第一篇：英语演讲稿-美国总统林肯
I am honored to be with you today for your commencement from one of the finest universities in the world.Truth be told, I never graduated from college.And this is the closest I've ever gotten to a college graduation.Today I want to tell you three stories from my life.That's it.No big deal.Just three stories.今天，我很荣幸能和你们一起参加毕业典礼，斯坦福大学是世界上最好的大学之一。说实话，（虽然）我从来没有从大学中毕业，但今天是我生命中离大学毕业最近的一天了。今天我想向你们讲述我生活中的三个故事。不说大道理，就是三个故事而已。
The first story is about connecting the dots.第一个故事是关于如何把生命中的点点滴滴串连起来。
I dropped out of Reed College after the first 6 months, but then stayed around as a drop-in for another 18 months or so before I really quit.So why did I drop out?
我在里德学院读了六个月之后就退学了，但是在十八个月以后，我还经常去学校。我为什么要退学呢？
It started before I was born.My biological mother was a young, unwed college graduate student, and she decided to put me up for adoption.She felt very strongly that I should be adopted by college graduates, so everything was all set for me to be adopted at birth by a lawyer and his wife.Except that when I popped out they decided at the last minute that they really wanted a girl.So my parents, who were on a waiting list, got a call in the middle of the night asking: “We have an unexpected baby boy;do
you want him?” They said: “Of course.” My biological mother later found out that my mother had never graduated from college and that my father had never graduated from high school.She refused to sign the final adoption papers.She only relented a few months later when my parents promised that I would someday go to college.This was the start in my life.故事要从我的出生说起。我的亲生母亲是一名年轻未婚的大学毕业生。她决定让别人收养我，她十分想让大学毕业生收养我。所以在我出生前，她已经准备一切，让一位律师和他的妻子收养。但是她没有料到，在我出生后，律师夫妇突然决定要一个女孩。所以，我的养父养母（他们当时还在候选名单上）突然在半夜接到了一个电话：“我们有一个意外降生的男婴，你们想收养他吗？”他们回答说： “当然！” 但是我亲生母亲随后发现，我的养母从未上过大学，我的养父高中没毕业。于是她拒绝签订收养合同。但在几个月以后，因为我的养父养母答应她一定要让我上大学，她才心软同意了。
And 17 years later I did go to college.But I naively chose a college that was almost as expensive as Stanford, and all of my working-class parents' savings were being spent on my college tuition.After six months, I couldn't see the value in it.I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life and no idea how college was going to help me figure it out.And here I was spending all of the money my parents had saved their entire life.So I decided to drop out and would all work out OK.It was pretty scary at the time, but looking back it was one of the best decisions I ever made.The minute I dropped out I could stop taking the required classes that didn't interest me, and begin dropping in on the ones that looked far more interesting.在十七岁那年，我的确上大学了。但我天真地选择了一个几乎和斯坦福大学一样贵的学校，我父母还处于工薪阶层，为了交学费，他们几乎耗光所有积蓄。六个月后，我几乎看不到在学校的价值。我不知道（我生命中）要追求什么，我也不知道学校是否能帮我找到答案。但在学校，我将花光我父母这一辈子的积蓄。所以，我决定退学，并且我相信车到山前必有路。（不可否认），我当时非常害怕，但现在回头来看，这个决定是我一生中最明智决定之一。在我做出退学决定后，我再也不用去上那些我丝毫没有兴趣的必修课，我开始去听那些看起来有趣的课程。
It wasn't all romantic.I didn't have a dorm room, so I slept on the floor in friends' rooms, I returned coke bottles for the 5￠ deposits to buy food with, and I would walk the 7 miles across town every Sunday night to get one good meal a week at the Hare Krishna temple.I loved it.And much of what I stumbled into by following my curiosity and intuition turned out to be priceless later on.Let me give you one example:
这一点也不浪漫。没了宿舍，所以我要到朋友家睡地板；为了填饱肚子，我捡过值5美分的可乐罐；为了每周一顿的好一点的饭，每个星期天晚上，我穿街过巷，步行7英里到Hare Krishna教堂。我喜欢那里的饭菜。在好奇和直觉的引导下，我跌跌撞撞地遇到很多东西，这些后来被证明是无价瑰宝。我给你们举一个例子吧：
Reed College at that time offered perhaps the best calligraphy instruction in the country.Throughout the campus every poster, every label on every drawer, was beautifully hand calligraphed.Because I had dropped out and didn't have to take the normal classes, I decided to take a calligraphy class to learn how to do this.I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about varying the amount of space between different letter combinations, about what makes great typography great.It was beautiful,historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can't capture, and I found it fascinating.那时候，里德学院的书法课程也许是全美最好的。学校里的每个海报，抽屉上的每个标签，上面全都是漂亮的书法。因为我退学了，没有了正常的课程，所以我决定去上/书法课，去学学怎样写出漂亮的字。我学到了san serif 和serif字体，我学会了怎么样在不同的字母组合之中变化间距，还有怎么样做最好的版式。那种美感、真实感和艺术感，是科学永远不能捕捉到的，（我发现）那实在是太迷人了。
None of this had even a hope of any practical application in my life.But ten years later, when we were designing the first Macintosh computer, it all came back to me.And we designed it all into the Mac.It was the first computer with beautiful typography.If I had never dropped in on that single course in college, the Mac would have never had multiple typefaces or proportionally spaced fonts.And since Windows just copied the Mac, its likely that no personal computer would have them.If I had never dropped out, I would have never dropped in on this calligraphy class, and personal computers might not have the wonderful typography that they do.Of course it was impossible to connect the dots looking forward when I was in college.But it was very, very clear looking backwards ten years later.当时这些东西似乎在我生命中没什么可用之处。但十年之后，当我们在设计第一台Macintosh计算机的时候，就全部派上用场。我把当时我学的那些东西全都融入到Mac。那是拥有漂亮字体的第一台计算机。如果我当时没有退学，我没机会沉迷于书法课程，Mac就不会有种类繁多或的行距整齐的字体。如果Windows没有抄袭Mac，个人电脑很可能就不会这么多字体。如果我没有退学，我不会沉迷于书法课程，个人电脑很可能就不会这么多字体。当然了，我在学校的时候不可能把这些点点滴滴提前串连起来。但在十年之后回顾过去，这些东西历历在目。
Again, you can't connect the dots looking forward;you can only connect them looking backwards.So you have to trust that the dots will somehow connect in your future.You have to trust in something — your gut, destiny, life, karma, whatever.This approach has never let me down, and it would made all the difference.再说一次，你不可能把这些点点滴滴提前串连起来；你只能在回顾的时候把它们串连起来。所以你必须相信这些点点滴滴是和你的未来项链的。你必须要相信某些东西：直觉、命运、生命、因缘等等。这个方法从未让我失望过，它让我与众不同。
第二篇：美国总统林肯的演讲稿
美国总统林肯演讲稿
Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln March 4th 1861
Speech：
In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President “before he enters on the execution of this office.”
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered up” their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States”?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.Top
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was “to form a more perfect Union.”
But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.Top
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not.Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution;certainly would if such right were a vital one.But such is not our case.All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them.But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions.Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say.May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
第三篇：英语演讲稿-林肯
Emily/Canon 2012.12.26
An inspiring person to me(about five minutes)
Ladies and gentlemen:
Good morning!Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth president of America, possessed a legendary life and exerted a tremendous inspiration on me.It is his story that motivated me and encouraged me when adversities come to me.From him, I come to realize that if one can do something by persistence, then he or she will be extraordinary and succeed sooner or later.Now please allow me to briefly tell you about him.At the age of 22, he suffered a lot from his business, which made him awfully disappointed.Then he turned his mind into being a politician.Unfortunately, without enough economic funding and reputation, he failed again.Defeated twice in one year, he was undoubtedly painful.Subsequently, he decided to run for the election of state legislator for the second time, this time, he succeeded.From then on, he grew a hope that maybe he would rapidly go up in the world.Sadly, another misfortune fell on him after several years, his wife, as well as his spiritual support, passed away because of illness.This might be an extreme shock to him and he was next to collapsed.In 1843, he lost again in his election of American representatives.However, instead of being despair, Abraham Lincoln overcame his depression and turned it into a motivation which eventually led him to become arguably one of the greatest presidents in America.Moreover, he got over constant ridicule during the Civil War even when he was a president.But he never became dejected because of it.Actually, Abraham Lincoln could have given up every time he suffered.But, he faced up to all the difficulties with a brave heart anda strong will.He was one of those who not only looked adversity in an optimistic way but also learned valuable lessons on overcoming difficult circumstances and were able to move ahead.It inspires me a lot.As we all know, 800-meter-race is the necessary item to be tested in every semester, lacking adequate exercise, I always can’t finish the whole race.Since I learned more about Lincoln, every time I want to give up half way, his deeds will linger in my mind, this always supports me to achieve my goals.Never give up and everything is promising.No quitting, so winning.It is the perseverance that keeps bright the key to the door of achievement so we have no reason but to persist in everything we are doing.As Abraham Lincoln himself said, “I am a slow walker, but I never walk backwards.” Facing up difficulties, he didn’t hang back or run away, but hold on and fight for it instead.He had never thought how he should do if he failed again, but just kept on.There is no doubt that Abraham Lincoln is so great that he could inspire us all our life.No matter what time, no matter what may happen, I will never allow myself to give up.This spirit, will become my lifelong navigation.Thank you for your attention.
第四篇：美国总统演讲稿学英语
WASHINGTON— In this week’s address, President Obama expressed the gratitude of the entire nation to the brave men and women who have served in the war in Iraq, and welcomed our troops home as we mark the official end to the war.This historic achievement would not be possible without the skill and dedication of the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.They prove every day that when we come together, there is nothing we cannot do.Now it’s time to follow their example, put aside partisanship, and rebuild our economy so that every American who wants to work can find a job, and everyone has the opportunity to make it if they try.Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address The White House
Saturday, December 17, 2011
This week marked an historic moment in the life of our country and our military.For nearly nine years, our nation has been at war in Iraq.More than 1.5 million Americans have served there with honor, skill, and bravery.Tens of thousands have been wounded.Military families have sacrificed greatly – none more so than the families of those nearly 4,500 Americans who made the ultimate sacrifice.All of them – our troops, veterans, and their families – will always have the thanks of a grateful nation.On Thursday, the colors our Armed Forces fought under in Iraq were formally cased in a ceremony in Baghdad before beginning their journey back home.Our troops are now preparing to make their final march across the border and out of the country.Iraq’s future will be in the hands of its own people.Our war there will be over.All of our troops will be out of Iraq.And this holiday season, all of us can finally say: welcome home.This is an extraordinary achievement – one made possible by the hard work and sacrifice of the men and women who had the courage to serve.And there’s a lesson to learn from that – a lesson about our character as a nation.See, there’s a reason our military is the most respected institution in America.They don’t see themselves or each other as Democrats first or Republicans first.They see themselves as Americans first.For all our differences and disagreements, they remind us that we are all a part of something bigger;that we are one nation and one people.And for all our challenges, they remind us that there is nothing we can’t do when we stick together.They’re the finest our nation has to offer.Many will remain in the military and go on to the next mission.Others will take off the uniform and become veterans.But their commitment to service doesn’t end when they take off the uniform – in fact, I’m confident the story of their service to America is just beginning.After years of rebuilding Iraq, it is time to enlist our veterans and all our people in the work of rebuilding America.Folks like my grandfather came back from World War II to form the backbone of the largest middle class in history.And today’s generation of veterans – the 9/11 Generation of veterans – is armed with the skills, discipline, and leadership to attack the defining challenge of our time: rebuilding an economy where hard work pays off, where responsibility is rewarded, where anyone can make it if they try.Now it is up to us to serve these brave men and women as well as they serve us.Every day, they meet their responsibilities to their families and their country.Now it’s time to meet ours – especially those of us who you sent to serve in Washington.This cannot be a country where division and discord stand in the way of our progress.This is a moment where we must come together to ensure that every American has the chance to work for a decent living, own their own home, send their kids to college, and secure a decent retirement.This is a moment for us to build a country that lives up to the ideals that so many of our bravest Americans have fought and even died for.That is our highest obligation as citizens.That is the welcome home that our troops deserve.Thank you.
第五篇：美国总统演讲稿-学英语文章
Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
The White House
December 3 , 2011
This week, we learned that our economy added another 140,000 private sector jobs in November.Despite some strong headwinds this year, America’s economy has now created private sector jobsfor the past 21 months in a row – almost three million new jobs in all, more than half a million ofthem in the past four months alone.We need to keep this growth going and strengthen it.That’s why we’ve been fighting to pass aseries of jobs bills through Congress – bills that independent economists say will create more jobsand grow the economy even faster.Because now is the time to step on the gas, not slam on thebrakes.Unfortunately, too many Republicans in Congress don’t seem to share that same sense ofurgency.Over the last few months, they’ve said “no” to most of these jobs bills.“No” to puttingteachers and firefighters back to work.“No” to putting construction workers back on the job.Andthis week, they actually said “no” to cutting taxes for middle-class families.You see, last year, both parties came together to cut payroll taxes for the typical middle-classfamily by about $1,000.But that tax cut is set to expire at the end of this month.If that happens,that same family will see its taxes go up by $1,000.We can’t let that happen.In fact, I think weshould cut taxes on working families and small business owners even more.And we’re going to keep pushing Congress to make this happen.They shouldn’t go home for theholidays until they get this done.And if you agree with me, I could use your help.We’ve set up a simple tax cut calculator on WhiteHouse.gov so that you can see exactly what thestakes are for your family.Try it out.Then let your members of Congress know where you stand.Tell them not to vote to raise taxes on working Americans during the holidays.Tell them to putcountry before party.Put money back in the pockets of working Americans.Pass these tax cuts.We’re all in this together.The more Americans succeed, the more America succeeds.And if weremember that and do what it takes to keep this economy growing and opportunity rising, thenI’m confident that we’ll come out of this stronger than before.
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