休斯顿牧师协会演讲译文【原创】（本站推荐）

第一篇：休斯顿牧师协会演讲译文【原创】（本站推荐）

休斯顿牧师协会演讲译文【原创】

Reverend Meza, Reverend Reck, I'm grateful for your generous invitation to state my views.尊敬的Meza，尊敬的Reck，我衷心感谢你们宽宏大度地邀请我来阐述我的观点。

While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that I believe that we have far more critical issues in the 1960 campaign;the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers only 90 miles from the coast of Florida--the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power--the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctors bills, the families forced to give up their farms--an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.These are the real issues which should decide this campaign.And they are not religious issues--for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barrier.所谓的宗教问题理所当然地作为今晚的主题，而则要从一开始就强调我相信我们在1960年的竞选中有更重要的问题；共产主义影响的蔓延，直到它已经侵蚀到距离佛罗里达海岸只有90英里的地方—那些藐视我们实力的大国们对我们的正、副总统的羞辱—我在西弗吉尼亚州见过的饥饿的儿童们，交不起医疗费的老人们，被迫交出土地的家庭—一个贫民窟过多，学校过少，迟迟没有载人登月和进入外层空间的美国。这些不是宗教问题—因为战争、饥饿、无知和绝望可不受宗教限制。

But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured--perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this.So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again--not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me--but what kind of America I believe in.但是因为我是天主教徒，并且还没有天主教徒当选过总统，本次选举中的现实问题就变得扑朔迷离了—或许是那些不像贵协会一样负责任的团体人为造成的。所以我显然有必要重申—我信仰什么宗教无所谓，因为这只对我自己重要—但是我信仰什么样的美国才重要。

I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute;where no Catholic prelate would tell the President--should he be Catholic--how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote;where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him, or the people who might elect him.我信仰这样一个美国，那里政教彻底分开；那里没有天主教士会告诉总统—他是否应该是天主教徒--如何作为，没有新教牧师会告诉他的教民投谁的票；那里没有教堂或教会学校可以获得公共基金或政治偏爱，那里没有人会仅仅因为他的宗教与可能提拔他的总统不同或与可能选举他的人们不同而失去公职。

I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish;where no public official either requests or accept instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source;where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials, and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.我信仰一个美国既非天主教、新教，也非犹太教；那里没有政府官员就公共政策要求或接受教皇，教会的全国会议或任何其它基督教会的指示；那里没有宗教团体谋求直接或间接地把他的意志强加于大众或官员的公共作为上，那里宗教自由是如此不可剥夺，以至于反对一个教会的行动会被认为是反对所以教会。

For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been--and may someday be again--a Jew, or a Quaker, or a Unitarian, or a Baptist.It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that led to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom.Today, I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be you--until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped apart at a time of great national peril.尽管今年天主教徒可能被千夫所指，但是其它年份曾经是—也许某一天再一次是犹太教徒，或贵格会教徒，或唯一神教徒，或浸礼教徒。例如对浸礼教传教士们的侵害，导致杰弗逊宗教自由条款的诞生。今天，我可能是受害者，但是明天可能就是你—直到我们和谐社会的大厦在大国难中彻底崩塌。

Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end, where all men and all churches are treated as equals, where every man has the same right to attend or not to attend the church of his choice, where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind, and where Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, at both the lay and the pastoral levels, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.最后，我信仰一个美国，那里宗教冲突将在某一天结束，那里所有人和所有教派都一视同仁，那里每个人都有同样的权力选择参加或不参加教派，那里没有天主教投票或非天主教投票，没有任何派系投票，那里天主教徒、新教徒、犹太教徒，无论处于普通教徒还是牧师一级，将戒除过去常常与他们的工作形影不离的鄙视和对立态度，取而代之的是倡导一种美国的兄弟情谊理念。

That is the kind of America in which I believe.And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe, a great office that must be neither humbled by making it the instrument of any religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding it--its occupancy from the members of any one religious group.I believe in a President whose views on religion are his own private affair, neither imposed upon him by the nation, nor imposed by the nation upon him¹ as a condition to holding that office.这就是我所信仰的美国。它代表我信仰的总统职责，一个伟大的职位既不会因为被作为任何宗教团体的工具而威信扫地，也不会因为被掌控而声名狼藉—被任何宗教团体的成员们掌控。我信仰的总统的宗教观点是他自己的事，既不是国家强加给他的，也不是国家强加给他作为担任总统的条件。

I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty;nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so.And neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test, even by indirection.For if they disagree with that safeguard, they should be openly working to repeal it.我不会带着偏爱高看一个致力于修改宗教自由第一次修订案的总统；我们的监督制衡机制也不会允许他这么做。我也不会带着偏爱高看那些试图用要求宗教审查甚至间接议案修改宪法第六款的人们。因为如果他们不赞同这个保障，他们可以公开对其抗诉。

I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all and obligated to none, who can attend any ceremony, service, or dinner his office may appropriately require of him to fulfill;and whose fulfillment of his Presidential office is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual, or obligation.我希望一个首席执行官的公共作为对所有人负责而不是对某个人的义务，只要他的职责要求他履行，他可以出席任何仪式、礼拜或宴会；他履行总统职责不受任何宗教誓言、仪式或义务的限制或制约。

This is the kind of America I believe in--and this is the kind of America I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe.No one suggested then that we might have a divided loyalty, that we did not believe in liberty, or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened--I quote--“the freedoms for which our forefathers died.” 这就是我所信仰的美国—这就是我在南太平洋为之战斗的美国，这就是我的哥哥在欧洲为之牺牲的美国。那时没有人指出我们是否有分立的忠诚，我们不信仰自由，或属于一个不忠诚的群体威胁着—我引用原话—“我们的先辈为之牺牲的自由”。

And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers did die when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches--when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom--and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo.For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died Fuentes, and McCafferty, and Bailey, and Badillo, and Carey--but no one knows whether they were Catholics or not.For there was no religious test there.事实上，这才是我们的先辈们为之牺牲的美国，他们躲避不让不受青睐的教会成员就认公职的宗教审查誓言时投奔的美国—他们为宪法、权利法案、宗教自由的弗吉尼亚条款战斗的美国—他们在我今天访问的圣地，阿拉莫战斗的美国。与Bowie 和 Crockett一同就义的有Fuentes, McCafferty, Bailey, Badillo和Carey—没有人知道他们是否天主教徒。因为那时没有宗教审查。I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition--to judge me on the basis of 14 years in the Congress, on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools--which I attended myself.And instead of doing this, do not judge me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and rarely relevant to any situation here.And always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed Church-State separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.我今晚恳请你们遵从这个传统—根据我14年的国会工作经历，根据我宣布的反对驻梵蒂冈大使，根据我反对对教会学校的违宪资助，根据我反对抵制任何公立学校—我曾经就读于公立学校--的立场来判断我。绝不能与此相反，根据那些我们都看到的小册子和出版物的内容来判断我，因为它们断章取义，摘录通常是其他国家的，经常是几个世纪前的天主教会领导人的讲话，与当今这里的情况毫不相干。当然总是回避美国主教在1948年的讲话，这个讲话强烈支持政教分立，这更接近几乎所有美国天主教徒的观点。

I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts.Why should you? 我对其它关于我的公共作为的断章取义不屑一顾，你们呢？

But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the State being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or prosecute the free exercise of any other religion.And that goes for any persecution, at any time, by anyone, in any country.And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants, and those which deny it to Catholics.And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would also cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as France and Ireland, and the independence of such statesmen as De Gaulle and Adenauer.但是请允许我说，针对其他国家，我坚决反对国家被宗教团体利用，无论是天主教还是新教，来强迫、禁止或迫害任何其它宗教的自由行动。对其它任何迫害，无论何时、由谁行使、在任何国家，我都反对。我希望你和我以同样的感情谴责那些拒绝新教徒担任总统和拒绝天主教徒担任总统的国家。与其提及这些异己国家的恶行，我不如提及在诸如法国和爱尔兰等国家的天主教会的记录以及诸如戴高乐和亚当诺这样的政治家的独立。

But let me stress again that these are my views.但是请允许我强调我的这些观点。

For contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President.与公共报纸的说法不同，我不是天主教总统候选人。

I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic.我是民主党总统候选人恰巧是天主教徒。

I do not speak for my church on public matters;and the church does not speak for me.Whatever issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected, on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject, I will make my decision in accordance with these views--in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictates.And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.我不会就公共问题为我的教会说话；我的教会也不会为我说话。如果我当选，我作为总统将要面对的问题是计划生育、离婚、检查、赌博或任何其它项目，我将根据这些观点—根据我的良心告诉我的什么有利于国家去决策，不管外界宗教压力或支配。没有什么权力或惩罚的威胁可以让我不这样决策。

But if the time should ever come--and I do not concede any conflict to be remotely possible--when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office;and I hope any conscientious public servant would do likewise.但是如果有一天—其实我不认为将来会有任何冲突—我的职责要求我要么践踏我的良心或践踏国家利益，那么我将辞去这个职责；我希望任何有良知的公务员都如此。

But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith;nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.但是我不打算就我对天主教或新教的批评观点道歉；我也不打算为了赢得这次选举而放弃我的观点或宗教。

If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I'd tried my best and was fairly judged.如果我输在现实问题上，我将重返国会，对自己尽了最大努力和被公正评价而满足。

But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.但是如果本次选举由四千万美国人从被洗礼的那天起就丧失了担任总统的机会了决定，那么整个国家在全世界天主教徒和非天主教徒看来、在历史看来、在我们的人民看来就是失败者。

But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency--practically identical, I might add, with the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress.For without reservation, I can, "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution--so help me God.但是如果是另一种情况，我当选总统，那么我就殚精竭虑履行我的总统誓言—实际上，我加一句，与我在国会14年的誓言一致。我将毫无保留地“庄严宣誓，我将忠实地履行美国总统职责，尽我最大努力维护、捍卫和保护宪法—上帝保佑。

第二篇：杨澜的演讲译文

杨澜的演讲译文

来苏格兰（做TED讲演）的前夜，我被邀请去上海做”中国达人秀“决赛的评委。在装有八万现场观众的演播厅里，在台上的表演嘉宾居然是（来自苏格兰的，因参加英国达人秀走红的）苏珊大妈（Susan Boyle)。我告诉她，“我明天就要启程去苏格兰。” 她唱得很动听，还对观众说了几句中文，她并没有说简单的”你好“或者”谢谢“，她说的是——“送你葱”。为什么？这句话其实来源于中国版的“苏珊大妈”——一位五十岁的以卖菜为生，却对西方歌剧有出奇爱好的上海中年妇女（蔡洪平）。这位中国的苏珊大妈并不懂英文，法语或意大利文，所以她将歌剧中的词汇都换做中文中的蔬菜名，并且演唱出来。在她口中，歌剧《图兰朵》的最后一句便是“Song Ni Cong”。当真正的英国苏珊大妈唱出这一句“中文的”《图兰朵》时，全场的八万观众也一起高声歌唱，场面的确有些滑稽。

我想Susan Boyle和这位上海的买菜农妇的确属于人群中的少数。她们是最不可能在演艺界成功的，而她们的勇气和才华让她们成功了，这个节目和舞台给予了她们一个实现个人梦想的机会。这样看来，与众不同好像没有那么难。从不同的方面审视，我们每个人都是不同的。但是我想，与众不同是一件好事，因为你代表了不一样的观点，你拥有了做改变的机会。我这一代中国人很幸运的目睹并且参与了中国在过去二三十年中经历的巨变。我记得1990年，当我刚大学毕业时，我申请了当时北京的第一家五星级酒店——长城喜来登酒店的销售部门的工作。这家酒店现在仍在北京。当我被一位日本籍经理面试了一个半小时之后，他问到，“杨小姐，你有什么想问我的吗？”，我屏住呼吸，问道“是的，你能告诉我，具体我需要销售些什么吗？” 当时的我，对五星级酒店的销售部门没有任何概念，事实上，那是我第一次进到一家五星级酒店。

我当时也在参加另一场“面试”，中国国家电视台的首次公开试镜，与我一起参与选拔的还有另外1000名大学女毕业生。节目制作人说，他们希望找到一位甜美，无辜（LOL），漂亮的新鲜面孔。轮到我的时候，我问道“为什么在电视屏幕上，女性总应该表现出甜美漂亮，甚至是服从性的一面？为什么她们不能有她们自己的想法和声音？“我觉得我的问题甚至有点冒犯到了他。但实际上，他们对我的表现印象深刻。我进入了第二轮选拔，第三轮，第四轮，直至最后的第七场选拔，我是唯一一个走到最后的试镜者。我从此走上了国家电视台黄金时段的荧幕。你可能不相信，但在当时，我所主持的电视节目是中国第一个，不让主持人念已经审核过的稿件的节目（掌声）。我每周需要面对两亿到三亿左右的电视观众。

几年以后，我决定来美国哥伦比亚大学继续深造，之后也开始运营自己的媒体公司，这也是我在职业生涯初始时所没有预料到的。我的公司做很多不同的业务，在过去这些年里，我访谈过一千多人。经常有年轻人对我说，“杨澜，你改变了我的人生”，我对此感到非常自豪。我也幸运的目睹了整个国家的转变：我参与了北京申奥和上海世博会。我看到中国在拥抱这个世界，而世界也进一步的接受中国。但有时我也在想，今天的年轻人的生活是什么样的？他们（与我们相比）有什么不同？他们将带给中国，甚至整个世界的未来一些怎样的变化？ 我想通过社交媒体来谈一谈中国的年轻人们。首先，他们是谁，他们是什么样子？这是一位叫郭美美的女孩儿，20岁，年轻漂亮。她在中国版的Twitter上——新浪微博上，炫耀她所拥有的奢侈品，衣服，包和车。她甚至宣称她是中国红十字会的工作人员。她没有意识到她的行为触及了中国民众极为敏感的神经，这引发了一场全民大讨论，民众开始质疑红十字会的公信力。中国红十字会为了平息这场争议甚至举办了一场记者会来澄清，直至今日，对于”郭美美事件“的调查仍在继续。

时至今日，我们所知道的事实是，她谎报了她的头衔，可能是因为她的虚荣心，希望把自己和慈善机构联系起来。所有那些奢侈品都是她的男朋友给她买的，而那位”男朋友 “的确曾经是红十字会的工作人员。这解释起来很复杂，总之，公众对他们的解释仍然不满意，这仍

然是在风口浪尖的一件事。这件事体现出（中国社会）对长期不透明的政府机关的不信任，同时也表现出社交媒体（微博）巨大的社会影响力。

微博在2010年得到了爆炸性的增长，微博的访问用户增长了一倍，用户的访问时间是09年的三倍。新浪（Sina.com)，一个最主要的微博平台，拥有 1.4亿的微博用户，而腾讯拥有两亿用户。（在中国）最有名的微博主——不是我——是一位电影明星，她拥有近九百五十万”粉丝“。接近80％的微博用户是年轻人，三十岁以下。因为传统媒体还在政府的强力控制之下，社交媒体提供了一个开放的平台进行了一些（民众观点的）分流。因为这样分流的渠道并不多，从这个平台上爆发出的能量往往非常强烈，有时候甚至过于强烈。

通过微博，我们可以更好的了解到中国的年轻一代。首先，他们中的大多数都出生在八零九零年代，在独生子女的生育政策的大背景下长大。因为偏好男孩的家庭会选择性的堕胎，现在（中国）的年轻男性的数量多过年轻女性三千万，这可能带来社会的不稳定（危险），但是我们知道，在这个全球化的社会中，他们可能可以去其他国家找女朋友。大多数人都拥有良好的教育。这一代中国人中的文盲率已经低于1％。在城市中，80％的孩子可以上大学，但他们将要面对的是一个，有接近7％的人口都是老年人的社会，这个数字在2030年会增长到15%。在这个国家，传统是让年轻人来从经济上和医疗上来支持老年人，这意味着，一对年轻的夫妻将需要支持四个平均年龄是73岁的老人。

所以对于年轻人而言，生活并不是容易。本科毕业生也不在是紧缺资源。在城市中，本科生的月起薪通常是400美元（2500人民币），而公寓的平均月租金却是500美元。所以他们的解决方式是合租——挤在有限的空间中以节省开支，他们叫自己”蚁族。“对于那些准备好结婚并希望购买一套公寓的中国年轻夫妇而言，他们发现他们必须要不间断的工作30到40年才可以负担得起一套公寓。对于同样的美国年轻夫妇而言，他们只需要五年时间。

在近两亿的涌入城市的农民工中，他们中的60％都是年轻人。他们发现自己被夹在了城市和农村中，大多数人不愿意回到农村，但他们在城市也找不到归属感。他们工作更长的时间却获得更少的薪水和社会福利。他们也更容易面临失业，受到通货膨胀，银行利率，人民币升值的影响，甚至美国和欧盟对于中国制造产品的抵制也会影响到他们。去年，在中国南方的一个制造工厂里，有十三位年轻的工人选择了结束自己的生命，一个接一个，像一场传染病。他们轻生的原因各有不同，但整个事件提醒了中国社会和政府，需要更多的关注这些在精神上和生理上都与外界脱节的年轻农民工人。

对于那些回到农村的年轻人，他们所经历的城市生活，所学到的知识，技巧和建立的社会网络，让他们通常更受欢迎。特别是在互联网的帮助下，他们更有可能获得工作，提升农村的农业水平和发展新的商业机会。在过去的一些年中，一些沿海的城镇甚至出现了劳动力短缺。这些图片展现出整体的社会背景。第一张图片是恩格斯系数（食品支出占总消费支出的比例），可以看到在过去的十年中，食物和生活必需品在家庭消费中的比例有所下降（37％），然后在过去的两年中，这项指数上升到39％，说明近两年中生活成本的攀升。基尼系数早已越过了危险的0.4，到达0.5——这甚至高过了美国——体现出极大的贫富差距，所以我们才看到整个社会的失衡。同时，“仇富心态”也开始在整个社会蔓延，任何与腐败和走后门相关的政府或商业丑闻都会引发社会危机和不稳定。

通过微博上很火的话题，我们可以看到年轻人的关注点。社会公正和政府的公信力是他们首要需求的。在过去的十年中，急速的城市化让民众读到太多强制私人住户拆迁的新闻，这引发了年轻一代的愤怒和不理解。有时候，被拆迁的住户以自杀和自焚的方式来抗议（强制拆迁行为）。当这些事件越来越常在互联网上被揭露出来，人们期待政府可以采取一些更积极的制止行动。

好消息是，今年早些时候，人民代表大会通过了一项关于房屋征用和拆迁的新法规，将征用和拆迁的权利从当地政府移交到了法庭。相同的，很多其他与公共安全相关的问题也在互联

网上被热烈讨论。我们听到有太多空气污染，水污染，有毒食品的报道。你甚至都想不到，我们还有假牛肉。人们用一种特殊的材料加入鸡肉和鱼肉中，然后以牛肉的价格进行出售。最近，人们对食用油也很担忧，大量的餐馆被发现在使用“地沟油“。所有这些事件引发了互联网上民众观点的大爆发。幸运的是，我们看到了政府正在更积极和更及时的对这些民众的质疑给予回应。

一方面，年轻人越来越积极的参与到公共事务中；另一方面，他们也在寻找或者说迷失与个人生活的价值和定位。中国很快就要超过美国，成为世界上第一大奢侈品消费国——这还不包括中国人在国外的消费。但你知道吗，超过半数中国的奢侈品消费者的（年）收入都低于两千美元。他们其实并不富裕，他们用那些奢侈品牌的服装和包体现身份和社会地位。这是一位在电视节目上公然表明，自己宁愿在宝马车里哭也不坐在自行车后笑的年轻女孩。当然，我们也有更多的年轻人，喜欢微笑，不管是在宝马还是在自行车上。

在下一幅图中，你看到的是现在非常流行的”裸婚“，这并不代表这“裸露出席婚礼”，这体现的是年轻人愿意接受结婚不买房，不买车，不买钻戒，甚至不办婚宴的这个现实，作为对纯朴的真爱的致敬。但同时，人们也在通过社交媒体做一些善事。这副图片里，这辆车上装有500只被”绑架“来，准备被送去屠宰的狗，这辆车被网友们发现后，人们开始通过微博关注事态的进展，并且通过捐钱，捐食物和做义工来试图拦截该车。在几个小时的周旋后，这500条狗获救并被放生。有更多的人在通过微博寻找丢失的孩子。一位父亲将他失散的儿子的照片发布到微博上，在几千条”转发“之后，他的儿子被找到，家庭的团聚也在微博上被报道出来。

“幸福（感）”是近两年中国的流行词汇。幸福感不仅仅与个人体验和价值观相关，更多的，它与环境息息相关。人们在思考：我们是否要牺牲环境来提升GDP？我们要怎样进行社会和政治体制的改革来应对经济的发展，保持稳定性和可持续性发展？同时，这个系统的自我修正能力是否足够强大，是否能够让生活在其中的人民接受在前进过程中的各种压力和困难？我想这些都是中国人民需要回答的问题，而中国的年轻一代将在改变这个国家的过程中也改变自己。

Thank you very much.非常感谢。

第三篇：福克纳演讲全文(中英译文)

演讲全文：Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech / William Faulkner

I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my work--a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit, not for glory and least of all for profit, but to create out of the materials of the human spirit something which did not exist before.So this award is only mine in trust.It will not be difficult to find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with the purpose and significance of its origin.But I would like to do the same with the acclaim too, by using this moment as a pinnacle from which I might be listened to by the young men and women already dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is already that one who will some day stand here where I am standing.Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical fear so long sustained by now that we can even bear it.There are no longer problems of the spirit.There is only the question: When will I be blown up? Because of this, the young man or woman writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart in conflict with itself which alone can make good writing because only that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.He must learn them again.He must teach himself that the basest of all things is to be afraid;and, teaching himself that, forget it forever, leaving no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart, the old universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed--love and honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice.Until he does so, he labors under a curse.He writes not of love but of lust, of defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories without hope and, worst of all, without pity or compassion.His griefs grieve on no universal bones, leaving no scars.He writes not of the heart but of the glands.Until he relearns these things, he will write as though he stood among and watched the end of man.I decline to accept the end of man.It is easy enough to say that man is immortal simply because he will endure: that when the last ding-dong of doom has clanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging tideless in the last red and dying evening, that even then there will still be one more sound: that of his puny inexhaustible voice, still talking.I refuse to accept this.I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail.He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance.The poet's, the writer's, duty is to write about these things.It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past.The poet's voice need not merely be the record of man, it can be one of the props, the pillars to help him endure and prevail.

第四篇：奥巴马演讲译文

奥巴马在今天于内华达大学发表演讲时称：“如果一家美国公司希望创造就业岗位和实现增长，那么我们就应该帮助其达成这一目标。”根据白宫公布的内容概要说明书显示，向能源抵税计划补充50亿美元资金将可吸引到大约120亿美元的私人投资，从而为清洁能源制造行业创造数以千计的工作岗位，这将意味着联邦政府所花费的每1美元都将为清洁能源项目换来大约2.40美元的私人资本。奥巴马称，联邦政府提供的50亿美元投资将可创造将近4万个工作岗位，而120亿美元的私人投资活动则将进一步创造9万个工作岗位。

奥巴马目前正处于视察密苏里州和内华达州的两天之旅中，他将利用此次视察来宣传自己的经济政策，并为民主党参议院候选人筹集竞选资金。在11月份的选举活动中，经济、就业和预算赤字很可能将成为首要问题，此次选举将决定美国国会的控制权。在今天的演讲中，奥巴马对其上任不久后推出的总额8620亿美元的经济刺激性计划作出了辩护，这项计划中有一项内容是为清洁能源行业提供价值23亿美元的抵税。奥巴马曾在1月份表示，在这项抵税计划的帮助下，共有183个清洁能源项目创造了1.7万多个就业岗位，这些项目所涉及的产品包括涡轮发电机和太阳能面板等。

奥巴马今天还表示，美国经济正在从20世纪30年代以来最严重的衰退周期中复苏。据劳工部此前公布的非农就业报告显示，6月份私营企业的就业人数增加了8.3万人，但失业率则仍旧高达9.5%。就内华达州而言，5月份该州的失业率为14%。奥巴马称：“就我所知，对于内华达州而言，我们已经走过了艰难的时刻，但并非所有的困难日子都已经被甩在身后。不过我可以作出承诺的是，我们正在朝着正确的方向前进。

我想下载（单击右键）Mp3

我想下载（单击右键）Mp4

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, everybody.Thank you.(Applause.)Please have a seat.Have a seat.(Applause.)Well, thank you, Harry.Thanks for giving me a chance to get out of Washington.It’s very hot there.(Laughter.)It’s hot here, too, but there’s a little more humidity there.And I just love coming to Vegas.(Applause.)I love being here.I mentioned last night, I'm not the only one who loves it, because I noticed that, for some reason, Air Force One is more crowded when we're coming to Vegas.(Laughter.)Somehow I need more staff and logistical support and a couple extra Secret Service guys.(Laughter.)

We've got some wonderful leaders here, and I just want to acknowledge them very quickly.U.S.Representative Dina Titus is here--(applause)--doing a great job.And Nevada’s Secretary of State, Ross Miller, is here.(Applause.)Dr.Neal Smatresk is here, and his family.And they’re doing a great job on behalf of UNLV.(Applause.)And all of you are here.(Applause.)And I am thrilled to see you.But I’m especially here to be with my friend and your Senator, Harry Reid.(Applause.)One of the first stories I heard about Harry was that he was a boxer back in the day here in Nevada.And I was mentioning last--she’s laughing, she’s--oh, I can't believe it.(Laughter.)No, he was.(Laughter.)You wouldn't know that because he’s so soft-spoken.He’s all “well, I'm Harry Reid.”(Laughter.)But when he first told me he was a boxer, he said, “Barack, I wasn’t the fastest, I wasn’t the hardest hitting, but I knew how to take a punch.”(Laughter.)He knew how to take a punch.And Harry Reid became a pretty good boxer because he would simply outlast his opponents.He had a stronger will.I think that tells you something about the kind of person he is, the kind of senator he is, the kind of Senate Majority Leader he is.He’s a fighter, and you should never bet against him.(Applause.)And that’s just what we need right now.That's what Nevada needs right now.(Applause.)That's what Nevada needs, is somebody who’s going to fight for the people of Nevada and for the American people.And you know that he wasn’t born with a silver spoon in his mouth--in Searchlight, Nevada.So when you're going through tough times, Harry Reid has been there.He knows what it feels like to be scraping and scrimping, and struggle to make ends meet.And so when his home state is having a tough time, when the country is having a tough time, he knows that he’s got to be fighting on behalf of not those who are powerful, but on behalf of those who need help the most.Now, let me tell you, when we first took office, amidst the worst economy since the Great Depression, we needed Harry’s fighting spirit--because we had lost nearly three million jobs during the last six months of 2008.The month I was sworn in, January 2009, we lost 750,000 jobs in that month alone.The following month we lost 600,000 jobs.And these were all the consequence of a decade of misguided economic policies--a decade of stagnant wages, a decade of declining incomes, a decade of spiraling deficits.So our first mission was to break the momentum of the deepest and most vicious recession since the Great Depression.We had to stop the freefall and get the economy and jobs growing again.And digging out of this mess required us taking some tough decisions, and sometimes those decisions were not popular.And Harry knew they weren’t popular.I knew they weren’t popular.But they were the right thing to do.And Harry was willing to lead those fights because he knew that we had to change course;that to do nothing, to simply continue with the policies that had gotten us into this mess in the first place would mean further disaster.And to fail to act on some of the great challenges facing the country that we had been putting off for decades would mean a lesser future for our children and our grandchildren.Now, as a result of those tough steps that we took, we’re in a different place today than we were a year ago.An economy that was shrinking is now growing.We’ve gained private sector jobs for each of the past six months instead of losing them--almost 600,000 new jobs.But as Harry pointed out, that’s not enough.I don’t have to tell you that.The unemployment rate is still unacceptably high, particularly in some states like Nevada.And a lot of you have felt that pain personally or you’ve got somebody in your family who’s felt the pain.Maybe you found yourself underwater on your mortgage and faced the terrible prospect of losing your home.Maybe you’re out of work and worried about how you’re going to provide for your family.Or maybe you’re a student at UNLV and you’re wondering if you’re going to be able to find a job when you graduate, or if you’re going to be able to pay off your student loans, or if you’re going to be able to start your career off on the right foot.Now, the simple truth is it took years to dig this hole;it’s going to take more time than any of us would like to climb out of it.But the question is, number one, are we on the right track? And the answer is, yes.And number two, how do we accelerate the process? How do we get the recovery to pick up more steam? How do we fill this hole faster?

There’s a big debate in Washington right now about the role that government should play in all this.As I said in the campaign--and as I’ve repeated many times as President--the greatest generator of jobs in America is our private sector.It’s not government.It’s our entrepreneurs and innovators who are willing to take a chance on a good idea.It’s our businesses, large and small, who are making payroll and working with suppliers and distributing goods and services across the country and now across the world.The private sector, not government, is, was, and always will be the source of America’s economic success.That’s our strength, the dynamism of our economy.And that’s why one of the first things Harry Reid did, one of the first things we did, was cut dozens of taxes--not raise them, cut them--for middle class and small business people.And we extended loan programs to put capital in the hands of startups.And we worked to reduce the cost of health care for small businesses.And right now, Harry is fighting to pass additional tax breaks and loan authority to help small businesses grow and hire all across the country.But he has also tried to look out specifically for Nevada.He understands, for example, that tourism is so enormous an aspect of our economy, and so helped to move our trade promotion act that is going to be helping to do exactly what it says--promote tourism--and bring folks here to enjoy the incredible hospitality.The point is, our role in government, especially in difficult times like these, is to break down barriers that are standing in the way of innovation;to unleash the ingenuity that springs from our people;to give an impetus to businesses to grow and expand.That’s not some abstract theory.We’ve seen the results.We’ve seen what we can do to catalyze job growth in the private sector.And one of the places we’ve seen it most is in the clean energy sector--an industry that will not only produce jobs of the future but help free America from our dependence on foreign oil in the process, clean up our environment in the process, improve our national security in the process.So let me give you an example.Just yesterday, I took a tour of Smith Electric Vehicles in Kansas City, Missouri, on the way here.This is a company that just hired its 50th worker, it’s on the way to hiring 50 more, and is aiming to produce 500 electric vehicles at that plant alone.(Applause.)And these are spiffy-looking trucks.I mean, they are--and they’re used by Fortune 500 companies for distribution--PepsiCo, Frito-Lay.They’re also used for the United States military –-electric trucks with a lot of--they’re very strong, great horsepower.And the reason for their success is their entrepreneurial drive.But it’s also partly because of a grant that we’re offering companies that manufacture electric vehicles and the batteries that power them.Because of these grants, we’re going to be going from only having 2 percent of the global capacity to make advanced batteries that go in trucks and cars, run on electricity--we’re going to go from 2 percent of advanced battery market share to 40 percent just in the next five years--just in the next five years.(Applause.)And that will create thousands of jobs across the country--thousands of jobs across the country, not just this year, not just next year, but for decades to come.So it’s a powerful example of how we can generate jobs and promote robust economic growth here in Nevada and all across the country by incentivizing private sector investments.That’s what we’re working to do with the clean energy manufacturing tax credits that we enacted last year, thanks to Harry’s leadership.Thanks to Harry’s leadership.(Applause.)Some people know these tax credits by the name 48c, which refers to their section in the tax code.But here’s how these credits work.We said to clean energy companies, if you’re willing to put up 70 percent of the capital for a worthy project, a clean energy project, we’ll put up the remaining 30 percent.To put it another way, for every dollar we invest, we leverage two more private sector dollars.We’re betting on the ingenuity and talent of American businesses.(Applause.)

Now, these manufacturing tax credits are already having an extraordinary impact.A solar panel company--a solar power company called Amonix received a roughly $6 million tax credit for a new facility they’re building in the Las Vegas area-– a tax credit they were able to match with roughly $12 million in private capital.That's happening right now.And that’s just one of over--(applause)--that's just one of over 180 projects that received manufacturing tax credits in over 40 states.Now, here’s the--the only problem we have is these credits were working so well, there aren’t enough tax credits to go around.There are more worthy projects than there are tax credits.When we announced the program last year, it was such a success we received 500 applications requesting over $8 billion in tax credits, but we only had $2.3 billion to invest.In other words, we had almost four times as many worthy requests as we had tax credits.Now, my attitude, and Harry’s attitude, is that if an American company wants to create jobs and grow, we should be there to help them do it.So that’s why I’m urging Congress to invest $5 billion more in these kinds of clean energy manufacturing tax credits, more than doubling the amount that we made available last year.(Applause.)And this investment would generate nearly 40,000 jobs and $12 billion or more in private sector investment, which could trigger an additional 90,000 jobs.Now, I’m gratified that this initiative is drawing support from members of Congress from both sides of the aisle, including Republican Senators Richard Lugar and Orrin Hatch.Unfortunately, that kind of bipartisanship has been absent on a lot of efforts that Harry and I have taken up over the past year and a half.We fought to keep Nevada teachers and firefighters and police officers on the job, and to extend unemployment insurance and COBRA so folks have health insurance while they’re looking for work.We fought to stop health insurance companies from dropping your coverage on the basis of preexisting conditions, or right when you get sick, or placing lifetime limits on the amount of care that you can receive.We fought to eliminate wasteful subsidies that go to banks that were acting as unnecessary middlemen for guaranteed student loans from the federal government, and as a consequence, freed up tens of billions of dollars that are now going directly to students, which means more than a million students have access to financial aid that they didn't have before.(Applause.)And we’re now on the cusp of enacting Wall Street reforms that will empower consumers with clear and concise information that they need to make financial decisions that are best for them--(applause)--and to help prevent another crisis like this from ever happening again, and putting an end to some of the predatory lending and the subprime loans that had all kinds of fine print and hidden fees that have been such a burden for the economy of a state like Nevada and haven’t been fair to individual consumers in the process.So that’s what Harry and I fought for.And, frankly, at every turn we’ve met opposition and obstruction from a lot of leaders across the aisle.And that’s why I’m glad I’ve got a boxer in the Senate who is not afraid to fight for what he believes in.(Applause.)And Harry and I are going to keep on fighting until wages and incomes are rising, and businesses are hiring again right here in Nevada, and Americans are headed back to work again, and we’ve recovered from this recession, and we’re actually rebuilding this economy stronger than before.(Applause.)That’s what we’re committed to doing.(Applause.)

So, Nevada, I know we’ve been through tough times.And not all the difficult days are behind us.There are going to be some tough times to come.But I can promise you this: We are headed in the right direction.We are moving forward.We are not going to move backwards.(Applause.)

And I’m absolutely confident that if we keep on moving forward, if we refuse to turn backwards, if we’re willing to show the same kind of fighting spirit as Harry Reid has shown throughout his career, then out of this storm brighter days are going to come.Thank you very much, everybody.God bless you.(Applause.)

第五篇：盖茨哈佛演讲译文

President Bok, former President Rudenstine, incoming President Faust, members of the Harvard Corporation and the Board of Overseers, members of the faculty, parents, and especially, the graduates:

校长博克，前任校长鲁登斯坦，接任校长福斯特，校董事会的各位董事，校务监督委员会的各位委员，各位老师，各位家长，特别是，诸位毕业生：

I’ve been waiting more than 30 years to say this: “Dad, I always told you I’d come back and get my degree.”

我一直等了三十多年，现在终于可以说了：“爸，我老跟你说，我会回来拿到我的学位的！”

I want to thank Harvard for this timely honor.I’ll be changing my job next year … and it will be nice to finally have a college degree on my resume.感谢哈佛及时地给我这个荣誉。明年，我就要换工作（译者注：从微软公司退休）„„我终于可以在简历上写我有一个大学学历，这真是不错啊。

I applaud the graduates today for taking a much more direct route to your degrees.For my part, I’m just happy that the Crimson has called me “Harvard’s most successful dropout.” I guess that makes me valedictorian of my own special class … I did the best of everyone who failed.我为在座的各位毕业生而鼓掌，你们拿到学位可比我轻松多了。而我，之所以高兴，是因为哈佛的校报称我是“哈佛大学历史上最成功的辍学生”。我想这大概使我有资格代表我这一类特殊的学生在此致辞——在所有的失败者中，我做得最好。

But I also want to be recognized as the guy who got Steve Ballmer to drop out of business school.I’m a bad influence.That’s why I was invited to speak at your graduation.If I had spoken at your orientation, fewer of you might be here today.同时，我也想让大家也知道，我就是那个让史蒂夫

All of us here in this Yard, at one time or another, have seen human tragedies that broke our hearts, and yet we did nothing – not because we didn’t care, but because we didn’t know what to do.If we had known how to help, we would have acted.此刻身处校园的我们，生命中总有这样或那样的时刻，目睹人类的悲剧，痛彻心扉，但是我们什么也没做——并非我们无动于衷，而是因为我们不知道做什么和怎么做。如果我们知道要如何应对，我们将立即行动。

The barrier to change is not too little caring;it is too much complexity.需要我们去消除的屏障，并非人类的冷漠无情，而是世界的纷繁复杂。

To turn caring into action, we need to see a problem, see a solution, and see the impact.But complexity blocks all three steps.要把关心转为行动，我们需要发现问题，找到方法，评估后果。但是纷繁复杂的世界阻挡了我们的脚步，以上的三个步骤不能得以实施。

Even with the advent of the Internet and 24-hour news, it is still a complex enterprise to get people to truly see the problems.When an airplane crashes, officials immediately call a press conference.They promise to investigate, determine the cause, and prevent similar crashes in the future.即使有了互联网的出现和全天候的新闻播报，要让人们发现问题的真实面貌，仍然是相当艰巨。如果有一架飞机坠毁，政府官员就会立刻召开新闻发布会，他们承诺进行调查，找到原因，防止将来再次发生类似的事故。

But if the officials were brutally honest, they would say: “Of all the people in the world who died today from preventable causes, one half of one percent of them were on this plane.We’re determined to do everything possible to solve the problem that took the lives of the one half of one percent.”

但是如果那些官员敢于说真话，他们就会说：“在今天，全世界死于可避免事故中的所有人，只有0.5%的人在这次飞机事故中罹难。我们决心尽一切努力，彻底调查这0.5%的死亡原因。”

The bigger problem is not the plane crash, but the millions of preventable deaths.显然，更重要的问题不是这次空难，而是其他几百万可避免的死亡事件。

We don’t read much about these deaths.The media covers what’s new – and millions of people dying is nothing new.So it stays in the background, where it’s easier to ignore.But even when we do see it or read about it, it’s difficult to keep our eyes on the problem.It’s hard to look at suffering if the situation is so complex that we don’t know how to help.And so we look away.对这些死亡事件，我们知之甚少。媒体总是报告新闻，但是几百万人将要死去并非新闻。新闻是在事件的幕后，这很容易被忽视。即使我们确实目睹了事件的真相或者看到了相关报道，我们也很难持续去关注这些事件。问题是如此之复杂，我们也束手无策，要直面这样的灾难就显得相当困难，所以我们就对此视而不见，置若罔闻。

If we can really see a problem, which is the first step, we come to the second step: cutting through the complexity to find a solution.就算我们真正能发现问题，也不过是迈出了第一步，接着还有第二步：那就是，从这个复杂的世界中走出一条捷径，找到解决问题的办法。

Finding solutions is essential if we want to make the most of our caring.If we have clear and proven answers anytime an organization or individual asks “How can I help?,” then we can get action – and we can make sure that none of the caring in the world is wasted.But complexity makes it hard to mark a path of action for everyone who cares — and that makes it hard for their caring to matter.如果我们要让关心落到实处，我们就必须找到解决问题的方法。一旦我们有一个明确可行的方案，那么无论何时，当任何组织和个人来询问“我该怎么提供帮助”的时候，我们就能采取行动。这样，我们就充分发挥全世界人类对他人的关爱之情。但是，纷繁的世界使得我们很难找出一条适合每一位善者的行动方针，这样一来，人类对他人的关爱往往很难奏效。

Cutting through complexity to find a solution runs through four predictable stages: determine a goal, find the highest-leverage approach, discover the ideal technology for that approach, and in the meantime, make the smartest application of the technology that you already have — whether it’s something sophisticated, like a drug, or something simpler, like a bednet.要从这个复杂的世界中走出一条捷径，找到解决问题的办法，可以分为以下四个步骤：确定目标，找到最高效的方法，发现适用于这个方法的最理想的技术，同时最聪明地利用现有的技术——不管这项技术是复杂如药物，还是简单如蚊帐。

The AIDS epidemic offers an example.The broad goal, of course, is to end the disease.The highest-leverage approach is prevention.The ideal technology would be a vaccine that gives lifetime immunity with a single dose.So governments, drug companies, and foundations fund vaccine research.But their work is likely to take more than a decade, so in the meantime, we have to work with what we have in hand – and the best prevention approach we have now is getting people to avoid risky behavior.艾滋病就是一个例子。其总目标，毫无疑问是消灭这种疾病。最高效的方法是预防。最理想的技术是发明一种疫苗，只要注射一次，就可终生免疫。所以，政府、制药公司和基金会应该资助疫苗研究。但是，这样的研究工作很可能需要十几年，因此，与此同时，我们必须利用现有的技术——目前最有效的预防方法，就是设法让人们避免那些危险的行为。

Pursuing that goal starts the four-step cycle again.This is the pattern.The crucial thing is to never stop thinking and working – and never do what we did with malaria and tuberculosis in the 20th century – which is to surrender to complexity and quit.要实现让人们避免危险行为这一目标，上述四步依然适用，可以再次循环。这是一种模式。关键问题是，我们永远不要停止思考，永远不能停止行动，永远不能重蹈覆辙，犯下20世纪在应对疟疾和肺结核时的同样错误，那时我们臣服于这个复杂的社会，从而放弃了采取行动。

The final step – after seeing the problem and finding an approach – is to measure the impact of your work and share your successes and failures so that others learn from your efforts.在发现问题并且找到解决方法之后，就剩下最后一步——评估工作结果，分享成败经验，这样就可以让你的努力去惠及他人。

You have to have the statistics, of course.You have to be able to show that a program is vaccinating millions more children.You have to be able to show a decline in the number of children dying from these diseases.This is essential not just to improve the program, but also to help draw more investment from business and government.当然，你必须有一些统计数字。你必须让他人知道，你的项目正为几百万儿童接种疫苗。你也必须让他人知道，这种患病儿童的死亡人数下降了多少。这些都关键，不仅有利于改善项目效果，而且也有利于从商界和政府得到更多的资助。

But if you want to inspire people to participate, you have to show more than numbers;you have to convey the human impact of the work – so people can feel what saving a life means to the families affected.但是，如果你还想激励其他人参加你的项目，你就必须拿出更多的统计数字；你必须展示你项目的人性因素，这样就会让其他人感受到，拯救一个生命，对那些身处困境中的家庭到底意味着什么。

I remember going to Davos some years back and sitting on a global health panel that was discussing ways to save millions of lives.Millions!Think of the thrill of saving just one person’s life – then multiply that by millions.… Yet this was the most boring panel I’ve ever been on – ever.So boring even I couldn’t bear it.几年前，我去瑞士达沃斯旁听一个全球健康问题会议，会议的内容是讨论如何挽救几百万条生命。天哪，是几百万！想想吧，拯救一个人的生命已经让人何等激动，现在要把这种激动放大几百万倍„„但是，不幸的是，这是我参加过的最最乏味的会议，乏味到我不想再听下去。

What made that experience especially striking was that I had just come from an event where we were introducing version 13 of some piece of software, and we had people jumping and shouting with excitement.I love getting people excited about software – but why can’t we generate even more excitement for saving lives?

那次经历之所以让我难忘，是因为之前我们刚刚发布了一个软件的第13个版本，当时有些人激动得又蹦又叫。我喜欢人们因为软件而激动，那么我们为什么不能够让人们因为能够拯救生命而感到更加激动呢？

You can’t get people excited unless you can help them see and feel the impact.And how you do that – is a complex question.除非你能够让人们看到并且感受到行动的影响力，否则你无法让他们激动。如何做到这一点，并非易事。

Still, I’m optimistic.Yes, inequity has been with us forever, but the new tools we have to cut through complexity have not been with us forever.They are new – they can help us make the most of our caring – and that’s why the future can be different from the past.对此，我依然乐观。没错，不平等现象一直存在，但是有一些新技术，能够带领我们走出世界的纷扰。这些新技术才刚刚出现，它可以帮助我们，将人类的关爱发挥到极至，这就是未来之所以有别于过去的原因所在。

The defining and ongoing innovations of this age – biotechnology, the computer, the Internet – give us a chance we’ve never had before to end extreme poverty and end death from preventable disease.当今世界，技术革新，不断涌现——生物技术，计算机，互联网——给我们展示出前所未有的机会，以消除赤贫，根除一些疾病导致的无谓的死亡。

Sixty years ago, George Marshall came to this commencement and announced a plan to assist the nations of post-war Europe.He said: “I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation.It is virtually impossible at this distance to grasp at all the real significance of the situation.”

六十年前，乔治·马歇尔也是在这个地方的毕业典礼上，宣布了一项计划，帮助欧洲国家的战后建设。他说：“我认为，困难在于这个问题太复杂，报纸和电台源源不断地向公众提供各种事实，使得大街上的百姓难于清晰地判断形势。事实上，经过层层传播，想要真正地把握形势，是根本不可能的。”

Thirty years after Marshall made his address, as my class graduated without me, technology was emerging that would make the world smaller, more open, more visible, less distant.马歇尔发表这个演讲之后的三十年，我那一届学生毕业，当然我不在其中。那时，新技术刚刚开始萌芽，它们将使得这个世界变得更小、更开放、更透明、距离更近。

The emergence of low-cost personal computers gave rise to a powerful network that has transformed opportunities for learning and communicating.低成本个人电脑的出现，使得强大的互联网有机会诞生，它为学习和交流提供了全新的机会。

The magical thing about this network is not just that it collapses distance and makes everyone your neighbor.It also dramatically increases the number of brilliant minds we can have working together on the same problem – and that scales up the rate of innovation to a staggering degree.网络的神奇之处，不仅仅在于它跨越了距离，使得天涯犹若比邻。它还汇聚了英才，为共同理想而一起奋斗——这就能促进革新，以惊人的速度发展。

At the same time, for every person in the world who has access to this technology, five people don’t.That means many creative minds are left out of this discussion--smart people with practical intelligence and relevant experience who don’t have the technology to hone their talents or contribute their ideas to the world.与此同时，世界上有条件上网的人，只是全部人口的六分之一。这意味着，还有许多具有创造性的人才不能参与讨论——那些具有实践经验和相关经历的杰出人才，却没有办法磨砺他们的才智，发挥他们思想。

We need as many people as possible to have access to this technology, because these advances are triggering a revolution in what human beings can do for one another.They are making it possible not just for national governments, but for universities, corporations, smaller organizations, and even individuals to see problems, see approaches, and measure the impact of their efforts to address the hunger, poverty, and desperation George Marshall spoke of 60 years ago.我们需要尽力让更多的人有机会掌握这一新技术，因为这些进步会引发一场革命，人类将因此可以互相帮助。新技术不仅仅能够让政府，还能够让大学、公司、小机构、甚至个人发现问题、找到解决办法、评估他们努力的结果，从而去解决那些马歇尔早在六十年前就谈到过的所有问题——饥饿、贫穷和绝望。

Members of the Harvard Family: Here in the Yard is one of the great collections of intellectual talent in the world.在座的所有哈佛人，你们都是全世界的精英，今天汇集在此。

What for?

我们为什么而来？

There is no question that the faculty, the alumni, the students, and the benefactors of Harvard have used their power to improve the lives of people here and around the world.But can we do more? Can Harvard dedicate its intellect to improving the lives of people who will never even hear its name?

毫无疑问，哈佛的师生、哈佛的校友和哈佛的资助者已经尽力改善了在座各位的的生活，也改善了世界各地人们的生活。但是，我们还能够再做什么呢？哈佛人能够将他们的才智奉献出来吗？哈佛人能够改善那些甚至没有闻“哈佛”之名的人们的生活吗？

Let me make a request of the deans and the professors – the intellectual leaders here at Harvard: As you hire new faculty, award tenure, review curriculum, and determine degree requirements, please ask yourselves:

各位院长，各位教授，你们是哈佛知识分子的领袖，请允许我提出一个请求——当你们雇用新任教师、授予终身教职、评估全部课程、决定学位颁发标准的时候，请问你们自己如下的问题：

Should our best minds be dedicated to solving our biggest problems?

我们最优秀的人才是否在致力于解决最困难的问题？

Should Harvard encourage its faculty to take on the world’s worst inequities? Should Harvard students learn about the depth of global poverty … the prevalence of world hunger … the scarcity of clean water …the girls kept out of school … the children who die from diseases we can cure?

哈佛是否鼓励其教师去解决世界上最严重的不平等问题？哈佛的学生是否了解全球性的贫困？是否了解世界性的饥荒？是否了解水资源的缺乏？是否了解辍学的女童？是否了解那些死于非恶性疾病的儿童？

Should the world’s most privileged people learn about the lives of the world’s least privileged?

那些养尊处优的人们，你们是否了解那些含辛茹苦的人民？

These are not rhetorical questions – you will answer with your policies.我并不是在设问，请用你行动的方针来做答。

My mother, who was filled with pride the day I was admitted here – never stopped pressing me to do more for others.A few days before my wedding, she hosted a bridal event, at which she read aloud a letter about marriage that she had written to Melinda.My mother was very ill with cancer at the time, but she saw one more opportunity to deliver her message, and at the close of the letter she said: “From those to whom much is given, much is expected.”

在我被哈佛大学录取的那一天，我母亲倍感自豪，但她一直敦促我，要为他人谋取更多的福祉。在我结婚典礼的前几天，她特意主持了一个仪式。在这个仪式上，她高声朗读了一封信，是写给梅林达的，关于婚姻方面的问题。那时，我母亲已经因癌症而病入膏肓，但她还是抓住了一线机会，传播她的信念。在信的结尾，她写道：“天赋于斯，大任在肩，得到越多，期望更大。”

When you consider what those of us here in this Yard have been given – in talent, privilege, and opportunity – there is almost no limit to what the world has a right to expect from us.在座各位，请想一想吧，你们得到了什么——天才、特权、机遇——既如此，全世界的人都在期望，期望我们做出无穷无尽的贡献。

In line with the promise of this age, I want to exhort each of the graduates here to take on an issue – a complex problem, a deep inequity, and become a specialist on it.If you make it the focus of your career, that would be phenomenal.But you don’t have to do that to make an impact.For a few hours every week, you can use the growing power of the Internet to get informed, find others with the same interests, see the barriers, and find ways to cut through them.同这个时代的期望一样，我也要勉励各位毕业生去解决一个问题，一个复杂的问题，那就是去解决这种明显的社会不平等问题，然后把自己变成这方面的专家。如果你们能够以此作为你职业的目标，你将脱颖而出。但是，你不可以仅仅为扩大影响而为。你可以一周花几个小时，从日益壮大的互联网上获得信息，找到志同道合的朋友，发现困难之所在，找到解决困难的捷径。

Don’t let complexity stop you.Be activists.Take on the big inequities.It will be one of the great experiences of your lives.不要让这个复杂的世界阻碍了你前进的脚步。做一个行动主义者。将解决人类的不平等视为己任，它将成就你生命历程中的最辉煌。

You graduates are coming of age in an amazing time.As you leave Harvard, you have technology that members of my class never had.You have awareness of global inequity, which we did not have.And with that awareness, you likely also have an informed conscience that will torment you if you abandon these people whose lives you could change with very little effort.You have more than we had;you must start sooner, and carry on longer.诸位毕业生，你们所处的时代是一个神奇的时代。当你们离开哈佛的时候，你们拥有了我们那时未曾拥有的技术，你们认识到了我们那时未曾认识的社会不平等现象。既然认识到了这个问题，如果你弃之不管，你可能就会受到良心的谴责，因为一点小小的努力，你就可以改变那些人的生活。既然你们比我们拥有更大的能力，你们就应该争朝夕，谋长远，持之以恒地做下去。

Knowing what you know, how could you not?

既知之，怎能无动于衷？

And I hope you will come back here to Harvard 30 years from now and reflect on what you have done with your talent and your energy.I hope you will judge yourselves not on your professional accomplishments alone, but also on how well you have addressed the world’s deepest inequities … on how well you treated people a world away who have nothing in common with you but their humanity.我希望，30年后，你们再到哈佛，回想你们用青春和才智换来的一切。我希望各位，在那个时候，你们不仅仅用自己专业成就来衡量自己；还要用你们如何为消除社会的不平等的努力来衡量自己；还要用你们如何善待那些远隔千山万水的世人来衡量自己；他们与你们，或许无一点相似，但他们都是人类。

Good luck.祝福好运。