管理局首任秘书长就职演讲稿

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第一篇:管理局首任秘书长就职演讲稿

主席先生,尊敬的同事们,值此我当选国际海底管理局首任秘书长一职,对你们给予我本人和我的国家-斐济这一崇高的荣誉表示最诚挚的谢意。

我从事海洋法方面的事务近30年。在这一时期,我积极参与了国际海洋法的发展,促进了1982年海洋法公约的普遍性,巩固了《公约》所取得的成就,并详细规划了使《公约》得以普遍接受的协商进程。我将本着近30年的同一献身与建设精神,工作在国际海底管理局秘书长这一新的岗位上。我要感谢你们所给予我的这一机会,也要感谢你们对我领导这一新的国际组织所表示的信心。我将尽我最大努力来证明你们的信心是完全有道理的。

这是一个非常重要的时刻。我们已经建立了管理局的三个主要机构,即大会、理事会和秘书处。然而,这仅仅是开始,有许多工作等着我们去完成。首先必须完成管理局的内部组织建设。我们必须要组成管理局的财务委员会和法律技术委员会;制订管理局各主要机构和附属机构的议事规则;完成秘书处的首期人员招聘工作。我们现在仅仅有一个初步的组织架构和去年留下的一笔预算,而这笔预算仅够少量行政岗位的开支。即使一切顺利,新的预算也要到明年才能使用,而这一新的预算基本上应建立在秘书处新的组织结构上,其中包括必要的实质性岗位和技术性岗位。

一旦完成管理局的组织结构和机构内部建设,我们必须在席位分配与预算规模等这些保持管理局正常运行的事务外,着手履行管理局的目标与职能。简单说来,管理局的职能是为管理作为人类共同继承财产的深海底资源提供一套机制,其目标是鼓励这些资源的有序开发以使国际社会作为一个整体能从中受益。为此目标,管理局要为愿意在海底进行投资开采资源的国家建立法律制度。这一制度应确保对所有深海底投资者一视同仁地提供法律保障,同时制订对投资者公平、对代表国际社会的管理局也有利的具体条款。

管理局发展的下一步应是广泛接触愿意在深海开展研究与开发活动的所有机构与人员,其中包括那些从事有关海洋技术设计与营销活动的机构与人员。通过与这些方面的接触,在发展深海技术系统方面努力营造双赢的局面。在这方面,应特别关注在联合国海底筹备委员会会议期间已登记的海底开发先驱投资者。如果没有深海采矿界的介入与参与,管理局所确定的目标是难以完成的。

我期待管理局所有成员国的合作与指导,共同使这一国际关系中的独特实验获得成功。

第二篇:管理局首任秘书长就职演讲稿

主席先生,尊敬的同事们,值此我当选国际海底管理局首任秘书长一职,对你们给予我本人和我的国家-斐济这一崇高的荣誉表示最诚挚的谢意。

这是一个非常重要的时刻。我们已经建立了管理局的三个主要机构,即大会、理事会和秘书处。然而,这仅仅是开始,有许多工作等着我们去完成。首先必须完成管理局的内部组织建设。我们必须要组成管理局的财务委员会和法律技术委员会;制订管理局各主要机构和附属机构的议事规则;完成秘书处的首期人员招聘工作。我们现在仅仅有一个初步的组织架构和去年留下的一笔预算,而这笔预算仅够少量行政岗位的开支。即使一切顺利,新的预算也要到明年才能使用,而这一新的预算基本上应建立在秘书处新的组织结构上,其中包括必要的实质性岗位和技术性岗位。

一旦完成管理局的组织结构和机构内部建设,我们必须在席位分配与预算规模等这些保持管理局正常运行的事务外,着手履行管理局的目标与职能。简单说来,管理局的职能是为管理作为人类共同继承财产的深海底资源提供一套机制,其目标是鼓励这些资源的有序开发以使国际社会作为一个整体能从中受益。为此目标,管理局要为愿意在海底进行投资开采资源的国家建立法律制度。这一制度应确保对所有深海底投资者一视同仁地提供法律保障,同时制订对投资者公平、对代表国际社会的管理局也有利的具体条款。

管理局发展的下一步应是广泛接触愿意在深海开展研究与开发活动的所有机构与人员,其中包括那些从事有关海洋技术设计与营销活动的机构与人员。通过与这些方面的接触,在发展深海技术系统方面努力营造双赢的局面。在这方面,应特别关注在联合国海底筹备委员会会议期间已登记的海底开发先驱投资者。如果没有深海采矿界的介入与参与,管理局所确定的目标是难以完成的。

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我期待管理局所有成员国的合作与指导,共同使这一国际关系中的独特实验获得成功。

第三篇:秘书长就职演讲

秘书长任职表态发言

尊敬的主任、各位副主任、秘书长、各位委员:

这次我被提名为市政府秘书长拟任职人选,接受市人大常委会的审议和表决,是组织对我的信任和考验。在今后的工作中,自己将努力做到以下几点:

一、增强政治意识,提高自身素养。坚持以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导,牢固树立科学发展观和正确的政绩观,进一步增强忧患意识、公仆意识和节俭意识,时刻保持共产党员的先进性,在政治上、思想上、行动上与党中央保持高度一致。坚定不移地贯彻落实党的路线、方针和政策,认真执行市委、市政府的各项决策。坚持在实际工作中勤于思考,勤于探索,在工作实践中增加知识、增添智慧、增长才干。

二、增强大局意识,主动搞好服务。未来五年,是商洛突破发展的关键时期,抢抓机遇、加快发展的任务十分艰巨。自己将在市委、市政府的领导下,围绕全市经济社会发展大局,加强调查研究,强化综合协调,积

极建言献策,当好参谋助手,团结带领市政府办一班人做到两个并重(政务、事务),搞好三个服务(为基层服务、为机关服务、为领导服务),强化四个确保(确保政令指挥畅通、确保信息传递快捷、确保协调各方有力,确保督查落实到位),推动各项工作落实。

三、增强法制意识,坚持依法行政。市政府办公室要做到依法行政,必须增强法制意识。自己将努力学法,带头执法守法,并切实加强对政府办公室工作人员的法律知识培训,不断提高干部队伍的法律素养。正确处理好发展、改革和依法行政的关系,坚持依法行政,严格依法办事,规范行政行为,维护公平正义,不断提高依法行政水平。

四、增强人大意识,自觉接受监督。人民代表大会制度是我国的根本政治制度,是人民行使管理国家权利的基本形式。作为市人大常委会审议任命的市政府组成人员,自己将认真执行人民代表大会及其常委会作出的一切决议、决定,自觉接受人大代表、人大常委会的监督,定期向人大常委会汇报工作情况,虚心听取并及时办理人大代表提出的议案、批评、意见和建议。同时,要虚心接受人民政协的监督、新闻媒体的监督和社会各

界的监督,不断规范自己的行政行为,提高工作质量和水平。

五、增强廉政意识,做好人民公仆。牢固树立廉洁奉公、艰苦奋斗、勤俭节约的思想,严格遵守党风廉政建设的各项规定,筑牢拒腐防变的防线,自觉做到自重、自警、自省、自励,堂堂正正做人,踏踏实实做事。坚持民主集中制原则,弘扬团队精神,做到与班子成员团结共事、合力干事、和谐成事。牢固树立执政为民的思想,切实做到权为民所用,情为民所系,利为民所谋,时刻保持与人民群众的血肉联系,当好人民的公仆。各位主任、各位委员,新的工作岗位是我工作新的起点,我将按照以上承诺,尽职尽责地做好本职工作,不辱使命,不负重托,努力为商洛经济社会又好又快发展做出自己应有的贡献。

谢谢大家!篇二:副秘书长就职演讲稿

尊敬的老师同学们,大家下午好!

我叫王传鑫,来自电信081班,我要竞选的是社管委副秘书长一职,今天,我要借着这个讲台,争取能够继续留在社团工作,在社团工作已经快一年了,从最初的懵懂、无知、不适应,到今天的熟悉、热爱和理解。我在老师和各位师兄师姐的带领下,逐渐成长为一名合格的社团工作者。两年的工作,使我明白,社管委是一个团结奋进的集体,是架起老师和同学、学校社团和各社团之间的友谊桥梁,经过社管委全体同学的努力,成功在各个社团间建立起信誉,为我校社团文化的发展做出了不朽的贡献。

我之所以竞选社管委的副秘书长,是基于以下三点原因: 第一,实干的作风,好学的心态督促我来竞选!我是抱着学习的态度进秘书处的。虽然我不懂的东西还很多,未知的困难不可预测,不过我好学,希望这个重要工作能在我踏实、诚恳、谦虚、负责的带领下,促进社管委协调、和谐、快速的发展;

第二、我想在实践中成长自己。作为一名当代大学生,只是学好书本知识是远远不够的,还需要在实践中来成长自己,成长为一名合格的大学生;

第三,良好的工作经验和深厚的社团感情促使我来竞选。我在社管委,主要是在秘书处工作,并担任秘书一职,和社团的朋友结下了深厚的感情。虽然社团工作有不少经验,但也有不少教训,不过我相信我可以胜任秘书处的工作。因为我坚信,付出和收获是成正比的,这也是我在社管委的最大收获。

如果我竞选成功,我将在以下三点开展工作,第一,总结上任的工作经验和教训,结合现在社管委的具体情况,为新工作的开展寻找一个合适的方向和目标;第二,秘书处的工作量大,事多。我将以身作则,为各社团树立榜样,勇于承担责任,尽我所 能帮助大家共同进步。还要充分发挥各位同学的主观能动性,做一名称职、优秀的领导;第三,协助主席团和各社团工作的顺利开展,加强社管委和各社团的联系,为社管委文化的繁荣和发展做出自己应有的贡献。

因此,我想在社管委发展和完善自己。以上就是我这次竞选的演说,希望各位老师和同学们多多支持,谢谢大家篇三:市人民政府秘书长就职演讲

市人民政府秘书长就职演讲

这次市人大常委会任命我为新一届湖州市人民政府秘书长,我深感责任重大。我一定不辜负党和人民的信任,在市委、市政府的正确领导下,在市人大及其常委会的监督、关心和支持下,恪尽职守、不辱使命、开拓创新、奋发有为,努力争创一流业绩,为推进湖州增强“三力”、率先崛起,加快建设现代化生态型滨湖大城市作出新的贡献。

一、真抓实干,当好参谋。要始终保持清醒的头脑,切实增强加快科学发展、构建和谐社会的紧迫感、责任感。要始终坚持解放思想、与时俱进,围绕中心、服务大局,努力在创新破难中研究新情况,提出新办法,解决新问题,推动工作的落实。力戒虚、假、浮,做

到求实、务实、抓落实。要切实履行职责,找准位子,为领导决策当好参谋和助手,努力在参谋重在谋,助手重在干上下功夫,认真做好协调、督查、服务、落实工作,不断提高工作效率。认真贯彻民主集中制原则,充分调动各位副秘书长的积极性,形成“心齐、气顺、劲足、实干”的良好氛围,不断建设成为一个开拓、务实、高效、廉洁的领导集体。

二、牢记宗旨,执政为民。要始终坚持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨,努力转变作风,改进工作方法,牢固树守公仆意识,始终保持同人民群众的密切联系,把最广大人民群众的根本利益作为一切工作的出发点和落脚点,深怀爱民之心、恪守为民之责、善谋富民主策、多办惠民之事。要注重调查研究,深入实际,倾听群众呼声,了解群众意原,集中群众智慧,为政府的科学决策提供可靠依据。要始终把人民群众的安危冷暖放在心上,切实为人民群众排忧解难,使自己的工作真正落实到奉献于事业,服务于人民之中。

三、强化制度,依法行政。要按照建设法制政府的要求,?切实增强法制意识和法治观念,提高依法办事、依法行政的自觉性。强化制度建设,规范办事制度、办事程序。要善于把依法行政的基本原则和要求,落实到政府办公室各项工作中去,善于运用法律手段处理解决实际问题,推进政府工作法制化。要严格遵守国家宪法、法律和人大通过的各项决议、决定,规范行政行为,深化政务公开。自觉接受人大及其常委会的法律监督,人民政协的民主监督和人民群众的社会监督,切实行使好人民赋予的权力。

四、严于律己,廉洁从政。要始终牢记“两个务必”,做到“八个坚持、,八个反

对”,努力做“八种良好风气”的模范实践者。严格遵守党风廉政建设各项规定,认真落实党风廉拓、务实、高效、廉洁的领导集体。篇四:省政府秘书长任职讲话

我叫xxx,现任xx市委副书记、市长。这一次省委提名我作为省政府秘书长候选人,感到非常激动。一方面是倍感压力,另一方面也充满信心。如果这次能够通过任命,我一定尽心尽力尽职尽责工作,一是立足于转,尽快进入角色,适应新的岗位,适应新的形势;二是立足于学,学习岗位知识,向同志们、向领导学习,认真研究政府机关工作规律,把工作扎实推进;三是立足于实,要把领导的意图、省政府的各项决议决策扎扎实实部署到位、监督到位、落实到位,同时把需要协调的问题也要落实到位;四是立足于细,对政府工作来说,每一件事都要一丝不苟,工作标准就是“零差错”;五是立足于严,严格遵守宪法和法律,严格执行省人大和常委会的各项决议决定,认真履职,并接受人大常委会监督;六是立足于正,清清白白做事,堂堂正正做人,让组织放心,让领导满意。

如果此次任命没有通过,说明我目前还不具备担任该职务的条件,我会正确面对,在组织安排的新的工作岗位上继续努力,向党和人民群众交一份满意的答卷。篇五:市委秘书长爱岗敬业就职演说材料 市委秘书长爱岗敬业就职演说材料 主任、各位副主任、秘书长、各位委员:

我于12月任市政府副秘书长、办公厅主任、党组书记,12月任市政府秘书长、党组成员,1月政府换届后继续担任市政府党组成员,本次被提名为市政府秘书长。主要职责是协助市长处理市政府日常事务,负责政府机关管理工作。协助市长管理市政府驻北京办事处,分管市政府办公厅、市接待办。今天我怀着十分激动和崇敬的心情,将任期内的工作打算作以汇报。

一、加强学习,提高素质,努力推动市政府管理工作的创新和发展。尽管我有在办公厅主任和秘书长岗位上工作7年的经历,但面对国际国内不断变化的新形势,为实现本届政府提出的经济社会又好又快发展,率先实现全面振兴的新要求,仍然需要加强学习,提高做好本职工作的能力。要继续深入学习党的xx大精神,深刻理解和准确把握其精神实质、科学内涵和基本要求,坚持用于指导工作实践,不断推进市政府管理工作的创新和发展。要牢固树立科学发展观,围绕政府工作大局,推动xx大精神在实际工作中的贯彻落实,以更深刻的认识、更开阔的思路、更有效的制度、更得力的措施,创新工作方式和工作机制。要采取切实有效的措施,深入做好政务公开、行政审批制度改革、iso9000质量管理体系认证等创新性工作,促进服务型政府建设。此外,要认真学习其他理论知识和管理知识,努力使自己的思想和工作体现时代性,把握规律性,富于创造性。

二、尽职尽责,求真务实,确保市政府政令畅通、高效运转 要认真履行好为市政府领导决策服务、为经济社会发展大局服务、为基层群众服务、为机关建设服务的基本职能,市政府秘书长作为市长的参谋助手。把主要精力放在市政府重大决策、重点部署的推进落实上,放在重要问题的协调解决上。坚持统筹谋划,科学安排,协助市政府主要领导做好以下工作:制定工作计划,明确目标任务,确定落实措施,推动我市经济社会和各项事

业又好又快发展;统筹做好市政府和政府领导的工作日程安排,加强与市委、人大、政协的沟通和协调,做好市政府副秘书长的分工、协调、管理和服务工作,使市政府工作更加规范有序;强化机关管理,完善市政府工作规章和制度,抓好机关纪律作风建设,规范公务员行政行为,努力建设为民务实清廉政府;抓好市政府重点工作的推进和落实,组织制定工作规划方案,分解任务,落实人员,加强督查督办,全力以赴推进各项工作。特别是要认真做好全市大型活动、重大工作事项的协调落实工作。

三、勤奋敬业,加强修养,自觉做到清正廉洁

用共产党员的先进性标准要求和规范自己,加强学习,加强修养,加强锻炼,自觉树立党员领导干部的良好形象。要坚持求真务实,认真负责,踏实苦干,不事张扬,高标准做好每项工作。要严格遵守廉洁从政各项规定,不断筑牢拒腐防变的防线,绝不搞以权谋私,清清白白做官。尊敬的主任、各任副主任、秘书长、各位委员,担任市政府秘书长职务,责任重大,任务艰巨,我将竭尽全力,恪尽职守,开拓创新,扎实工作,为全面完成本届政府的目标任务而努力奋斗。

第四篇:林肯首任就职演讲翻译练习

First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861

Fellow-Citizens of the United States:

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.“

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that--

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor.The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:

No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves;and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause ”shall be delivered up“ their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that ”the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States“?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was ”to form a more perfect Union.“

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not.Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution;certainly would if such right were a vital one.But such is not our case.All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them.But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions.Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say.May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities.If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease.There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other.If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority.For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?

Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people.Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism.Unanimity is impossible.The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible;so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government.And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice.At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges.It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended.This is the only substantial dispute.The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself.The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each.This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before.The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.Physically speaking, we can not separate.We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them.A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this.They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always;and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended.While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself;and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it.I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service.To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States.The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it.His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals.While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject.Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time;but no good object can be frustrated by it.Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it;while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either.If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action.Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war.The Government will not assail you.You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to ”preserve, protect, and defend it."

I am loath to close.We are not enemies, but friends.We must not be enemies.Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.7

第五篇:沈阳市癌症康复会首任秘书长

沈阳市癌症康复会首任秘书长

得了癌怎么才能活过来、活的好一些、活的时间长一些

当今癌症的死亡率的确很高。恐癌症在人们的心里占主导地位,尤其是一些被查出患了中晚期的癌症患者,当即没了天日,常常是为了求得活下来,搞得全家不宁人财两空;然而却有那么一小部分中晚期癌症患者经过顽强拼斗,合理的综合治疗活下来了,而且活的挺好,这在各地的抗癌群众组织里比比皆是。我就是一个晚期直肠癌的患者,至今已活了二十一年了。

我的经历:我生于一九三三年六月,现已近八十岁的人了,男,大专文化,曾任厂长,经济师。一九九二年退休于沈阳小型压缩机厂。

我是一九五三年参加工作,当过车工,一九五六年提干,一九五八年到北京机械学院学习工业管理,一九六二年任沈阳市机械局通用公司劳资科长,一九七六年任沈阳第一阀门厂厂长,一九八四年派往亏损严重的沈阳小型压缩机厂任厂长,直至退休。得病后,一九九六年参与组建了沈阳市癌症康复协会,任首届秘书长。

在小压机厂由于工作成效显著,第二年即扭亏增盈。在改革的浪潮中,由于我第一个提出集体企业不能成为“二全民”,要回归集体所有制的面貌,提出实行股份制,受到上级的重视推广。八七年被评为辽宁省集体所有制优秀厂长,还受到了当时国务院总理的接见。

我 的 病 史

我八七年工作正在劲头上,经常拉肚子,开始吃点药就过去了,到后来吃药也不顶用了,八九年三月份被查出直肠有3cmx4cm菜花状肿物。四月份做了手术,出院时,诊断书上写的是“乳头状腺瘤”,我信以为真是“良性”的,我非常庆幸,错误的去疗养院洗温泉(因为温泉水还有氡元素,肿瘤患者不宜洗),半年后,九零年即恢复了工作,站好最后一班岗。九二年底退休。退休后不到二年复发,九三年五月份做了第二次手术,肛门移到了肚子上了,再也庆幸不起来了,至此十七年来肚子上天天带着个“厕所”。当时由于不适应。大便到处流,被服、衣裤到处粘着大便,一点活的心都没有了,反正已经六十多岁了,死了算了。我干脆拒绝化疗,也不吃药,在家里等死。在家呆了两个多月,心情逐渐平静下来了,开始有了点求生的欲望。这时有人劝我学习“郭林新气功”,说它能治癌,我摇头不信。因为退休后我练过其他气功,都练出癌来了,再学有什么用。时间一天天的过去了,也没有死,总在家呆着也不是回事。我才让我老伴陪着我拄着拐杖到了公园,试验性的学练了郭林新气功,感觉有点意思。特别是看到一些练郭林新气功的病友,一个个精神都挺好,而这些病友都特别爱帮助人,给你讲练功的好处,让你买几本有关抗癌的书看看,还介绍北京八一湖抗癌乐园的抗癌情况。使我心情有了很大的转变。尤其是看了柯岩的“癌症不等于死亡”、高文彬(誉为抗癌司令)的“癌症康复者谈抗癌”、以及北京中医院肿瘤科主任郁仁存的“癌症诊治350问”。这些书看了以后我心情有了一百八十度的大转变,不仅不想死了,而且要坚决与癌症斗下去,活出模样来。九四年第一次进京到八一湖抗癌乐园,向于大元、孙云彩等老师求教学习。以后的十几年我每年都要进京求教,并参加郭林气功教学班进修。在沈阳为病友康复教练郭林新气功,同时促进了我更多学习癌症康复知识。我每年都订阅国内知名的康复杂志。在我经济不宽裕的情况下,我还买了大量有关抗癌书籍,学习抗癌知识,其中有的是中医药的,也有世界名人写的。结合我这些年自己抗癌的实践和一些病友在抗癌中的经验和教训。我认为癌症到目前为止是一种容易死人,不宜治好的病,但是如果治疗的路子走对,一般来说还是有可能活下来的,而且还能活的质量好一些,时间长一些,临终时不死在癌上就是最后胜利。

我 的 抗 癌 体 会

一是抗癌首先要取得精神上的康复,自我心里治疗这服“药”要先抓到手。

一个人被查出来癌症可以说百分之百都下一跳,我现在话说的挺轻巧的,可是我当时也认为不久于人世。可是至今我没有死,还活的挺好。还能在群体抗癌中帮助癌友走正确康复的路。回过头来,看我自己走的路,结合与广大病友的康复经验,精神首先康复是主导因素。但是如何取得精神的康复决不是一句话这么简单,癌症患者一般都有几个特点:一是得癌前身体都比较好,二是在工作上多数比较上进,工作中的骨干、标兵。三是不太自私愿意帮助人。四是一般都比较聪明。得了癌以后普遍感到委屈,我个人是这样,这些年帮助上千的癌友也是如此。然而,到每一个具体患友身上,也有他的个体差异,具体情况完全不一样:有的年轻、有的事业有成、有的考虑家庭等等。越考虑的这些就越害怕,心情就越紧张,长此下去在与癌斗争是没法取得胜利的。世界卫生组织在对癌症康复中,精神康复是占百分之四十五,这是多么大的比重,治疗只占百分之二十五,可见不花钱的精神康复是多么重要。然而取得精神上的康复却不是一句话的事情,也不那么简单。要想在精神上尽快的到康复,我认为重要的方法就是要到群体抗癌的组织中去活动。去找那些“老癌”们聊聊,参与他们之间的活动,和他们一起练练郭林气功,这是取得精神康复的好方法,逐渐的心态平和下来,也就不怕死了,坚定了与癌斗争的决心。我就是走的这步棋,我多次去北京八一湖抗癌乐园也是为了感受这种气氛,一个人的精神健康了免疫力就会增强的。你身上的兵抗击敌人的时候就能以一当十,否则十不当一。我这些年在抗癌斗争中,结合我的历史和得病的经历,以及我目前的经济状况,为了平和我的心态,还编了一个顺口溜:在外不惹事,回家不找事,千万别生气,吃点亏受点屈别拿当回事,不攀、不怨、不后悔,忘了名忘了利,稀里糊涂过一辈。能做到这一点平和的心态就有了。

二是合理治疗即首选西医结合中医走综合治疗的路子。

我得癌先四次手术,大的两次,小的两次,都是在西医专业医院做的。我这些年的抗癌经历,特别是当今社会上出现的各种治癌的新方法新手段,尽管如此我认为癌症治疗在癌症康复全过程中只是一部分,当然也是一个很重要的部分,治疗必须首选西医,因为只有西医通过各种仪器检查化验,可以说一揭两瞪眼非常清楚。别的方法,包括中医你可能查出身上不适之脏腑器官,但你不会知道它的具体病况。所以在西医查出病的基础上,该手术的手术以及必要的放疗、化疗,但是单纯西医的治疗实践证明难以把癌彻底治好,癌症的转移率和复发率相当高。我十几年在与癌斗争的过程中,看到单独用西医治疗最后死在癌上的比重还是相当高的。为此我的实践中,在专业西医医院治疗之后,长期的康复阶段(专业医院治疗总结后一直到生命的终止,都属于与癌斗争的康复时期,只不过前三五年是重要阶段),要用中药、体能锻练、饮食、情趣调理等手段来实现癌症的康复。现在我先谈谈我是怎么结合中医治疗的,对此我也有一个认识过程。开始由不相信中医到被动吃中药,最后自觉的理性的用中药与癌做斗争。

开始我认为中药就那么点汤汤水水能治癌不理解。尤其是我有病初期在沈阳遇到一个治癌的“名医”,一付药七十多块(当时我的退休费一个月只有二百四十多块钱),简直不可思议,我是拒绝的。九四年春节到北京,重新拜师学功时,一些病友劝我吃中药(当时北京的中药一付六、七块钱),我接受了,但是是被动的。以后在病友的不断帮助下,说吃中药是全面调节人的整体环境,增强体制,长期用下去必有抗癌作用。并劝我多读中医抗癌的书,订点有关杂志,学点抗癌知识,我听了劝导,从九五年开始,我逐渐认识到中药在抗癌中的作用。现在我认为,它是抗癌防止复发转移的一种不可缺少的重要手段。但是,怎么和中医结合,对一些新病友却是一个难点,一是对中医药在癌症康复的重要性不认识,二是对中医药在治癌中的作用不懂,三是加之当前社会上治癌的神方颇多,使新病友无所适从。

当前如何稿好癌症康复要结合好中医,作为病友首先要认识到中医药在抗癌中的作用,单纯就癌治癌选择中药是不对的,何况也没有一下子就能把癌细胞杀死的中药。目前,社会上治癌的中医大体可分为三类:一他是一个中医,想把癌治好,但片面模仿西医,单独采取杀死癌细胞来用药,以毒攻毒,结果对虚弱的身体不管,这样的中医应该想想,西医的放化疗那么厉害都不行,你用蝎子、蜈蚣以毒攻毒就能治癌吗?还有过于活血化瘀,大补,不可取。二是中医宣称祖传秘方,一付药几百块,甚至上千块,那纯属抓癌症患者急于求医的心里来骗钱。我在沈阳癌症康复协会任秘书长时,就有找我,声称他祖传五代秘方治癌特效。要与我合作,我问他祖传五代,按一代三十年计算,一百五十年前你们家就会治癌?他无话可说。三是真正治癌的中医,他不是就癌治癌,他是研究这个患者的整体环境,癌只是身上的一部分,他首先调整患者身上的整体环境,用药把身上的抵抗能力提升上来,逐渐孤立癌灶。在此基础上,在配以有克制癌的中药。这叫扶正祛邪。

我在抗癌当中,用药有个原则:一是用中汤药,基本上不吃成药(个别与汤药配合的例外),这是因为汤药是在大夫望、问、闻、切的前提下开方吃药,这叫做“拿病找药”;而成药是个固定方子,对有的患者有效,有的则无效。比方说,你吃不下饭它管不管?睡不着觉它管不管?这叫“拿药找病”碰上算。我由于学习了一些中药知识,特别是中药在治癌中的原则,药方的开出必须是以调整全身整体环境为主(扶正)兼而去邪(攻癌),决不能就癌治癌,单纯用一些“治癌”的中药。因为一个人得了癌经过手术、放化疗一般都气血两亏。所有脏器都不同的受到损伤。而中药在调理这些方面却又独到之处。整体环境调整好了孤立了癌灶,抵抗能力就上来了。本身的免疫功能就可杀伤癌细胞,加之有攻击去邪的药物相辅相称、就可以杀死癌细胞。但是,中药是个慢功,不要急于求成,特别是那些身上有病灶的,吃上几个月就想去掉是不可能的。衡量中药是否有效,一是看方子对不对路(这对新病号有难度,所以要选对中医),二是吃一段时间,比如无病灶的,身上逐渐有劲,吃饭香,有食欲,睡觉实,大小便正常,这就叫有效;有病灶的吃上两三个月,病灶发展不快,慢下来了,身上较前舒服,这也是有效;再吃几个月,病灶不发展了,这就是大效。长期下去病灶就会逐渐缩小,当然还必须配练郭林新气功,才能有较好的疗效。“抗癌司令”高文斌带瘤吃中药,练气功,十一年肿瘤才消失(这十几年也出了不少波折)。所以要找对大夫,对待吃中药必须得有个正确认识,我从一九九四年正月吃中药,一直吃到一九九九年三月,整整吃了五年停药后前两年开春后再吃两个月,有时还用一两味中药代茶饮(我现在早已经不吃汤药了)。

我吃中汤药有六种情况的药不用:一是开出的方子保密我不吃,这种药不但是剥夺患者的知情权,多数是以谋利为主;二是方中就癌治癌,以毒攻毒的药我不吃、过多的活血化瘀的药我不吃、大补的药我不吃、如人参等;三是方子过大的药我不吃,一付药三四十味甚至七八十味,主次不分;四是一付药上百块钱,甚至上千块我不吃,这些多数是骗患者钱的;五是吃中汤药讲究疗程我不吃,因为癌因究竟是怎么回事,至今也不明白,哪来的疗程?它不像放化疗的疗程,那是根据患者身体的耐受量;六是能包治癌的药我不吃,世界上至今治癌都未过关,可想而知包治是不可信的。

但是吃中汤药也不要吃愚了,该需要西医治的必须不失时机的找西医治疗,这也是中西医结合的一个方面。

此外对一些所谓抗癌的“高级”保健品我从来不使用。对一些生物制剂,因经济条件,我也没碰过。

这是我抗癌中,中西医结合的一项中药手段,多少年来我在帮助癌友抗癌中,应用上述经验结合郭林新气功锻炼,多数都取得较好的效果。

三是坚持体能锻炼习练郭林新气功

郭林新气功是郭林老师得癌先后做过大小六次手术,久治不愈的情况下,创编的一套抗癌健身气功。她习练此功多活了三十多年。在七十年代传入社会,全国各地都有习练者。而且风靡日本、东南亚、美国、加拿大等世界各个国家。关于郭林气功的疗效,郭林气功的一些教材已有精辟的讲述。在这里我只讲讲我炼功的体会。

我十七年来的练功、教功,有收获也有教训,开始练功的前几年,为了快把癌控制住,不复发比较认真,稍后就有些松懈,出现被动练功的情况。后来我看到有的病友开始练功吃中药恢复挺好,三两年以后都停了又复发的教训。我才进一步研究郭林新气功内涵、机理、以及练功时间长短,要根据病情轻重,康复时间长短辩证安排。逐渐由被动练功进入到自觉练功,由“必然王国”到“自由王国”,对待新病友练功也能做到根据病情辩证安排。

我对郭林新气功抗癌的机理,除教材上讲述的外,我的体会:一是练功时绝对不要死抠姿势,在掌握要领的前提下,一定要放松、自然,走适应自己体质的速度;二是要持之以恒,绝对不能三天打渔两天晒网;三是要根据自己的病情,安排练功时间的长短。刚出院的要练够整套,身上带病灶的要加练快功,超过三年以上稳定的可以减少快功,缩短一点练功时间,总之要辩证施功。此外,要深刻理解“脚跷、手摸、吸吸呼”以及吐音功的真正内涵。

脚跷:明白它是疏通脚上六条经络和阴跷、阴维,阳跷、阳维脉。全套行功下来要走一万步左右,这就要触动脚上经脉相应次数,起到了疏通,按摩经络的作用。

手摸:是式子导引的一种,手上的六条经络,通过导引,它可以引导身体的内气按照一定的规律和方向运行。中医讲“痛则不通”“通则不痛”。我认为用这种方法引导内气疏通经络对治病健身就有作用。

吸吸呼:它不仅能够大量的摄取氧气(八零年清华大学一些练此法的病友做过测试,全套行功下来,吸氧量可超过正常二十倍之多),更重要的是两吸一呼,加长了新鲜空气在肺内的滞留时间。在进行两吸一呼时,第一个吸完后,在吸第二个时,中间有一个短暂的平息时间,而呼时与第二个吸之间也要有一个短暂平息时间,这样就延长了空气在肺内的滞留时间。使氧与体内的二氧化碳交换更加充分,人体的摄氧量增加了,坚持下去,当然对人体健康,对病体康复有极大好处。美国休斯顿癌症研究中心雷久南博士对癌瘤的形成有个论点是:癌细胞是由于正常细胞缺氧功能变态而形成的。我们的抗癌健身法,恰恰是增氧运动,是非常有利于抑制癌细胞的武器。

此外吐音:一是吐音时要大强度的深呼吸,吐音过程有较长一段时间的平息,这样加大了肺内新鲜空气的滞留时间。同样氧与二氧化碳交换更加充分,促进人体对氧的摄入量;二是在吸取了大量的新鲜空气,大喊十数声,有增加肺活量或减缓肺活量衰减的功能,肺活量的大小也是人体健康的一个重要标志;三是从心理学讲,大声喊叫也是一种内在情绪的宣泄。有的癌友说过:清晨公园几声吼,癌魔也要抖三抖。不是没有道理的。

以上这些道理我弄通了,我练功的自觉性有了质的飞跃。现在我练抗癌郭林气功已近二十年了,因特殊情况没练功也未超过十天(个别因工作、活动有练不全的时候),下雨天穿雨具,下雪天扛着扫帚扫出个地方来就练,有时顶着雪花练更有一番情趣。多年来,很少感冒过,有时候冻的流眼泪、鼻涕的,回家呆一会儿就好。

目前,我的功目安排是:一是:定步功十八个后,接下去自然行功四十分钟;二是升降开合吐音功(我因有糖尿病做降指标的升降开合),吐九对一高一低;三是中快功二十分钟;四是一、三步点功每节十分钟共二十分钟。全部做完,我还做五十四个肾俞定步功,吐九对“羽”音一高一低。(病友初期不宜练肾俞定步功)。

四是饮食的合理安排

癌症患者的饮食,营养学家有许多论点。什么一二三四五,红黄绿白黑,以及一些流传中的“高级”营养食品。我研究了它们的利弊,都没有什么刻意的追求,我只是根据我的身体情况随意而已,但我粗细搭配,蔬菜多以十字花科及绿叶菜等为多,蛋、肉也比较随意,只是绝对不吃猪头肉。得病头几年也不吃热量高的如:鸡、羊、狗头等以及“营养”特丰富的如海参、甲鱼、蛋白粉,因为它们可能有“双刃剑”的功能;其他如菌类、豆类也经常吃,只是不特意吃这吃那,用餐时间比较定时,唯独对有抗癌作用的薏米仁(薏米),特别钟爱。有关资料报道,它不仅是一味中药材,而且作为主食排在抗癌食品的第一位,对肠癌有独特的治疗作用,坚持食用,大肠里的息肉可以去掉,所以从一九九六年开始至今每周至少吃六次,每天早晨喝一碗薏米粥,我的肠息肉早就没见发展。此法传给病友至今已有近十几例肠息肉的病友,喝半年到一年都不见了,我十多年还坚持早餐一定吃好(不过饱),一碗薏米粥外加两片面包一个鸡蛋,出去练功。薏米粥的做法

用料:薏米三两,糯米三两(糯米有补中益气,治慢性胃炎的作用)或另外加点红小豆,这是三天的量。

做法:先将薏米泡八个小时以上,用高压锅煮八成熟,再加上糯米和红小豆,煮烂即可。冷却后放在冰箱里是三天的用量,每天吃时拿出一份加热后加点冰糖吃{糖尿病者不加}。薏米粥长期使用还有美容的作用,也可以全家吃。

注:一是关于吃甲鱼我这些年在群体抗癌中,没看到谁吃甲鱼对抗癌有帮助。曾经有一位职位较高的干部得了胃癌,手术后家人为了让他补身体,前后买了几十只甲鱼,结果就不需要说了。还有的病友,经济本来就很困难,也花五六百块买几只甲鱼,结果于事无补。

二是关于吃海参,海参是个好东西,有营养,十几年前我还羡慕过,但是我没有钱吃,可是近几年的实践证明,癌症患者不宜吃海参,特别是那些病情不稳定的,更不能吃,用的不当,它有帮助肿瘤增长的作用,是个“双刃剑”。最近几年我就看到二十多例多吃海参复发转移的,其中有几位三个月吃了五六斤海参,结果肿瘤满身都是,所以我认为以不吃为好。

五是情趣的调理。

得癌后,我逐渐领会到了心里治疗治疗作用,一切尽量往宽处想,找宽心事干,正如我前面那个宽心顺口溜那样。我不对过去的辉煌成就和英雄气概而留恋,也不为今天成为一个癌症患者而抱怨(我去年才有医保,退休费今年才每月一千二百元),这些年来我除了把主要精力放在练功外,就是研读学习有关抗癌知识,帮助癌友们正确的与癌做斗争,传授他们郭林新气功,和一些抗癌知识。我也算是当地的一个与癌魔斗争有经验的“老癌”了。每当有癌友在斗争中挺过恐惧与焦虑状态时,我特别有成就感,心情特别高兴、舒展,不亚于注射了一针兴奋剂。

剩下的时间就是找一些有益于开拓心情的事情做,绝不躺在床上想自己的病如何如何。我放过风筝,冬天天黑的早,我有时候背背英语单词,虽然过后忘了,也是个乐趣。有时也搞搞郊游,绝不做耗费精力的事(如打麻将、得病三年内不到外地旅游),也是其乐无穷。

此外关于那些还在工作或是搞经营事业的患者,出院不久就工作,说上几句话。留的青山在不怕没柴烧。凡是这样的患者,复发率太高了,结果治疗无效而去。我总结的教训是,得癌后,三五年内不要工作,起码三年内不能工作,因为一是头三年每天要用药,每天要练功,还要经常到医院复查,也没有时间(否则只有不练功),剩下一点时间还要找点开心的事干。二是癌症患者刚得病不久去工作,别人会拿另眼看待你。他们多数人认为你是一个不久于人世的人、背后指指点点。笔者遇到这样一个实例,一个教师患癌出院不久后就工作,中午到食堂买饭,买了条鱼,他拿到手以后让炊事员给他换,炊事员不给换,吵了起来,被校长看到,校长把炊事员批评了,说他要换你就给他换,不行你就再给他一条,你不知道他是快要死的人吗?校长是好意,但也看到了人们对癌的恐惧心理,如果你得癌保密不让人知道,你的心情会更加处在紧张状态。免疫功能力就会低下。在这种环境中你上班心情能好吗?免疫力能不低吗?三是工作就会有矛盾,我们得了癌一怕劳累、二怕费心,劳心是最不利于癌症康复的,往往有些患者就为一件事想不开,而复发,转移,去了。四是癌症不传染但在一些人们心中视为癞蛤蟆跳到脚背上—--不咬人讨厌人。

可是过三年以后我们没有死,而且活的挺精神,一般人也会说我们是误诊了,得的不是癌,我们这个时侯工作何乐而不为(练功可以少一点,但是要安排好)。

六.温暖正确的后勤保障

得癌后温暖正确的后勤保障,对患者的康复是非常非常重要的。在这里我要首先感谢我的老伴,二十多年来为我的多次手术担惊受怕,为我的衣食天天操劳,不管我造漏后衣裤占了多少大便她从不嫌弃,反而安慰我给我洗给我做,为了得到正确的康复方法,她从不道听途说,鼓励我到公园学郭林新气功,后来又陪我到北京八一湖抗癌乐园学习进修。前五年从不间断的给我熬中药,坚持至今每天早上给我做薏米粥。后来由于我懂一些癌症康复知识,她也很愿意听我讲一些癌症营养饮食,并尽可能满足我的需要。

然而,这些年来我在癌友走群体抗癌之路的过程中,也看到一些患者的家属,首先乱了阵脚,这虽然可以理解,但是不迅速扭转是无益于患者康复的。

表现得:一是“过度关怀”,特别是经济条件好一点的,除了在医院治疗外,到处找“好药”,至于好药的标准一是进口,二是价贵,三是说的“好”,有的花费几十万,甚至上百万,结果治疗效果很少有理想的;二是只听广告选用“高级保健品”;三是到处找祖传“神方”;一剂药几千块,还有找偏方中毒的;四是猛吃好的,什么甲鱼、海参、蛋白粉等,结果不但于是无补,出现相反恶果;再不就是大忌口,什么都不让患者吃。还有就是在患者面前明显的怜悯同情,照顾的无微不至,出外怕风吹着,在家又怕热着,使得患者本身感觉成了另类的人,不仅无利与康复,反而会使患者本身感到失望。

有上述情况的后勤们,希望尽早带领患者到群体抗癌人群中去学习他们的抗癌经验。

以上是我这些年抗癌中的初浅体会。

我现在年龄已近八十了,面色红润,声音洪亮,还继续担负这传授着郭林新气功的教学事宜,并帮助新病友树立抗癌信心,走正确的抗癌道路,看来我再活一段时间是大有可能的吧!

林丛训

2010-2-28

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