名人演讲：打破沉寂

第一篇：名人演讲：打破沉寂

名人演讲：打破沉寂

我们都知道，马丁·路德·金是美国的民权运动领袖，他为黑人谋求平等，甚至献出了自己的生命，被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时，马丁·路德·金也是一名卓越的反战斗士，他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利，而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁·路德·金看成一个黑人运动领袖，那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识——马 ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?br>

本演讲发表于1967年4月4日，是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲，集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂（Riverside Church）。

我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂，是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”

I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice.I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam.The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.” 海量资料分享

演讲全文：A Time to Break Silence by Martin Luther King, Jr.I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice.I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam.The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.” And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one.Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war.Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty;but we must move on.And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak.We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak.And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond 海量资料分享

the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us.If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path.At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: “Why are you speaking about the war, Dr.King?” “Why are you joining the voices of dissent?” “Peace and civil rights don't mix,” they say.“Aren't you hurting the cause of your people,” they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling.Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church--the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate--leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation.This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front.It is not addressed to China or to Russia.Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam.海量资料分享

Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem.While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America.A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor--both black and white--through the poverty program.There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings.Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at 海量资料分享

home.It was sending their son

海量资料分享

第二篇：名人演讲：打破沉寂

我们都知道，马丁·路德·金是美国的民权运动领袖，他为黑人谋求平等，甚至献出了自己的生命，被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时，马丁·路德·金也是一名卓越的反战斗士，他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利，而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁·路德·金看成一个黑人运动领袖，那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识——马　ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?br>

本演讲发表于1967年4月4日，是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲，集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂（Riverside Church）。

我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂，是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”

I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice.I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam.The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.”

演讲全文：A Time to Break Silence by Martin Luther King, Jr.I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice.I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam.The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.” And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one.Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war.Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty;but we must move on.And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak.We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak.And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.perhaps a new spirit is rising among us.If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path.At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: “Why are you speaking about the war, Dr.King?” “Why are you joining the voices of dissent?” “peace and civil rights don't mix,” they say.“Aren't you hurting the cause of your people,” they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling.Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church--the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate--leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation.This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front.It is not addressed to China or to Russia.Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam.Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem.While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America.A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor--both black and white--through the poverty program.There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings.Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home.It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population.We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem.And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools.And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago.I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years--especially the last three summers.As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems.I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action.But they ask--and rightly so--what about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted.Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today--my own government.For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.For those who ask the question, “Aren't you a civil rights leader?” and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer.In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: “To save the soul of America.” We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear.In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:

O, yes,I say it plain,America never was America to me,And yet I swear this oath--

America will be!

Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war.If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam.It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over.So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic];and I cannot forget that the Nobel prize for peace was also a commission--a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for “the brotherhood of man.” This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ.To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war.Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men--for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?

And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God.Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions.We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls “enemy,” for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula.I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now.I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.They must see Americans as strange liberators.The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954*--in 1945 *rather*--after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China.They were led by Ho Chi Minh.Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them.Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony.Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China--for whom the Vietnamese have no great love--but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists.For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence.For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam.Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs.Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not.We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will.Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement.But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier Diem.The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North.The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused.When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support.All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform.Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy.They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met.They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.So they go, primarily women and children and the aged.They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops.They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury.So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children.They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals.They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food.They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village.We have destroyed their land and their crops.We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church.We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon.We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness.*Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call “fortified hamlets.” The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these.Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise.These, too, are our brothers.perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call “VC” or “communists”? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of “aggression from the North” as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions.Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence.Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta.And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants.They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded.Their questions are frighteningly relevant.Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves.For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.So, too, with Hanoi.In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust.To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now.In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies.It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva.After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops.They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made.Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North.He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy.perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called “enemy,” I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else.For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy.We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved.Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.Somehow this madness must cease.We must stop now.I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam.I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted.I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam.I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken.I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours;the initiative to stop it must be ours.This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam.Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:

Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct.The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies.It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat.The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism(unquote).If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam.If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play.The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve.It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people.The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways.In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.*I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.Five: *Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front.Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done.We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary.Meanwhile...meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment.We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam.We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.*As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection.I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one.Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* These are the times for real choices and not false ones.We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly.Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam.I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing “clergy and laymen concerned” committees for the next generation.They will be concerned about Guatemala and peru.They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia.They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa.We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution.During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S.military advisors in Venezuela.This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala.It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F.Kennedy come back to haunt us.Five years ago he said, “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments.I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values.We must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society.When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies.On the one hand, we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act.One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway.True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar.It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth.With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, “This is not just.” It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, “This is not just.” The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, “This way of settling differences is not just.” This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love.A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values.There is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war.There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.*This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism.War is not the answer.Communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons.Let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations.* These are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness.*We must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice.We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.*

These are revolutionary times.All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born.The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before.The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light.We in the West must support these revolutions.It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries.This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit.Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated.Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism.With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when “every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain.”

A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional.Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind.This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man.When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response.I am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh.I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life.Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.This Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John: “Let us love one another, for love is God.And every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God.He that loveth not knoweth not God, for God is love.” “If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us.” Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation.The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate.And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.As Arnold Toynbee says: “Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil.Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word”(unquote).We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today.We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now.In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.procrastination is still the thief of time.Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity.The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood--it ebbs.We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on.Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, “Too late.” There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect.Omar Khayyam is right: “The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on.”

We still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation.We must move past indecision to action.We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors.If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.Now let us begin.Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world.This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response.Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message--of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.As that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:

Once to every man and nation comes a moment to decide，In the strife of Truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side;

Some great cause, God's new Messiah offering each the bloom or blight，And the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light.Though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong

Though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong

Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown

Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over America and all over the world, when justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

第三篇：沉寂近义词是什么

沉寂是非常寂静的意思。以下是“沉寂近义词”，希望能够帮助的到您！

沉寂的近义词 ：

清静

寂然

冷静

寂寞

宁静

寂寥

默默

沉默

安静

冷清

岑寂

寂静

僻静

肃静

沉静

沉寂造句

1）沉寂多时的飆车恶风死灰复燃，让警方十分头痛。

2）最近一段时间，在外地打工的哥哥音讯沉寂，家人焦急万分。

3）沉寂已久的色情理发业又死灰复燃了。

4）沉寂多时的飙车恶风死灰复燃，让警方十分头痛。

5）突然间，战场变得十分沉寂起来。

6）中国目前最需要的，并不仅仅是言论的内容，更需要的，是敢于言论的勇气。你哪怕只是一声微弱的呐喊，也宣告了沉寂的终结。要问有用没用吗？答案是：世界上并不是所有的事情都按有用没用来衡量的。

7）青春就是匆匆披挂上阵，末了战死沙场。你为谁冲锋陷阵，谁为你捡拾骸骨，剩下依旧在河流中漂泊的刀痕，沉寂在水面之下，只有自己看得见。

8）现在的未来，也许还重复着年少时经历的故事，可我的心却在历经沧桑之后学会的淡然，学会了沉寂。这不是消极，只是站在更高的位置来看待生活。

9）突然间，战场变得十分沉寂起来。

10）幸福，是一杯茉莉飘香的清茶。沸腾之后皈依平静，漂浮之后还原沉寂；馥郁的浓烈不再张扬，华丽转身尽洗铅华。

11）当叶子独自落下的时候：它不仅仅辞离了小树枝，还辞去了夏日的火热，那是一份热情；辞去了一个生命，那是一份热忱。它孤独了……无所依偎、无所牵绊……一颗心在风中飘荡，最终沉寂了、灭亡了。

12）我听见帝都传来的钟声，于都城中古月遥相呼应，那曾经有过的繁荣和梦想，一点一滴，积攒于心。天上的星星，地上的眼睛，雾散，梦醒，我终于看清真相，那是千帆过尽的沉寂。

13）时间和空间是在旋转中归于沉寂的。沉寂就意味着，我意识到我做了什么。

14）在前三场比赛的沉寂之后，刘易斯在第四战表现异常突出。

15）我在静寂中走进厨房，冰箱里面明亮而拥挤，就像远处闹市中的林荫大道。我取出一瓶啤酒，在餐桌旁坐下来，神情严肃地喝了起来。那边，在夜的沉寂中，透明的塑料胡椒研磨机静静地凝视着我。奥尔罕·帕慕克

16）造 句 网是一部在线造句词典，其宗旨是让大家更快地造出更优质的句子。

17）夜晚的街与景一同归于黑暗。行驶在高速上，远方的村落闪着微弱的光，但仍然像是死去般地沉寂。未来像是一场脱胎换骨的旅行。前方是什么方向。路要怎样延伸呢。河唐先生

18）他穿过这座巨型建筑物投下的憧憧黑影，来到那个空荡沉寂的竞技台。

19）他沉寂了一段时间之后，现在又名声大振了。

20）你知道吗，有时，就像今天这种沉寂、安静的夜晚，我几乎有一种毛骨悚然的想法，那就是他们全都会从那扇窗户中跳进来。

21）超世洋服从辉煌到沉寂的过程，是湖南纺织服装行业的整体低迷。

22）星星的帐篷下，一个孤独的人穿越午夜的沉寂而行。男孩醒来，迷失于他的梦，他的灰色的脸在月光中沉没。特拉克尔

23）这些既有传统基础又标新出奇的结构发展手法，使得这部钢琴奏鸣曲沉寂多年但终被人认可，成为钢琴文献中不可或缺的作品，它对后来音乐结构思维模式的发展具有重要的影响。

24）声响只发生在沉寂赤道的双方，因为运动存在于赤道的双方，而在未分离的赤道上纯粹不存在运动。

25）十几分钟后，这个村镇又沉寂下来了，村上的醉鬼们又靠在滑动垫木上睡着了。

26）他说：“我能感觉到气氛十分紧张：开始几秒死一般的沉寂后，人们开始大声哭喊。”。

27）夏夜的山塘灯火阑珊，岸上的路人走走停停，无边的遐思沉寂在夜色中。

28）我掀开黑夜沉寂的幔帐，任一轮浑圆洒进我的窗口。

29）在可怕的沉寂中，达林太太闻了闻那只盆。

30）沉寂已久的西工图书馆英语沙龙又和朋友们见面啦！欢迎朋友们！

31）妇人抬头一望，她那咆哮如雷的嗓子突然沉寂下去了。

32）空钟，死鸟，在沉寂的屋内，九点，大地浑然不动，仿佛有人叹息，树木像在微笑，叶端水滴颤抖，一朵云穿过黑夜，门前一人高歌，窗打开了无声无息。皮埃尔·勒韦迪

33）沉寂两月有余的公司债一级发行市场出现“破冰”。

34）但是，股票期权在前几年被介绍到中国之后，曾在1999年、2000年伴随着美国那斯达克指数和香港创业板出现过一阵热潮，但后又归于沉寂。

第四篇：名人演讲

Chapter1 就任与离职

巴拉克·奥巴马：就职演讲

巴拉克·奥巴马：胜选演讲

乔治·W·布什：就职演讲

乔治·W·布什：告别演讲

威廉·克林顿：就职演讲

罗纳德·里根：就职演讲

约翰·F·肯尼迪：就职演讲

富兰克林·罗斯福：就职演讲

托尼·布莱尔：辞职演讲

温斯顿·丘吉尔：就职演讲

Chapter2 战争与和平

乔治·W·布什：发动伊拉克战争时的讲话 理查德·尼克松：沉默的大多数

阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦：原子能时代的和平哈里·杜鲁门：日本二战投降时的讲话

富兰克林·罗斯福：珍珠港事件后要求对日宣战

Chapter3 政治与外交

乔治·W·布什：9·11全国电视讲话

科菲·安南：千年致辞

查尔斯王子：在香港主权交接仪式上的演讲 罗纳德·里根：在中国人民大会堂的讲话 托马斯·杰斐逊：独立宣言

Chapter4 社会与民主

迈克尔·杰克逊：拯救儿童

希拉里·克林顿：妇女的权利也是人权

纳尔逊·曼德拉：出狱演说

马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦想

帕特里克·亨利：不自由，毋宁死

Chapter5 文化与教育

比尔·盖茨：在哈佛大学毕业典礼上的演讲

史蒂夫·乔布斯：在斯坦福大学毕业典礼上的演讲

乔治·W·布什：在清华大学的演讲

沃伦·巴菲特：在佛罗里达大学商学院的演讲

威廉·克林顿：在北京大学的演讲

Chapter6 影视与体育

凯特·温斯莱特、西恩·潘：奥斯卡最佳女主角、男主角获奖感言 雅克·罗格：北京29届奥运会开幕式和闭幕式上的讲话

安妮公主、托尼·布莱尔首相：伦敦申办2012年奥运会陈述报告 杨澜：北京申办2008年奥运会陈述报告

迈克尔·乔丹：退役演说

Chapter7 褒奖与荣誉

保罗·克鲁格曼：获诺贝尔经济学奖受奖演说

多丽丝·莱辛：未获诺贝尔文学奖演说

科菲·安南：获诺贝尔和平奖受奖演说

欧内斯特·海明威：获诺贝尔文学奖受奖演说

威廉·福克纳：获诺贝尔文学奖受奖演说

Chapter8 科技与经济

比尔·盖茨：达沃斯世界经济论坛讲话

比尔·盖茨：亚洲博鳌论坛讲话

路易斯·郭士纳（IBM前董事长兼CEO）：CeBIT’98开幕式讲话 小约翰·洛克菲勒：家族的信条

安德鲁·卡耐基：成功之道

Chapter9 奋斗与激励

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟：责任、荣誉、国家 德怀特·艾森豪威尔：反攻动员令

巴顿上将：对第三集团军的演说

亚伯拉罕·林肯：葛底斯堡演说

Chapter10 缅怀与纪念

查尔斯·斯宾塞伯爵：在戴安娜王妃葬礼上的悼词 罗纳德·里根：“挑战者号”惨剧致辞

弗里德里希·恩格斯：在马克思墓前的讲话 罗伯特·F·肯尼迪：纪念马丁·路德·金之死 乔治·格雷厄姆·维斯特：狗的赞歌

第五篇：名人演讲

2001年6月27日 在那“零和”“非零”间

尊敬的李鸿忠主席、尊敬的韦钰副部长、尊敬的黄洁夫副部长、尊敬的袁隆平院士、尊敬的巴德年院士、尊敬的郑德涛厅长、尊敬的李统书书记、徐小虎校长、谢练高书记、各位副校长、各位院长、各位领导、各位校董、各位嘉宾、各位老师、各位同学：

首先让我欢迎各位领导和朋友参加汕头大学第十六届毕业典礼。我今天很快乐，二十年前这里原是一片菜花飞扬的农地，此刻我们共聚一堂，颁发第1次医学博士学位、第246个硕士学位及第13,552个学士学位，我心内的激动不是语言能表达的。二十年是一段很长的时间，然而时间的意义怎能以日子的累积来度量呢？有很多人担心汕大是我个人“孤独的激情”，所以今天，尤其是今天，我一定不能忘记向多年来支持和关心汕大的各界朋友和同事，表达我深心由衷的谢意，是你们令到我这段历程一点都不孤单，在这里我要重申我曾经说过的话：“汕大，你是我超越生命的承诺。”

我常常都想能列出我个人认为成功一生缺一不可的质素，坚毅、勇气、有志、有识、有恒、有为、诚恳、可靠、有礼、宽容、公平、正义、洞察、智慧、尊重、正直、和善大方„„大家不要紧张，菜单这么长，真正可令人吃不消，读诵已经够累人，世界越变越复杂，反覆如汪洋，对一些人来说生活是艰苦的，但对更多人来说生活尽是迷惘，今天我们确是需要很多生命的座标。

我们要主宰生命，但如何主宰在学校可没有课程。理论上我们最清楚自己是怎样的一个人，在你们的脑海中，早已刻划好自己理想生活的每个细节，其中包括浪漫、权力和成就。我们都希望一切从心所愿，每一事物都要用理智来衡量，生活好像是沉闷无趣。我想学术界的“博奕理论”(Game Theory)对人生有一定的反映，人生有没有既定命运，我不知道，但每一天我们在那“零和”“非零”间的选择，我们其实正在不断选择自己一生的命运。

西班牙著名的画家戈雅(Goya)有一幅蚀刻画，命名为“当理智沉睡时，心魔可会出现”，画中一个学者沉睡在其书本之上，背后的猫头鹰和蝙蝠像恶梦一样纠缠着他，我们一生应小心谨慎及高度戒备，以理智克服心魔的诱惑。当我们面对镜中的自己，尽管不一定是梦想中、理想的最成功、最伟大、最有权力的人物，但一定不可以是一个我们所憎恶的形象。

各位同学，今天是你们很值得庆祝的一天，你们已成功完成你这段人生的一件大事，你们应无畏地拥抱自己的未来，从教育得到知识是我们为明日前途的准备，但道德只可以在行为里体现，自由选择要扎根于对社会和民族的责任，这个世界是由个人组成的，我们的行为、我们的选择，都会影响我们能否和平、负责任和有礼的共存，今天社会对“精英”一词有很多定义和误解，对我而言，如果你们能够坚定捍卫你们净洁能反思的心、能努力正直取得自己的成就、能对别人的成功不存妒忌、能关怀无助贫弱的人，你就是我心中的精英。今天在这里与大家共勉，谢谢大家。香港理工大学李嘉诚楼命名典礼 2001年12月4日 成功 3Q 今天很高兴在这里与各位聚首一堂。理工大学在胡应湘主席、校董会同人和潘宗光校长悉心领导下，成功为香港的高等教育肩负重要的使命。理大历史悠久，她前身是培养专业技术及管理人才的理工学院，是中小型企业的摇篮，很多毕业生亦已成为各行各业的骨干，她对香港的成长，实有不可磨灭的贡献。本人能为理工大学的发展尽一分力，是一件非常有意义的事，承大学方面以本人名字为这座宏伟的大楼命名，谨表衷心谢意。

你们可能不知道，当我为今天讲话定题的时候，同事们马上议论纷纷，不同的分析论点接踵而来。有些说光是3Q是不准确的，5Q比较切实，有些说无限Q(nQ)才是绝对概括，老实说我并非学者，今天也不是作学术报告，我所知的都是从书本及杂志吸收而来，但我的知识及见解却是自己的经验和观察所累积。究竟成功人生有没有放之四海而皆准的方程式？ 每个人都可以有巨大的雄心及高远的梦想，分别在于有没有能力实现这些梦想，当梦想成真的时候，会否在成功的台阶上更知进取？当梦境破灭、无力取胜、无能力转败为胜时，会否被套在自命不凡的枷锁？抑或会跌进万念俱灰无所期待的沮丧之中？再有学识再成功的人，也要抵御命运的寒风，虽然我在事业发展方面一直比较顺利，但和大家一样，无论我喜欢或不喜欢，我也有达不到的梦想、做不到的事、说不出的话，有愤怒、有不满，伤心的时候，我亦会流下眼泪。人生是一个很大、很复杂和常变的课题，我们用分析、运算、逻辑等理性的智商(IQ)解决诸多问题；用理解力和自我控制的情绪智商(EQ)去面对问题；用追求卓越、价值及激发自强的心灵智商(SQ)去超越问题。在我个人经历中，对此3Q的不断提升是必要的。IQ、EQ、SQ皆重要：学术专业的知识，使我们有能力去驰骋于社会各行各业中；对自己及他人环境的了解，能发挥人与人之间的同理心，加强家庭、学校、机构的团队精神；慎思明辨的心灵能力驱使我们对意义和价值的追求，促动创造精神，把经验转化成智慧，在顺境和逆境之中从容前进。

今日全球经济明显欠佳，平常生活中经历的所有挫折，均显得更加沉重，遗憾的是在经济转型中，并没有即时显效的灵丹妙药，亦没有人可以向你保证说所面对的问题会持续多久，只有聪明睿智的人洞悉到今天不是昨天，知道要承担无可逆转的改变，尽管今天没有破译的方法，他们也不会凝固于痛苦与自我折磨之中，不会天天斤斤计较眼前的得失，不会天天计算眼前的利弊，因他们知道每日积极正面地面对、思考及冲破问题，是构成丰盛人生的重要环节，及为人生累积最有价值的财富。即使处境可能不会因自己的主观努力或意志转移，但他们早已战胜生活的苦涩，为转危为机作好一切准备。

各位朋友，世人都想有一本成功的秘笈，有些人穷一生精力去找寻这本无字天书，但成功的人，一生都在不断编制自己的无字天书。今天在这里希望能与大家共勉。谢谢大家。

第十一届国际潮团联谊年会开幕仪式 2001年10月19日 全球化不可承受的重压

今天非常高兴和荣幸，能够参加我们潮人第一次在自己祖国首都举行的大会，我们来自世界各角落潮邑乡亲才俊尤其是对潮汕有莫大贡献和备受崇戴的庄世平长者，共有三千多人，能得到国家领导人的亲切关怀和重视，实在是莫大的荣耀，本人谨向今天莅临的各位人士致以崇高的敬意和衷心的感谢。

当我们如此高兴的共聚时，我们可能不曾想到，假如这世界全部只是我们潮人，这可能不是一个最富有趣味的世界。大家请不要误会，我作为潮州人，对潮汕地区的历史、乡情及我们独有的性格都感到自豪，童年的我，在家乡亦有很快乐的回忆。然而，文明社会的发展精髓在于多元汇聚，是建基于不同的传统文化及信仰。历代各国的交往，为世界发展带来创意和动力，使世人更懂得、更珍惜平等的权利、义务和各种权益，或许这所有共同的进步，为的是要创造“更富知识的人类”，在其个别追寻更丰盛的人生中，可不断发挥智慧与审慎精神，共同创造一个更人道、互相关怀及具效率与高生产力的世界。在强大的创业精神驱使下，商贸逐渐变成一种革命，在丝绸之路上孤独的骆驼队伍，已演变成为全球每个角落的竞争。全球化对文明发展和进步有独特贡献，但有些人认为它像一个脱缰的社会，其不断伸延、复杂常变及互相矛盾的性质，为懂得参与其中的人创造无限的商机及庞大的财富，也压迫着更多的人，令他们生活更艰苦和绝望，令他们感到徬徨及激愤，因他们意识到自己生命和生计已经被一些超乎其掌握范畴的力量所支配。企业追求效率及盈利，尽量扩大自己的资产价值，其立场是正确及必要的，庞大的资金轻而易举的流入可钻营的市场，层出不穷，寻找最低成本、最佳人才及机会，商场每一天如严酷的战争，负责任的管理层天天筋疲力竭，为了捍卫企业和股东的利益，被迫永无止境地开源节流，科技及投资增长，却未必能创造就业机会，市场竞争和社会责任每每两难兼顾，然而，若不能增进福祉，经济的作用又是为了什么？漠视此问题，我们将付出高昂的代价。全球化已是不可逆转的现实，我们每天生活其中，但经济的融合只是其中一个层面，全球化更重要的问题是人类如何消除歧见、和谐共进。社会最重要的动力是安定和信心，但如何达到，现今谁都没有全部的答案。人与人彼此间的关系是萌芽于自己的思想中，当我们认真开始思索这些问题时，始有改变的可能。也许全球有着各种博大精深的思想与信念，其中儒家的“仁义”、佛家的“慈悲”、道家的“济世”、基督教的“博爱”以及伊斯兰教的“净洁”都各有真理，我们要进行思想的耕耨，对各种信念要有更深入的理解，兼容并蓄，凝聚共识，才可真正知道人与人之间虽然存在很大差别，但仍可和而不同、融洽共处。

各位乡亲，我们二千多万海内外潮邑同胞无论在国内国外，多年代代的努力耕耘，创出成绩，人才辈出，在不同领域中承担着各种角色。在我个人经验里，我发觉恒心与关怀都是没有年龄和区域限制的，今天的我，还是努力地去克服我面对的困难和做到我想做的事，这是我们要时刻对自己保持的高度要求，不单是为了我们本身、为了我们的下一代、为了我们心爱的祖国大地、亦是为了我们彼此共存的世界作出贡献和创造更光辉的未来，愿与各位共勉。谢谢大家。2001年5月汕头大学师生大会 2001年5月17日 创新求进 挑战科技新世纪

尊敬的李鸿忠主席、尊敬的黄业斌副秘书长、尊敬的郑德涛厅长、尊敬的李统书书记、尊敬的李春洪市长、各位领导、各位校董、徐小虎校长、各位副校长、各位老师、各位同学： 很高兴与大家一同出席这个聚会，我首先向各位表示热烈的欢迎和衷心的感谢。今天是汕头大学一个非常重要的日子，我们在这里欢迎广东省李鸿忠副省长出任校董会主席，李副省长对教育富具热诚和积极支持，深信汕大得到他的宝贵指导，定能竿头更进，同时亦欢迎经验丰富的李统书市委书记出任校董，希望省、市政府在政策及资源上继续支持汕大。此外，亦恭贺徐小虎教授出任校长、李玉光教授出任副校长，他们两位加上汕大原有校董会所有成员、顾问、列位副校长及各学科负责人将组成强大的领导层，相信大家一定会同心协力，为汕大发展作出贡献。

汕大建校以来，一直得到同仁付出努力，在此我要感谢过去四年出任校董会主席的卢锺鹤主席，卢主席以其对教育之深厚认识及热诚投入，任内为汕大尽心尽力，建树良多，他在肩负广东省教育重任之余，还分出时间、精神，常为汕大思考未来的路向，我们深表敬佩。承卢主席答允出任汕大顾问及校友会主席，继续为大学的发展及校友的互利给予宝贵指导，凝聚毕业生的力量，为社会、为母校作出更大贡献，我们表示万二分的欢迎和感谢。相信校友会将继续壮大，不息地向前迈进。对于刚卸任的张湘伟校长，我藉此机会感谢他在过去四年为汕大所付出的努力。我亦感谢现已改任汕大顾问的庄礼祥书记在校董任内对汕大的支持。

汕大创校20年，历任的校长都是在到任后我才开始认识或共事，但今天徐小虎校长及李玉光副校长在汕大已经服务四年多，期间一直与我们共同工作，他们为人处事、学识、魄力和大公无私的工作精神，都是我们熟识和了解的，他们多年来为汕大医学院及附属医院的发展努力，并力争佳绩。徐校长及各位副校长在今天的校董会议中，已提出未来五年务实的发展规划蓝图，掌握汕大的定位和具体目标，本着唯才是用的宗旨，团结上下，为汕大开辟了配合国家、省、市发展的革新路向。希望日后大家与我一样鼎力支持徐小虎校长和所有校领导发展汕大的工作。

大学是人类智慧荟萃、知识创造和积累的摇篮，通过教学研究，启发广阔的思维，推动社会文明进步。知识不单改变个人，同时亦改变国家的命运。廿一世纪以资讯、创新科技和知识经济为主导，带动全球经济一体化，大学改革的要求和意义有着本质上的蜕变，汕头大学和其他高等学府一样，固有的发展模式受到挑战，今天的教育，已不局限于技术的应用，有着更深、更广的意义，是要能帮助发展学生的智慧及传播知识。今天的社会竞争激烈，对人才需求非常殷切，国内外的大学均倾力为社会发展培养拥有多层次、多角度创新意念的人才。跨学科的教育模式，已成为培养综合质素人才重要的一环。很多人曾经问我，为何要花这么多时间和心血在汕大的发展上？甚至在汕大建校初期，曾经有一位对教育有认识的领导向我说：“你对汕大是一个美丽的误会。”意思是指如果我要办教育，不如将资源投入北京的重点大学，所创出的成绩会更显而易见，这只因他不明白我倾力发展汕大的原因。对我而言，建设汕大不仅是为家乡之情，而是认为此地方确切需要一间高等学府来栽培优秀人才，以配合整个广东地区及国家的互动发展。汕大的成功，将对整个潮汕地区产生无可估计的长远利益及巨大影响，亦对国家教育发展贡献出一份力量。在这20年当中，可能因为制度的困难，令汕大发展常常遇到种种令人费解的人为障碍，令汕大事务往往事倍而功不及半，但我没有因此而放弃，为的是汕大前途、国家教育、在座同学和素未谋面而未来入读的年青人，如果只求圆滑而不推动汕大更新求变，自问是一种罪过。过去多年来，我不断与校领导重复地说，汕大要取得成功，并非单靠资源的投入，还要凝聚众人力量，要靠在座各位及关心汕大的朋友热诚投入时间及精神，两年前我们更新了校董会，各位出任校董的同仁，均能以其在地方或专业上的知识，向汕大提供宝贵经验和指导。我认为汕大最成功的发展，并不只是要追及重点大学的水平，更重要是发挥学生最大的潜能。汕大是我们共同的理想，如能凝聚我们所有人的智慧，汕大一定能够成功。

我在社会工作了60年，目睹及参与了世界各种经济的发展，曾经历过不少事物，见证了许多人成功与失败，自己也体验过挫折和开心的日子，在社会上亦得到不少赞许和认同。在过去和今天，为汕大付出精神、时间、资源及深厚感情，但对个人而言实是一无所求，近年来许多世人梦寐以求的世界级荣誉或衔头，几乎全部为我所婉却，已接受的亦极力低调。如果时光可以倒流，要我选择做一些人生最有意义的事，我还是以教育及医疗为终生不渝的事业。在人生旅途中，我深深体会到王安石所说“丹青难写是精神”这一句话，作为中华民族的一份子，我会竭尽所能贡献个人力量实现这个理想，不为名利，更亦不介怀别人的想法。

今天是我开心的日子，因为从我的经验知道汕大经过这么多人及这么多年的努力后，我深深相信我们的发展已踏上一条光明的康庄大道，希望大家珍惜目前我们为汕大发展携手努力的每一个时刻，发展汕大成为一所能使大家引以为荣的高等学府。谢谢各位。