是入侵所有庇护恐怖主义网络的国家,这种战略既是天真的,也是不可持续的。我认为我们必须改变我们的反恐战略,吸取我们在伊拉克和阿富汗的经验教训,更有效地同那些恐怖主义试图渗透的国家合作。
之所以需要新战略,是因为现在的主要威胁不在来自一个集中化的基地组织核心,而是来自分散化的基地外围和在各国各自为战的极端势力。这种变化降低了“911”式大规模袭击美国本土的可能性,但它却加剧了美国人员在海外遇袭的危险,就像我们在班加西领馆遇袭事件中看到的情况一样。它也加剧了防卫薄弱的目标遇袭的危险,就像我们在内罗毕购物中心袭击事件中看到的情况一样。
所以我们必须设计出一套战略,以应对此类分散化的威胁。那套战略要能让我们在扩大干预范围的同时,不至于把我们的军力过度摊薄,或引发当地人的仇恨。我们需要伙伴来和我们并肩打击恐怖主义。培养伙伴的能力正是我们在阿富汗所做的主要工作之一。
与盟友携手,美国重拳打击了基地组织核心,并反击了旨在推翻阿富汗政权的暴动。但要保住这些果实,前提是阿富汗方面有足够的能力完成任务。所以我们在训练数十万的阿富汗士兵和警察。今年年初,正是那些阿富汗部队保障了这个国家完成其历史上首次民主的政权交接。今年年末,一位新的阿富汗总统将会走马上任,而美国的战斗任务届时也就结束了。
那是美国武装部队帮助完成的一个了不起的成就。当我们在阿富汗转向训练和顾问任务,我们在该国的收缩让我们可以更有效地应对在中东与北非出现的新威胁。所以,今年早些时候,我要求我的国家安全团队制定一套计划,从南亚到非洲萨赫勒地区打造一个伙伴网络。今天,作为这一努力的一部分,我呼吁国会支持设立一个50亿美元的反恐怖主义伙伴基金,以使我们训练和装备处于反恐前线的伙伴。这些资源将使我们能够灵活胜任各种不同任务,包括帮助受到基地渗透的也门训练安全部队、在索马里部署多国维和部队、同欧洲盟友一起训练利比亚安全部队和边界巡逻队以及协助法国在马里采取行动等。
这一切努力的一个关键焦点是旷日持久的叙利亚危机。这场令人沮丧的危机没有容易的解决办法,用任何军事手段都不可能很快消除那里令人发指的暴行。作为总统,我决定不让美国的部队介入那场日益演变成派系战争的冲突,我相信这一决定是正确的。但那并不意味着我们不应该帮助叙利亚人民反抗那轰炸、饿死自己人民的独裁者。通过帮助那些为全体叙利亚人决定自身命运的权利而战的人,我们也就是在反击那些试图从这场混乱中渔利的极端主义者。
依靠我今天倡议设立的这个新基金,我们将帮助叙利亚的邻国约旦、黎巴嫩、土耳其和伊拉克,帮助他们在叙利亚边境疏导难民,拒斥恐怖分子。我将和国会通力合作,支持叙利亚反对派中最有希望替代恐怖分子和残暴独裁者的那些力量。我们还会继续同我们在欧洲和阿拉伯世界的盟友协调,推动这场危机得到政治解决,确保那些国家而不仅仅是美国在帮助叙利亚人民的过程中做出一份合理的贡献。
关于反恐怖主义,我还有最后一点要讲。我所描述的伙伴关系并不意味着,不需要采取任何直接行动,实施必要的自卫了。当我们掌握了可以据以采取行动的充分情报以后,我们就会采取行动。例如抓捕1998年阴谋炸毁美国使馆的恐怖分子、在也门和索马里实施无人机打击等等。在必须行动的时候,我们不能犹豫。
但就像我去年所说,在采取直接行动时我们必须坚持标准,持守我们的价值观。那意味着仅当面对持续的、实质性的威胁时才进行打击,而且要尽量确保不会造成平民伤亡。因为我们的行动要符合一条简单标准:我们不能在清除敌人的过程中,制造更多的敌人。
我也相信,关于反恐行动的基础和实施方式,我们必须更加透明。我们必须对公众作出解释。我会更多地让军方主导并向公众提供行动信息。我们的情报部门做了很多出色的工作,我们还会继续保护它们的信息源和工作方法。但如果我们无法清楚、公开地解释我们的行为,我们就得应付恐怖分子的宣传和国际上的质疑,我们在伙伴和人民眼里的合法性会遭到削弱,我们对自己政府的报告义务会遭到忽视。
透明度问题直接关系到美国领导力的第三个层面,那就是加强国际秩序。
第二次世界大战以后,美国智慧地创造出一些制度,以维护和平,促进人类进步——从北约到联合国再到世界银行和国际货币基金组织。这些制度并不完美,但它们是力量的放大器。它们减少了美国采取单边行动的需要,增加了对其他国家的约束。
如今,正如这个世界已经变化,这一国际治理架构也需要因时而变。在冷战高潮时期,肯尼迪总统说过,和平需要建立在“人类制度的渐进演化”之上。促使这些国际制度进一步演化,以应今时今日之需,是美国领导力的关键内容。
现在有不少人、不少怀疑论者老是要贬低多边行动的有效性。在他们看来,通过联合国这种国际组织来做事或遵守国际法是软弱的标志。我说他们错了。容我举两个例子来说明为什么。
俄罗斯最近在乌克兰的行动让人回想起苏联坦克碾压东欧的年代。但这并不是冷战重演。我们塑造世界舆论的能力帮助我们成功孤立了俄罗斯。由于美国的领导力,各国都很快对俄罗斯的行径做出谴责,欧洲和七国集团联合我们实施制裁,北约加强了对东欧盟友的承诺,国际货币基金组织协助稳定乌克兰经济,欧洲安全与合作组织的监督将全世界的目光引向了乌克兰南部的动荡。这场对世界舆论和国际组织的动员有力地抗衡了俄罗斯的宣传攻势、其部署在俄乌边境的军队和渗透在乌克兰的蒙面武装分子。
上周周末,数以百万计的乌克兰公民投了票。昨天我同乌克兰当选总统通了话。我们不知道局势会怎样演变,不知道前方还会有何种凶险,但同盟友并肩、同国际组织携手捍卫国际秩序的做法,已经给了乌克兰人民一个选择未来的机会,而我们并没有费一枪一弹。
与此类似,尽管美国、以色列和其他国家反复警告,伊朗近年来一直在稳步推进核计划。但就在我担任总统的初期,我们组成了一个联盟,对伊朗经济实施制裁,并对伊朗政府伸出外交之手。如今我们有机会和平地化解分歧。
虽然谈论成功为时尚早,我们也为防止伊朗拥有核武器而保留一切手段。但十年来,我们首次有机会达成突破性的协议。这份协议比我们用武力所能达成的更有效,更牢靠。在所有这些谈判中,我们自愿通过多边渠道开展工作,让全世界站到我们一边。
这就说明,这才是美国的领导力。这才是美国的强项。在上述两个例子中,我们打造同盟应对挑战。如今我们需要进一步加强这些制度,使其能够预见并组织问题扩散。例如北约是全世界迄今为止最强大的军事联盟。我们正着眼于新的任务加强同北约盟友的合作,一方面在东欧巩固新获得的盟友,另一方面要求北约盟友在欧洲以外参与反恐,应对崩溃国家的挑战并且训练伙伴网络。
与之相似,联合国提供了一个在冲突不断的各国之间维持和平的平台。现在我们需要确保参与维和行动的国家有足够的训练和设备来完成使命,以避免刚果(金)和苏丹战乱那样的大屠杀再次出现。我们要深化对那些参与维和国家的投入,因为如果其他国家能够就近维持有关地区的秩序,我们就无需投入自己的军队去冒险。这是一笔划算的投资。这是正确的领导方式。
请记住,并不是所有的国际规则都直接关乎武装冲突。网络攻击是一个棘手问题,因此我们正在努力塑造和加强网络治理规则,以保障网络和公民安全。在亚太地区,我们支持东南亚国家同中国谈判,以在南中国海岛屿争端中制定行为准则。我们也试图通过国际法解决那些争端。我们也需要发扬合作精神,来为全球应对气候变化重振活力。气候变化这个悄无声息的国家安全危机会影响你们一代军人所面对的形势,诸如难民潮、自然灾害和争抢水资源以及食物的各种挑战。因此明年我将努力确保在美国引领下建立全球框架,保护我们的星球。
诸君请看,美国的影响力最强之际,都是我们用榜样的力量领导世界之时。我们不能把自己排除于规则之外,而让他人遵守规则。我们不能一边呼吁其他国家应对气候变化,另一边许多我们自己的政治领袖却在否认气候变化的存在。我们不能一边试图解决南中国海问题,另一边却无法确保《国际海洋法公约》在美国参议院获得批准,尽管我们的高级将领也认为该公约有利于国家安全。那不是领导,那是退却。那不是强大,那是软弱。在罗斯福、杜鲁门、艾森豪威尔和肯尼迪那样的领袖身上,完全看不到这些东西。
我全身心地信仰美国例外论。但让我们成为例外的不是我们违反国际规则和法治的能力,而是我们以实际行动来肯定它们的意愿。正是因此,我将继续推动关闭关塔那摩监狱,因为美国的价值观和司法传统不允许在海外无限期关押犯人。正是因此,我将设立新规,规范美国收集使用情报的行为,因为如果人们都认定我们监听普通公民,我们会失去朋友,工作效率也会大打折扣。美国不仅仅代表着不惜一切代价谋求稳定或没有冲突。我们代表着更长远的和平,而只有当其他地方的人们获得机会和自由,那种和平才会来临。
这就关系到美国领导力的第四个也是最后一个要素:我们捍卫人类尊严的意志。美国对民主和人权的支持超乎理想主义,它也是国家安全的一个考量。民主国家是我们最亲近的朋友,也最不易走向战争。基于自由、开放市场的经济体表现更佳,也会成为我们产品的市场。尊重人权则有助于克服不稳定因素,有利于消解滋生暴力与恐怖的仇恨土壤。
新世纪的来临并没有带来暴政的黄昏。在世界各国,甚至是美国的一些伙伴,对公民社会的压制依然存在。腐败的癌症让太多的政府官员和他们的圈内人一夜暴富,激怒了从偏远乡村到伟大广场上的普通公民。看到这些趋势以及阿拉伯世界的一些暴力行径,很容易让人变得玩世不恭。
但也请记得,恰恰是因为美国的努力,因为美国的外交和对外援助,因为美国军队的牺牲,很多人如今已经生活在民选的政府之下,比人类历史上的任何时期都要多。技术使公民社会变得更有力量,让铁拳更难对它们加以控制。各种新突破让数以亿计的人脱离贫困。即便是阿拉伯世界的动荡也表现出拒斥威权统治的倾向——它们绝不稳固——而且也预示了更负责、更有效的治理前景。
我们承认,我们同埃及等国家的关系是出于安全利益考量,包括巴以和平进程和共同反对暴力极端势力等等。所以我们并未切断同新政府的联系,但我们能够也将会继续施压,敦促埃及政府实施其民众所要求的改革。
与此同时,像缅甸,几年前还是不可理喻、对美国充满敌意的专制国家,那可是4千万人口的国家啊。依靠该国人民巨大的勇气以及我们的外交努力,我们已经看到一个曾经封闭的社会开启了政治改革的进程,缅甸领导层开始疏远朝鲜,转向美国和盟友。我们正在支持该国的改革和亟需的民族和解进程,通过劝说和偶尔公开批评的方式。那里的进步还有陷入倒退的可能,不过,如果缅甸能够成功,我们就是未开一枪而赢得了新的伙伴。这就是美国的领导力。
在所有这些例子中,我们不能期待改变一夜之间完成。因此我们不仅同政府结盟,也同普通人民交好。和其他一些国家不同,美国不惧怕个体的人变得强大,有力的个人是美国的力量之源。公民社会、新闻自由令我们的力量有增无减。勤奋的企业家和小业主夯实我们的经济实力。教育交流和为一切男人、女人和儿童提供机会,这种开放性让我们近悦远来。那才是我们美国。那是我们所代表的一切。
去年在访问非洲的时候,我看到美国的援助令许多年轻人免受艾滋病的感染,同时也使得非洲居民能够照顾自己的病人。我们帮助农夫把出产送往市场,让饥民获得口粮。我们让撒哈拉以南非洲的电力供应翻番,让当地人得以分享全球经济的繁荣。这一切都在为我们赢得新的伙伴,挤压恐怖主义和暴力冲突的空间。
不幸的是,美国的安全努力都不足以消除博科圣地等极端组织造成的威胁,该组织劫持了200多名女学生。所以我们不能只顾营救学生,还要帮助尼日利亚教育他们的青年。这是我们在伊拉克和阿富汗来之不易的经验之一,美国驻军要成为外交和当地经济社会发展的最有力推动者。我们的部队明白了,对外援助不是细枝末节,不是可以跟国防分开考虑的事情。它是壮大我们的重要一环。
归根结底,全球领导力要求我们直面世界的本来面目,看清其全部危险和不确定性。我们得做最坏打算,防备一切意外。但美国的领导力也要求我们前瞻世界的应然状态:个人的愿望得到尊重,统治人们的是希望而非恐惧,我们的立国文献中所写下的真理可以引导世界历史潮流走向正义的方向。
资料来源:一财网
第三篇:美国大选奥巴马演讲全文
美国大选奥巴马演讲全文:我们需要的变革(中英对照)
奥巴马:我们需要的变革 obama: the change we need 现在是美国历史的关键时刻。我们面临着大萧条以来最为严重的一场经济危机:今年以来已经有76万人失业;企业和家庭无法获得信贷;房价不断下滑,养老金日益缩水;工资降到了十年来的最低水平,同时医疗和教育成本却涨到了有史以来的最高点。this is a defining moment in our history.we face the worst economic crisis since the great depression--760,000 workers have lost their jobs this year.businesses and families can’t get credit.home values are falling, and pensions are disappearing.wages are lower than they’ve been in a decade, at a time when the costs of health care and college have never been higher.在眼下这样的危急时刻,我们承受不起又一个四年的支出增长、千疮百孔的减税措施、或是监管全无──即使是美国联邦储备委员会(fed)前主席格林斯潘(alan greenspan)现在也承认那是个错误。美国需要一个新的方向。这也正是我竞选美国总统的原因所在。
at a moment like this, we can’t afford four more years of spending increases, poorly designed tax cuts, or the complete lack of regulatory oversight that even former federal reserve chairman alan greenspan now believes was a mistake.america needs a new direction.that’s why i’m running for president of the united states.明天,也就是周二,你们将有能力赋予这个国家我们所需要的变革。tomorrow, you can give this country the change we need.我的竞选对手麦凯恩参议员为美国作出的贡献令人尊敬。他甚至可以指出他过去曾有几次与自己的党派分道扬镳。然而,在过去八年中,他十之八九都赞同布什总统的主张。而在经济问题上,他仍然无法向美国民众说明,他与布什的做法会有什么太大区别。
my opponent, senator mccain, has served his country honorably.he can even point to a few moments in the past where he has broken from his party.but over the past eight years, he’s voted with president bush 90% of the time.and when it comes to the economy, he still can’t tell the american people one major thing he’d do differently from george bush.如果提出的税收计划没有让1亿多美国中产阶级获得一分钱的税项减免,这不是变革──即使是《国家评论》(national review)杂志和其他保守派组织也抱怨说,这个计划对造福中产阶级贡献寥寥。在近年来不断累积的财政赤字上再添5万亿美元,这不是变革。如果解决房市危机的计划又将另外3,000亿美元纳税人的钱置于风险之中,这不是变革──《华尔街日报》编辑委员会称这一计划“产生的问题比解决的问题多”。
it’s not change to come up with a tax plan that doesn’t give a penny of relief to more than 100 million middle-class americans--a plan that even the national review and other conservative organizations complain does far too little to benefit the middle class.it’s not change to add more than $5 trillion to the deficits we’ve run up in recent years.it’s not change to come up with a plan to address our housing crisis that puts another $300 billion of taxpayer money at risk--a plan that the editorial board of this newspaper said ’raises more questions than it answers.’ 如果说我们从此次经济危机中学到了什么的话,那就是我们要患难与共。从首席执行长到公司股东,从金融家到工厂工人,我们每个人都休戚相关,因为美国的民众越富足,美国才会越繁荣。
if there’s one thing we’ve learned from this economic crisis, it’s that we are all in this together.from ceos to shareholders, from financiers to factory workers, we all have a stake in each other’s success BECause the more americans prosper, the more america prospers.这就是为什么我们有些企业巨头把提高员工薪酬作为自己的一项使命,让员工能买得起自己生产的产品,比如巴菲特(warren buffett)这样的商界人士。我对能有他的支持感到自豪。这就是为什么美国经济不仅是世界上最伟大的财富创造者,也是世界上最伟大的就业机会制造者。它一直托举着有史以来规模最大的中产阶级之舟。
that’s why we’ve had titans of industry who’ve made it their mission to pay well enough that their employees could afford the products they made--businessmen like warren buffett, whose support i’m proud to have.that’s why our economy hasn’t just been the world’s greatest wealth creator--it’s been the world’s greatest job generator.it’s been the tide that has lifted the boats of the largest middle class in history.为了重塑美国中产阶级,我将给予95%的工人及其家庭税收减免待遇。如果你工作,就交税;如果年收入不足20万美元,你会获得减税;即使你的年收入超过了25万美元,你所负担的税率也比上世纪九十年代要低──资本利得税和股息税要比里根总统时期低三分之一。
to rebuild that middle class, i’ll give a tax break to 95% of workers and their families.if you work, pay taxes, and make less than $200,000, you’ll get a tax cut.if you make more than $250,000, you’ll still pay taxes at a lower rate than in the 1990s--and capital gains and dividend taxes one-third lower than they were under president reagan.通过重建日益破败的基础设施、在美国的各个角落接通宽带,我们将创造200万个就业岗位。未来的十年中,我将每年在可再生能源领域投资150亿美元,进而新增500万个岗位;这些工作环保、薪酬丰厚、不能外包,而且能帮助我们摆脱对中东石油的依赖。
we’ll create two million new jobs by rebuilding our crumbling infrastructure and laying broadband lines that reach every corner of the country.i’ll invest $15 billion a year over the next decade in renewable energy, creating five million new, green jobs that pay well, can’t be outsourced, and can help end our dependence on middle east oil.在医疗问题上,我们不必在政府运营的体系和目前这种我们难以负担的体系之间进行选择。我的竞选对手提出的方案会令美国人有史以来首次为自己获得的医疗福利纳税。我的计划则会让医疗保健成为每个美国人都负担得起、享受得到的服务。根据我的计划,如果你已经有了医疗保险,你将看到的唯一一个变化是保费降低;如果你还没有医疗保险,你将能与国会议员们享受到同样的医疗福利。when it comes to health care, we don’t have to choose between a government-run system and the unaffordable one we have now.my opponent’s plan would make you pay taxes on your health-care benefits for the first time in history.my plan will make health care affordable and accessible for every american.if you already have health insurance, the only change you’ll see under my plan is lower premiums.if you don’t, you’ll be able to get the same kind of plan that members of congress get for themselves.为了让每个孩子享受到世界级的教育,让他们能在全球经济中竞争21世纪的工作岗位,我将投资早期教育,并且增加师资力量。不过,我同时也会要求更高的标准和更多的责任。我们向每个美国年轻人作出承诺:如果你致力于服务你的社区或是你的国家,我们将确保你能负担得起自己的学费。
to give every child a world-class education so they can compete in this global economy for the jobs of the 21st century, i’ll invest in early childhood education and recruit an army of new teachers.but i’ll also demand higher standards and more accountability.and we’ll make a deal with every young american: if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford your tuition.在国防安全问题上,我将负责任地结束伊拉克战争,这样我们就不必在这个国家享有巨额财政盈余的情况下每月却要在那里花费100亿美元。为了美国的经济、美国的军队和伊拉克的长期稳定,现在是伊拉克人站出来的时候了。我将最终完成对本·拉登(bin laden)和基地组织恐怖分子的打击,正是这些人制造了9/11恐怖袭击,同时我还会建立新的合作关系、击退21世纪出现的威胁,恢复我们的道德威望,让美国仍然是地球上最后也是最好的希望。
and when it comes to keeping this country safe, i’ll end the iraq war responsibly so we stop spending $10 billion a month in iraq while it sits on a huge surplus.for the sake of our economy, our military and the long-term stability of iraq, it’s time for the iraqis to step up.i’ll finally finish the fight against bin laden and the al qaeda terrorists who attacked us on 9/11, build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century, and restore our moral standing so that america remains the last, best hope of earth.这些事情没有一件是轻而易举能办到的,也不是一朝一夕能完成的。但是,我坚信我们能成功,因为我对美国深信不疑。是美国使我们的父辈相信,即使他们自己无法上大学,也可以每周积攒下一些钱来,让他们的孩子接受好的教育;即使他们不能拥有自己的企业,也可以通过努力工作让自己的孩子创办企业。在美国历史的每个时刻,我们都勇敢地站起来面对挑战,因为我们从来没有忘记过这样一个基本真理:在美国,我们的命运并非天定,而是掌握在我们自己的手中。none of this will be easy.it won’t happen overnight.but i believe we can do this because i believe in america.this is the country that allowed our parents and grandparents to believe that even if they couldn’t go to college, they could save a little bit each week so their child could;that even if they couldn’t have their own business, they could work hard enough so their child could open one of their own.and at every moment in our history, we’ve risen to meet our challenges because we’ve never forgotten the fundamental truth that in america, our destiny is not written for us, but by us.所以,明天,我恳请你们书写美国下一个伟大的篇章。我恳请你们不只相信我带来变革的能力,还有你们自己的能力。明天,你们可以选择这样一种政策──向美国中产阶级进行投入、创造新的就业岗位、实现经济增长让人人都有成功的机会。你们可以选择希望而非恐惧、选择团结而非分裂、选择变革的希望而非墨守成规。如果你们投我的票,我们将不仅赢得此次竞选,还将一起改变这个国家、改变这个世界。
so tomorrow, i ask you to write our nation’s next great chapter.i ask you to believe--not just in my ability to bring about change, but in yours.tomorrow, you can choose policies that invest in our middle class, create new jobs, and grow this economy so that everyone has a chance to succeed.you can choose hope over fear, unity over division, the promise of change over the power of the status quo.if you give me your vote, we won’t just win this election--together, we will change this country and change the world.
第四篇:奥巴马西点军校2014年毕业演讲中英文对照
奥巴马西点军校2014年毕业演讲
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.Thank you so much.Thank you.Thank you, General Caslen, for that introduction.General Trainor, General Clarke, faculty and staff at West Point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the United States Army.美国总统奥巴马:谢谢!非常感谢!谢谢!谢谢卡斯兰将军的介绍!特雷纳将军、克拉克将军、西点军校的教职工们,你们一直以来都是这所令人自豪的学府的优秀管理者,也是美国陆军新晋军官的杰出导师。
I’d like to acknowledge the Army’s leadership--General McHugh--Secretary McHugh, General Odierno, as well as Senator Jack Reed who is here and a proud graduate of West Point himself.To the class of 2014, I congratulate you on taking your place on the Long Gray Line.我要向陆军领导层表示感谢,包括陆军部长麦克休将军以及参谋长奥迪耶诺将军,同时也要感谢到场的杰克-里德参议员,他是西点军校引以为荣的毕业生之一。2014级的毕业生们,祝贺你们承接了西点军魂的使命。
Among you is the first all-female command team: Erin Mauldin and Austen Boroff.In Calla Glavin, you have a Rhodes Scholar, and Josh Herbeck proves that West Point accuracy extends beyond the three point line.(Laughter.)在你们当中,有美国首支女子指挥团队,包括艾琳-墨登和奥斯丁-波洛夫。卡拉-格莱文展现了一位罗兹学者的风采,而乔希-赫贝克则证明了西点的精准度远在三分线之外。(笑声)
To the entire class, let me reassure you in these final hours at West Point, as commander in chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses.(Laughter, applause.)
全体学员们,请安心度过你们在西点的最后时光,我以最高统帅的名义在此赦免所有因犯轻罪而关禁闭的学员。(笑声、掌声)
Let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when I was in school.容我说一句,我当学生的时候,可从未有人这么做过。
I know you join me in extending a word of thanks to your families.Joe DeMoss, whose son James is graduating, spoke for a whole lot of parents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made.“Deep inside,” he wrote, “we want to explode with pride at what they are committing to do in the service of our country.” Like several graduates, James is a combat veteran, and I
would ask all of us here today to stand and pay tribute not only to the veterans among us, but to the more than 2.5 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as their families.(Applause.)
我知道,你们和我一样都要向自己的家人表示感谢。乔-狄摩斯是本届毕业生詹姆斯的父亲,他给我来信讲诉你们所作出的牺牲,也道出了许多父母的心声。他写道:“在我们的内心深处,我们为他们立志报效国家而感到无比自豪。”和多位毕业生一样,詹姆斯也是位战场老兵。我请今天在座的各位起立,向我们当中的老兵,也向250多万曾在伊拉克和阿富汗服役的美国人及其家属致敬。(掌声)It is a particularly useful time for America to reflect on those who’ve sacrificed so much for our freedom, a few days after Memorial Day.You are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who may not be sent into combat in Iraq or Afghanistan.(Cheers, applause.)
这是继数天前阵亡将士纪念日后的又一个极有意义的时刻,让美国人民得以回想那些为我们的自由作出巨大牺牲的英雄。你们将是自911恐怖袭击以来,第一届不会被派到伊拉克或阿富汗参战的毕业生。(欢呼声、掌声)
When I first spoke at West Point in 2009, we still had more than 100,000 troops in Iraq.We were preparing to surge in Afghanistan.Our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al-Qaida’s core leadership--those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks.And our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.2009年,我首次在西点发表演讲时,我们仍有10万多名士兵驻扎在伊拉克,也正准备增兵阿富汗。而我们的反恐重心则是基地组织的核心头目——正是他们发动了911恐怖袭击。此外,我们的国家正开始一段摆脱大萧条以来最严重经济危机的漫长历程。
Four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed.We have removed our troops from Iraq.We are winding down our war in
Afghanistan.Al-Qaida’s leadership on the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan has been decimated, and Osama bin Laden is no more.(Cheers, applause.)And through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of American strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home.四年半以后,就在你们毕业之际,情况已发生了转变。我们已从伊拉克撤军,正逐步结束阿富汗的战争。潜伏在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境地区的基地组织头目已被斩草除根,而奥萨马-本-拉登也早已命丧黄泉。(欢呼声、掌声)在经历了这一切之后,我们又将关注重心调整到美国实力的重要源头上来,这个源头就是不断发展的经济,为每一个愿意努力工作并愿意承担起家国责任的人提供机会。
In fact, by most measures America has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world.Those who argue otherwise--who suggest that America is in decline or has seen its global leadership slip away--are either misreading history or engaged in partisan politics.事实上,与世界上其他国家相比,美国在很多方面都处于强势地位。有些人持不同观点,他们认为美国正在衰弱或正失去世界的领导地位,这些人不是对历史存在误读,就是陷入了党派政治的泥潭。
Think about it.Our military has no peer.The odds of a direct threat against us by any nation are low, and do not come close to the dangers we faced during the Cold War.Meanwhile, our economy remains the most dynamic on Earth, our businesses the most innovative.Each year, we grow more energy
3independent.From Europe to Asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaled in the history of nations.你们想一想,我们的军队天下无敌,任何国家对我们构成直接威胁的几率极小,而且与我们在冷战时期所面临的危险相差甚远。同时,我们的经济活力仍居世界第一,企业的创新性也名列前茅。我们的能源独立性都在逐年增强。从欧洲到亚洲,我们是各国有史以来无人能敌的联盟轴心。
America continues to attract striving immigrants.The values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the globe.And when a typhoon hits the Philippines, or schoolgirls are kidnapped in Nigeria, or masked men occupy a building in Ukraine, it is
America that the world looks to for help.(Applause.)So the United States is and remains the one indispensable nation.That has been true for the century past, and it will be true for the century to come.美国将继续吸纳奋发图强的外国移民。我们的建国理念激励着各国议会的领导人,也激励着世界各地在公共广场上发起的新运动。当台风袭击菲律宾的时候,当尼日利亚女学生遭到绑架的时候,当蒙面歹徒攻占乌克兰政府大楼的时候,全世界都翘首以待美国的援助之手。(掌声)因此,美国始终是一个无可取代的国家,上个世纪如此,下个世纪亦是如此。
But the world is changing with accelerating speed.This presents opportunity, but also new dangers.We know all too well, after 9/11, just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states in the hands of individuals, raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm.但是,如今的世界瞬息万变。这为我们带来了机遇,也带来了新的危险。911恐怖袭击事件让我们清楚地认识到,科技和全球化发展是如何让原本由国家掌控的权力落入个人之手,令恐怖分子为非作歹的。
Russia’s aggression towards former Soviet states unnerves capitals in Europe while China’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors.4不久前,俄罗斯派兵入侵前苏联加盟共和国——乌克兰,这一军事动作牵动欧洲各国神经,与此同时,中国经济崛起及其军事走向则引发邻国担忧。
From Brazil to India, rising middle classes compete with us, and governments seek a greater say in global forums.And even as developing nations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social media makes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts, failing states and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice a generation ago.从巴西到印度,新兴中产阶级在与我们展开竞争,此外,各国谋求在国际事务中争取更多话语权。尽管发展中国家拥护民主、认同市场经济,但全天候新闻以及社交媒体报道使得人们无法对接连发生在这些国家的派系冲突、国家衰败与民众暴动等事件视而不见。然而,这些对于上一代人而言,只能引来他们的“侧目”罢了。
It will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world.The question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether America will lead but how we will lead, not just to secure our peace and prosperity but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe.如何能在新形势下有所作为的重担就要落在你们这一代的肩上了。摆在我们面前的问题,不是美国是否处在领导地位,而是她将如何引领各国;不只是美国能否实现繁荣发展,而是她如何能在全球范围内“播撒”和平与繁荣的“种子”,而这也是你们将来要面对的问题。
Now, this question isn’t new.At least since George Washington served as commander in chief, there have been those who warned against foreign entanglements that do not touch directly on our security or economic well-being.这个问题并非新鲜。至少,自乔治-华盛顿就任总司令——即美国爆发独立战争以来,就存在一些警告的声音,表示反对美国卷入与本国国家安全或经济福祉无直接关联的外部纷争之中。
Today, according to self-described realists, conflicts in Syria or Ukraine or the Central African Republic are not ours to solve.And not surprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, that view is shared by many Americans.现在,那些自诩为现实主义者的人认为,美国无需理会发生在叙利亚、乌克兰,以及中非共和国的冲突。的确,在经受了战争以及来自国内的多重挑战之后,这种观点为许多美国人所认同,这并不意外。
第五篇:高考,比任何时候都更接近梦想,补习
陕西品牌学校
为学生提供提优班,后进生转化,临界生拔高班,分层次教学,有针
对性提高。
如果你问我,十几年的学习生涯最刻骨铭心的是什么?答案只有一个:高考。
我上的高中是我们那边的重点学校。当年,我在的理科班本科上线率达到98%,也就是说,一个班级只有一两个人考不上大学。激烈的竞争环境,每个人都削尖脑袋往前挤。
正因为如此,整个学校的学习氛围浓得化不开。操场上、凉亭边、走廊上,随处可见拿着书本默背的人。即使是周末,自习室也是满满当当。
我们宿舍常常有人学习到凌晨两三点,早上不到六点又起来。我物理很差,也会熬夜补习。为了不影响舍友睡觉,就点着台灯钻到被窝里看。定律公式就像熟悉的陌生人,熟悉它的模样,可真正应用起来,却常常转不过弯。老师说,这叫没理解透。怎么才能理解透呢?这是那时一直困扰我的问题。
那是卷子满天飞舞昏天黑地的日子,早上六点到晚上十二点,除了短暂的休息,我所有的时间都在试题上刷刷而过。
我常常累得晕头转向,搞不清星期几,搞不清几点,躺在床上,连做梦都在解题。压力一大,我就吃不下饭,高强度的学习,身体很快就撑不住了。最严重的时候,只能去医院输葡萄糖补给。
我的成绩并不突出,中等水平,上个普通二本没问题。个性要强的我不甘心,心里暗暗发誓:一定要上个一本学校。于是,我给自己安排的学习计划更加紧密,紧密到没有一丝呼吸的空间。也许是逼自己太紧了,几次模拟考下来,成绩没有起色,很绝望。
一天,我爸问我成绩怎么样。电话这头,我泣不成声,恨自己无能,害怕所有的努力到
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为学生提供提优班,后进生转化,临界生拔高班,分层次教学,有针
对性提高。
头来竹篮打水一场空。我爸就安慰我说,人生就是这样啊,有心栽花花不开,无心插柳柳成荫。
这么多年过去,我一直用这句话来警醒自己:凡事尽力,但也顺其自然,不可强求。
当一切划上句号,所有为高考流过的汗和泪,都会真真切切融入到你的骨子里头。
有人这样形容,所有的感受都融合成为一种前所未有的复杂感觉,在整个环境的氛围渲染下,超越了单纯的“美好”或“痛苦”。
我相信,所有经历过高考的人都会懂。
此时此刻,我无比怀念高考。我怀念的是,那个蝉鸣鸟叫的夏日,台上讲课的数学老师;我怀念的是,不厌其烦给我讲题的前桌后桌;我怀念的是,课本以及习题册卷角的书页、五颜六色的笔记以及淡淡的墨水香;我怀念的是,那个为了目标不惜一切代价拼尽全力的自己„„
那年之后,我走了很多地方,认识了很多人,看过了很多风景,但是再也没有见过,比那个炎热的夜晚,从教室走出来时看到的更璀璨的星空了。
范玮琪《最初的梦想》唱得好:最想要去的地方,怎能在半路就返航?实现了真的渴望,才能够算到过了天堂。
祝福每一位高考生!现在的你们,比任何时候都更接近梦想。
陕西品牌学校
为学生提供提优班,后进生转化,临界生拔高班,分层次教学,有针
对性提高。