美国总统奥巴马在联合国大会上的讲话

第一篇：美国总统奥巴马在联合国大会上的讲话

2009年9月3日，在第64届联合国大会开始一般性辩论之际，美国总统奥巴马出席会议并发表讲话。以下是讲话全文： Remarks by the U.S.President to the United Nations Gerneral Assembly United Nations Headquarters September 23, 2009

美国总统奥巴马在联合国大会上的讲话 联合国总部 2009年9月23日

Good morning.Mr.President, Mr.Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen, it is my honor to address you for the first time as the 44th President of the United States.(Applause.)I come before you humbled by the responsibility that the American people have placed upon me, mindful of the enormous challenges of our moment in history, and determined to act boldly and collectively on behalf of justice and prosperity at home and abroad.早上好。主席先生、秘书长先生、各位代表，女士们、先生们：我荣幸地作为美国第44任总统首次在这里发表讲话。（掌声）站在各位面前，美国人民赋予我的重任令我不胜荣幸；我深知我们这个历史时期所面临的巨大挑战；并决意为了国内外的正义和繁荣而采取大胆的集体行动。

I have been in office for just nine months--though some days it seems a lot longer.I am well aware of the expectations that accompany my presidency around the world.These expectations are not about me.Rather, they are rooted, I believe, in a discontent with a status quo that has allowed us to be increasingly defined by our differences, and outpaced by our problems.But they are also rooted in hope--the hope that real change is possible, and the hope that America will be a leader in bringing about such change.我就任总统只有9个月——但在有些日子里这段时间却显得漫长。我深知全世界对我就任总统的瞩望。在我看来，这些瞩望并非针对我个人，而是植根于一种对现状的不满，因为我们越来越被分歧所左右，疲于应付种种问题。但这些瞩望亦植根于希望——希望真正的变革有可能实现，希望美国在推动这种变革的过程中走在前面。

I took office at a time when many around the world had come to view America with skepticism and distrust.Part of this was due to misperceptions and misinformation about my country.Part of this was due to opposition to specific policies, and a belief that on certain critical issues, America has acted unilaterally, without regard for the interests of others.And this has fed an almost reflexive anti-Americanism, which too often has served as an excuse for collective inaction.在我就任总统时，全世界有很多人用怀疑和不信任的眼光看待美国，其中部分原因是对我国的误解和信息失实，还有一部分原因是对具体政策的反对，认为美国在某些关键问题上采取单边行动，不考虑他人的利益。这滋长了一种几乎是反射性的反美主义，而这种情绪又往往成为我们不采取集体行动的借口。

Now, like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and I will never apologize for defending those interests.But it is my deeply held belief that in the year 2009--more than at any point in human history--the interests of nations and peoples are shared.The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people, or they can tear us apart.The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken it.The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it.What happens to the hope of a single child--anywhere--can enrich our world, or impoverish it.同各位一样，我的职责是采取符合本国和本国人民利益的行动，我绝不会为捍卫这些利益而道歉。但我深深感到，与人类历史上任何一个时期相比，在 2009年各个国家及其人民之间都更具有共同的利益。我们心中怀有的宗教信念能够在人民之间缔结新的纽带，也能在我们之间制造隔阂。我们掌控的技术能够照亮通向和平的道路，也能永远将其笼罩在黑暗之中。我们使用的能源能够维持我们这个星球的生存，也能造成它的毁灭。如何对待每一个儿童心中的希望——无论在任何地方——能使我们的世界变得富饶，也能使之变得贫瘠。

In this hall, we come from many places, but we share a common future.No longer do we have the luxury of indulging our differences to the exclusion of the work that we must do together.I have carried this message from London to Ankara;from Port of Spain to Moscow;from Accra to Cairo;and it is what I will speak about today--because the time has come for the world to move in a new direction.We must embrace a new era of engagement based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and our work must begin now.在这个大厅里，我们来自四面八方，却拥有一个共同的未来。我们再也不能沉溺于分歧之中，以至于延误我们必须共同从事的工作。从伦敦（London）到安卡拉（Ankara），从西班牙港（Port of Spain）到莫斯科（Moscow），从阿克拉（Accra）到开罗（Cairo），我到处传播一个信息，并将在今天予以重申——因为现在是全世界向一个新方向迈进的时候了。我们必须迎接一个在共同利益和相互尊重的基础上进行接触的新纪元，我们的工作必须现在开始。

We know the future will be forged by deeds and not simply words.Speeches alone will not solve our problems--it will take persistent action.For those who question the character and cause of my nation, I ask you to look at the concrete actions we have taken in just nine months.我们知道，开创未来不能仅凭言词，还要有行动。光靠演说不能解决我们的问题——必须要有坚持不懈的行动。因此，对那些质疑我国的品格和事业的人，我请你们看一看我们在短短9个月中所采取的具体行动。

On my first day in office, I prohibited--without exception or equivocation--the use of torture by the United States of America.(Applause.)I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed, and we are doing the hard work of forging a framework to combat extremism within the rule of law.Every nation must know: America will live its values, and we will lead by example.在我就任总统的第一天，我宣布美国毫无例外、坚定不移地禁止酷刑。（掌声）我下令关闭设在关塔那摩湾（Guantanamo Bay）的关押设施，我们正在从事在法治范围内制定一个打击极端主义的框架的艰巨工作。每个国家都必须明白：美国将信守其价值观，我们将发挥表率作用。

We have set a clear and focused goal: to work with all members of this body to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies--a network that has killed thousands of people of many faiths and nations, and that plotted to blow up this very building.In Afghanistan and Pakistan, we and many nations here are helping these governments develop the capacity to take the lead in this effort, while working to advance opportunity and security for their people.我们制定了坚定不移的明确目标：同联合国所有成员共同努力，打击、摧垮并击溃基地组织（al Qaeda）及其极端主义同伙——这个网络杀害了持不同信仰、来自不同国家的成千上万的民众，并曾策划炸毁这座大楼。在阿富汗（Afghanistan）和巴基斯坦（Pakistan），我们和在座的很多国家正在帮助这两个国家的政府建设主导这项行动的能力，同时努力为这两个国家的人民增进机会和安全。

In Iraq, we are responsibly ending a war.We have removed American combat brigades from Iraqi cities, and set a deadline of next August to remove all our combat brigades from Iraqi territory.And I have made clear that we will help Iraqis transition to full responsibility for their future, and keep our commitment to remove all American troops by the end of 2011.在伊拉克，我们正在负责任地结束这场战争。我们已将美国作战部队撤离伊拉克各个城市，并确定了到明年8月将我国所有作战部队撤离伊拉克领土的期限。我还明确表示，我们将帮助伊拉克人为掌握他们的未来向全面行使权力过渡，并将履行到2011年年底将全部美国军队撤离的承诺。

I have outlined a comprehensive agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons.In Moscow, the United States and Russia announced that we would pursue substantial reductions in our strategic warheads and launchers.At the Conference on Disarmament, we agreed on a work plan to negotiate an end to the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons.And this week, my Secretary of State will become the first senior American representative to the annual Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.我提出了一项综合议程，寻求实现一个没有核武器的世界的目标。在莫斯科，美国和俄罗斯共同宣布大幅度削减我们的战略弹头和发射器。在裁军会议（Conference on Disarmament）上，我们赞同一项工作计划，通过谈判终止用于制造核武器的可裂变物质的生产。这个星期，我国国务卿将成为出席年度性《全面禁止核试验条约》缔约国会议（Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty）的第一位高层美国代表。

Upon taking office, I appointed a Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and America has worked steadily and aggressively to advance the cause of two states--Israel and Palestine--in which peace and security take root, and the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians are respected.我在就任之初便任命了一位中东和平事务特使（Special Envoy for Middle East Peace），美国一直在稳步地、积极地推进以色列（Israel）和巴勒斯坦（Palestine）两国并存的方针——让和平与安全扎下根基，让以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的权利同时得到尊重。

To confront climate change, we have invested $80 billion in clean energy.We have substantially increased our fuel-efficiency standards.We have provided new incentives for conservation, launched an energy partnership across the Americas, and moved from a bystander to a leader in international climate negotiations.为应对气候变化，我们已投资800亿美元发展清洁能源。我们大幅度提高了燃料效率标准。我们制定了新的鼓励节能的措施，在美洲国家中发起了一项能源合作计划，并在国际气候谈判中从一个旁观者变成了一名领袖。

To overcome an economic crisis that touches every corner of the world, we worked with the G20 nations to forge a coordinated international response of over $2 trillion in stimulus to bring the global economy back from the brink.We mobilized resources that helped prevent the crisis from spreading further to developing countries.And we joined with others to launch a $20 billion global food security initiative that will lend a hand to those who need it most, and help them build their own capacity.为度过一场波及全世界各个角落的经济危机，我们与G20成员国共同制定了相互协调的国际性举措，以超过2万亿美元的刺激计划挽救了濒临崩溃的全球经济。我们调动资源，帮助阻止这场危机进一步波及发展中国家。我们还与其他一些国家共同发起了一项200亿美元的全球粮食保障计划，向最需要救助的人伸出援手，并帮助他们进行能力建设。

We've also re-engaged the United Nations.We have paid our bills.We have joined the Human Rights Council.(Applause.)We have signed the Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.We have fully embraced the Millennium Development Goals.And we address our priorities here, in this institution--for instance, through the Security Council meeting that I will chair tomorrow on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and through the issues that I will discuss today.我们还重新参与联合国事务。我们支付了会费。我们加入了理事会（Human Rights Council）。（掌声）我们签署了《残疾利公约》（Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities）。我们全面采纳了千年发展目标（Millennium Development Goals）。我们在这里，在这个机制内提出我们的重点议题——例如通过我明天将主持的有关核不扩散和裁军问题的安理会（Security Council）会议，以及通过我今天要谈到的一系列问题。

This is what we have already done.But this is just a beginning.Some of our actions have yielded progress.Some have laid the groundwork for progress in the future.But make no mistake: This cannot solely be America's endeavor.Those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world's problems alone.We have sought--in word and deed--a new era of engagement with the world.And now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a global response to global challenges.这就是我们已经做的。但只是一个开端。我们采取的一些行动已经取得进展。另外一些行动已为未来取得进展奠定了基础。但必须指出的是，这不仅仅是美国的事务。过去有人严厉抨击美国在全球单独行动，如今他们也不能袖手旁观，等待美国单独解决世界面临的问题。我们通过自己的言辞和行动，希望开辟与全世界进行接触的新时代。现在我们需要共同承担责任，做到全球一致努力应对全球性挑战。

Now, if we are honest with ourselves, we need to admit that we are not living up to that responsibility.Consider the course that we're on if we fail to confront the status quo: Extremists sowing terror in pockets of the world;protracted conflicts that grind on and on;genocide;mass atrocities;more nations with nuclear weapons;melting ice caps and ravaged populations;persistent poverty and pandemic disease.I say this not to sow fear, but to state a fact: The magnitude of our challenges has yet to be met by the measure of our actions.为此，我们如果实事求是，就必须承认我们还没有完全履行这项职责。如果我们不能扭转目前的现状，请设想一下我们今后面对的局面：极端主义分子在全世界各地制造恐怖；持续不断的冲突永无休止；种族灭绝；大规模屠杀；越来越多的国家拥有核武器；冰峰融化，人类饱受灾难；贫困持续存在，疾病蔓延。我所说的并非耸人听闻，而是说明一个事实：我们面临巨大的挑战，但我们的行动尚未能与之抗衡。

This body was founded on the belief that the nations of the world could solve their problems together.Franklin Roosevelt, who died before he could see his vision for this institution become a reality, put it this way--and I quote: “The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one nation….It cannot be a peace of large nations--or of small nations.It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world.”

联合国的建立以世界各国能够共同解决问题的信念为基础。富兰克林∙罗斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)去世前未能看到他设想的这个机构成为现实。罗斯福曾经表示——以下是我引用他的话：“世界和平的大厦不可能是一个人、一个政党或一个国家的产物„„。不能只有大国的和平——或只有小国的和平。和平必须以全世界同心协力为基础。”

The cooperative effort of the whole world.Those words ring even more true today, when it is not simply peace, but our very health and prosperity that we hold in common.Yet we also know that this body is made up of sovereign states.And sadly, but not surprisingly, this body has often become a forum for sowing discord instead of forging common ground;a venue for playing politics and exploiting grievances rather than solving problems.After all, it is easy to walk up to this podium and point figures--point fingers and stoke divisions.Nothing is easier than blaming others for our troubles, and absolving ourselves of responsibility for our choices and our actions.Anybody can do that.Responsibility and leadership in the 21st century demand more.全世界同心协力。今天,这些话语尤其重要，不仅为了实现和平，而且为了我们共同的兴旺与繁荣。然而，我们也了解，这个机构由主权国家组成。令人感到遗憾但并不意外的是，这个机构经常成为相互纷争的场所，而不是达成共识的场所；成为玩弄政治和利用不满情绪发难的场所，而不是解决问题的场所。总而言之，走上这个讲台相互指责——相互指责，助长，并不困难。将自己的问题归咎于他人，或者采取逃避责任的态度对待自己的选择和自己的行动，没有什么比这更容易。谁都能这样做。但是21世纪的责任和领导作用要求有更大的作为。

In an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero-sum game.No one nation can or should try to dominate another nation.No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will succeed.No balance of power among nations will hold.The traditional divisions between nations of the South and the North make no sense in an interconnected world;nor do alignments of nations rooted in the cleavages of a long-gone Cold War.置身于这个时代，我们的命运息息相关，权力不再依从你死我活的法则。没有哪一个国家能够或应该试图主宰另一个国家。任何将一个国家或一个群体置于他人之上的世界秩序不可能获得成功。强权的均势也不可能得到维持。在一个相互依存的世界上，传统上以南北方划分国家的方式已经毫无意义；在冷战早已结束的情况下，国家以阵营划分的格局也不再有意义。

The time has come to realize that the old habits, the old arguments, are irrelevant to the challenges faced by our people.They lead nations to act in opposition to the very goals that they claim to pursue--and to vote, often in this body, against the interests of their own people.They build up walls between us and the future that our people seek, and the time has come for those walls to come down.Together, we must build new coalitions that bridge old divides--coalitions of different faiths and creeds;of north and south, east, west, black, white, and brown.现在，应该认识到旧的惯例、旧的观点与各国人民面临的挑战已毫无关联。这些陈规陋习引导各国采取的行动往往与自身要求实现的目标背道而驰——各国采取的投票行动，包括经常在这个机构进行的投票，也往往违背了本国人民的利益。这些陈规陋习在我们与各国人民追求的未来之间筑起一道道墙，现在是拆除这些墙的时候了。我们必须同心协力建立有助于消除旧的分歧的新同盟——由不同信仰和信念组成的同盟；由南方与北方、东方与西方、黑人与白人和黄种人组成的同盟。

The choice is ours.We can be remembered as a generation that chose to drag the arguments of the 20th century into the 21st;that put off hard choices, refused to look ahead, failed to keep pace because we defined ourselves by what we were against instead of what we were for.Or we can be a generation that chooses to see the shoreline beyond the rough waters ahead;that comes together to serve the common interests of human beings, and finally gives meaning to the promise embedded in the name given to this institution: the United Nations.我们必须做出选择。我们这一代人可留给后人这样的记忆：把20世纪的争议带入21世纪，推迟做出艰难的选择，拒绝往前看，落后于时代，因为我们忙于设置障碍，而无暇创造未来。我们这一代人亦可留给后人另一种记忆：让我们的视野越过汹涌的波涛投向大洋彼岸，为了人类共同利益而走到一起，最终使联合国名称所蕴涵的希望开始变成现实。

That is the future America wants--a future of peace and prosperity that we can only reach if we recognize that all nations have rights, but all nations have responsibilities as well.That is the bargain that makes this work.That must be the guiding principle of international cooperation.这就是美国渴望的未来，一个和平与繁荣的未来，我们只有在承认所有国家拥有权利但同时又承担责任的时候才能如愿以偿。这是成功的必要条件，也必须是国际合作的指导原则。

Today, let me put forward four pillars that I believe are fundamental to the future that we want for our children: non-proliferation and disarmament;the promotion of peace and security;the preservation of our planet;and a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.今天，我谨在此提出四大要素，我认为这些要素对我们希望为后代所创造的未来至关重要：不扩散与裁军；促进和平与安全；保护我们的地球；以及为全体人民增进机会的全球经济。

First, we must stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and seek the goal of a world without them.首先，我们必须停止核武器的扩散，寻求一个没有核武器的世界。

This institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age, in part because man's capacity to kill had to be contained.For decades, we averted disaster, even under the shadow of a superpower stand-off.But today, the threat of proliferation is growing in scope and complexity.If we fail to act, we will invite nuclear arms races in every region, and the prospect of wars and acts of terror on a scale that we can hardly imagine.联合国成立于原子时代的初期，在一定程度上是为了遏制人类自相残杀的能力。几十年来，即使在超级大国对峙的阴影下，我们避免了灾难。然而，今天，扩散的威胁正在蔓延，也变得复杂化。我们如果不采取行动，就意味着鼓励各地区的核武器竞赛，战争阴影和恐怖行动蔓延的范围将超出我们的想象。

A fragile consensus stands in the way of this frightening outcome, and that is the basic bargain that shapes the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.It says that all nations have the right to peaceful nuclear energy;that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward disarmament;and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them.The next 12 months could be pivotal in determining whether this compact will be strengthened or will slowly dissolve.一个脆弱的共识防范着这一令人恐惧的结局，那就是构成《核不扩散条约》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)的基本条件。条约指出，所有国家有权发展和平用途的核能；拥有核武器的国家有责任向销毁武器迈进；没有核武器的国家有责任不发展核武器。该条约是得到加强还是被逐渐解除，今后十二个月可能至关重要。

America intends to keep our end of the bargain.We will pursue a new agreement with Russia to substantially reduce our strategic warheads and launchers.We will move forward with ratification of the Test Ban Treaty, and work with others to bring the treaty into force so that nuclear testing is permanently prohibited.We will complete a Nuclear Posture Review that opens the door to deeper cuts and reduces the role of nuclear weapons.And we will call upon countries to begin negotiations in January on a treaty to end the production of fissile material for weapons.美国愿意坚持我们的承诺。我们将寻求与俄罗斯达成新协议，大幅度削减我们的战略弹头和发射器。我们将为争取《禁止核试验条约》(Test Ban Treaty)的批准而努力，并将与其他方面合作使条约生效，永远禁止核试验。我们将完成《核态势审议》(Nuclear Posture Review)，从而为进一步削减核武器和减少其作用打开大门。我们将呼吁各国从明年一月开始谈判一项协议，以终止可用于武器的裂变材料的生产。

I will also host a summit next April that reaffirms each nation's responsibility to secure nuclear material on its territory, and to help those who can't--because we must never allow a single nuclear device to fall into the hands of a violent extremist.And we will work to strengthen the institutions and initiatives that combat nuclear smuggling and theft.我还将在明年四月主持一次高峰会议，该会议将重申各国有责任在自己国土内保障核材料安全，并为那些无法提供该保障的国家提供帮助——因为我们必须确保永远不会有一个核装置落在暴力极端分子的手中。我们将致力于加强那些打击核走私与核盗窃活动的机制和计划。

All of this must support efforts to strengthen the NPT.Those nations that refuse to live up to their obligations must face consequences.Let me be clear, this is not about singling out individual nations--it is about standing up for the rights of all nations that do live up to their responsibilities.Because a world in which IAEA inspections are avoided and the United Nation's demands are ignored will leave all people less safe, and all nations less secure.所有这一切都必须支持加强《不扩散核武器条约》的努力。凡是拒绝履行自己义务的国家必须面对各种后果。我谨在此申明，这不是要向某些个别国家兴师问罪–而是维护所有履行义务的国家的权利。因为一个逃避国际原子能机构（IAEA）核查、无视联合国要求的世界将会使所有的人更不安全和所有的国家更没有保障。

In their actions to date, the governments of North Korea and Iran threaten to take us down this dangerous slope.We respect their rights as members of the community of nations.I've said before and I will repeat, I am committed to diplomacy that opens a path to greater prosperity and more secure peace for both nations if they live up to their obligations.北韩和伊朗政府迄今为止采取的行动构成一种威胁，可能把我们推下这个危险的斜坡。我们尊重他们作为国际社会成员的权利。我以前曾经说过，¤Í在还要再说一遍：如果他们履行自己的义务，我将努力通过外交为这两个国家开辟一条通往更大繁荣和更有保障的和平的道路。

But if the governments of Iran and North Korea choose to ignore international standards;if they put the pursuit of nuclear weapons ahead of regional stability and the security and opportunity of their own people;if they are oblivious to the dangers of escalating nuclear arms races in both East Asia and the Middle East--then they must be held accountable.The world must stand together to demonstrate that international law is not an empty promise, and that treaties will be enforced.We must insist that the future does not belong to fear.但是，如果伊朗和北韩政府决意无视国际准则；如果他们把谋求核武器置于地区安全稳定和本国人民的机遇之上；如果他们将东亚和中东地区核军备竞赛升级的危险置之不顾–那么他们必须对此承担责任。全世界必须站在一起，表明国际法不是空洞的许诺，各项条约必将执行。未来不能属于恐惧，我们必须坚持这一立场。

That brings me to the second pillar for our future: the pursuit of peace.我现在谈一下我们的未来的第二项要素：追求和平。

The United Nations was born of the belief that the people of the world can live their lives, raise their families, and resolve their differences peacefully.And yet we know that in too many parts of the world, this ideal remains an abstraction--a distant dream.We can either accept that outcome as inevitable, and tolerate constant and crippling conflict, or we can recognize that the yearning for peace is universal, and reassert our resolve to end conflicts around the world.联合国的建立是基于这样一种信念：全世界人民都能够正常生活，养育子女，以和平方式消除分歧。但我们知道，这个理想在世界上太多的地方仍然是一种抽象的概念–一种遥不可及的空想。我们面临两种选择：要么接受这样的结果，把它视为不可避免的现实，容忍造成严重损害的经常性冲突；要么认识到渴望和平是普遍的愿望，并重下决心去结束世界各地的冲突。

That effort must begin with an unshakeable determination that the murder of innocent men, women and children will never be tolerated.On this, no one can be--there can be no dispute.The violent extremists who promote conflict by distorting faith have discredited and isolated themselves.They offer nothing but hatred and destruction.In confronting them, America will forge lasting partnerships to target terrorists, share intelligence, and coordinate law enforcement and protect our people.We will permit no safe haven for al Qaeda to launch attacks from Afghanistan or any other nation.We will stand by our friends on the front lines, as we and many nations will do in pledging support for the Pakistani people tomorrow.And we will pursue positive engagement that builds bridges among faiths, and new partnerships for opportunity.这种努力必须始于一种不可动摇的决心：绝不容忍对无辜的男女老少进行屠杀。关于这一点，没有人能–不可能有任何的争辩。通过扭曲信仰来加剧冲突的暴力极端分子已经败坏了自己的名声并孤立了自己。他们带来的只是仇恨和破坏。在与他们作斗争时，美国将打造持久的伙伴关系，以便把目标对准恐怖分子，分享情报，协调执法行动和保护人民。我们绝不允许“基地”组织有任何庇护所，并借此从阿富汗或任何其他国家发动袭击。我们将与我们的朋友共同站在第一线，正如明天我们和许多国家将要做的那样，保证为巴基斯坦人民提供援助。我们将寻求具有积极意义的接触，使这种接触在各种信仰之间架起桥梁，并建立带来机遇的新伙伴关系。

Our efforts to promote peace, however, cannot be limited to defeating violent extremists.For the most powerful weapon in our arsenal is the hope of human beings--the belief that the future belongs to those who would build and not destroy;the confidence that conflicts can end and a new day can begin.但是，我们促进和平的努力不能局限于战胜暴力极端分子，因为在我们的武器库内最有力的武器是人类的希望——相信未来属于从事建设而不进行破坏的人们；深信冲突能够结束、新的一天能够开始。

And that is why we will support--we will strengthen our support for effective peacekeeping, while energizing our efforts to prevent conflicts before they take hold.We will pursue a lasting peace in Sudan through support for the people of Darfur and the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, so that we secure the peace that the Sudanese people deserve.(Applause.)And in countries ravaged by violence--from Haiti to Congo to East Timor--we will work with the U.N.and other partners to support an enduring peace.因此，我们将支持–我们将增强我们对有效维和活动的支持；与此同时，在冲突形成之前竭力防止冲突发生。我们将通过支持达尔富尔地区的人民和《全面和平协议》的实施在苏丹寻求持久和平，这样我们将为苏丹人民获得应有的和平提供保障。在遭受暴力蹂躏的国家–从海地到刚果到东帝汶–我们将与联合国及其他合作伙伴协作，支持实现持久和平。

I will also continue to seek a just and lasting peace between Israel, Palestine, and the Arab world.(Applause.)We will continue to work on that issue.Yesterday, I had a constructive meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas.We have made some progress.Palestinians have strengthened their efforts on security.Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the Palestinians.As a result of these efforts on both sides, the economy in the West Bank has begun to grow.But more progress is needed.We continue to call on Palestinians to end incitement against Israel, and we continue to emphasize that America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.(Applause.)

我还将继续寻求在以色列、巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯世界之间建立公正和持久的和平。（掌声）我们将继续在这个问题上作出努力。昨天，我与内塔尼亚胡(Netanyahu)总理和阿巴斯(Abbas)主席举行了一次建设性的会议。我们取得了一些进展。巴勒斯坦人加强了他们在安全方面的努力。以色列方面则扩大了巴勒斯坦人的行动自由。在双方作出这些努力后，约旦河西岸的经济已开始增长。但是，还需要取得更大的进展。我们继续呼吁巴勒斯坦人结束针对以色列的挑衅行为，我们也继续强调美国不接受以色列继续扩大定居点这一做法的合法性。（掌声）

The time has come--the time has come to re-launch negotiations without preconditions that address the permanent status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians, borders, refugees, and Jerusalem.And the goal is clear: Two states living side by side in peace and security--a Jewish state of Israel, with true security for all Israelis;and a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967, and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people.(Applause.)

这样的时刻已经来临–不预设条件重启谈判解决以色列人与巴勒斯坦人的安全、边界、和耶路撒冷等永久性地位问题的时刻已经来临。目标很明确：两个国家在和平与安全中并存——一个是所有以色列人真正享有安全的以色列犹太国；另一个是独立的、具有生命力的巴勒斯坦国，它将重获从1967年开始被占领的大片领土，并使巴勒斯坦人民的潜能得到发挥。（掌声）

As we pursue this goal, we will also pursue peace between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its many neighbors.In pursuit of that goal, we will develop regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.当我们寻求这项目标时，我们还将寻求以色列与黎巴嫩、以色列与叙利亚、以色列与其许多邻国之间的更广泛的和平。在寻求这项目标时，我们不仅要利用双边谈判，还将制定多方参与的地区性行动计划。

Now, I am not naïve.I know this will be difficult.But all of us--not just the Israelis and the Palestinians, but all of us--must decide whether we are serious about peace, or whether we will only lend it lip service.To break the old patterns, to break the cycle of insecurity and despair, all of us must say publicly what we would acknowledge in private.The United States does Israel no favors when we fail to couple an unwavering commitment to its security with an insistence that Israel respect the legitimate claims and rights of the Palestinians.(Applause.)And--and nations within this body do the Palestinians no favors when they choose vitriolic attacks against Israel over constructive willingness to recognize Israel's legitimacy and its right to exist in peace and security.(Applause.)我并不幼稚天真。我知道这件事并非轻而易举。但我们大家–不仅是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人，而是我们大家–必须决定我们是否真正希望实现和平，还只是口惠而实不至。为了打破旧有的模式，打破不安全和绝望的循环，我们大家必须公开说出我们私下承认的事实。美国如果不把对以色列的安全所作的坚定承诺与坚持要求以色列尊重巴勒斯坦人民的合法诉求与权利这两者结合在一起，就等于没有向以色列提供任何帮助。（掌声）如果联合国的成员国只是对以色列猛烈抨击，而不是本着建设性的态度承认以色列的合法性及其在和平与安全中生存的权利，这些国家也就没有向巴勒斯坦人提供任何帮助。（掌声）

We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us.It's not paid by politicians.It's paid by the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the middle of the night.It's paid for by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to call his own.These are all God's children.And after all the politics and all the posturing, this is about the right of every human being to live with dignity and security.That is a lesson embedded in the three great faiths that call one small slice of Earth the Holy Land.And that is why, even though there will be setbacks and false starts and tough days, I will not waver in my pursuit of peace.(Applause.)

我们必须记住，为这场冲突付出最大代价的并不是我们，也不是政客们，而是住在斯德洛特（Sderot）的以色列女孩，她惊恐万分，闭上自己的眼睛，害怕会被半夜袭来的火箭弹夺走生命。付出代价的还有加沙（Gaza）地带的巴勒斯坦男孩，他喝不上干净的水，也没有自己的祖国。他们都是上帝的子民。在种种政治较量和种种姿态背后，最根本的是每个人都有权过有尊严和安全无虞的生活。这是将地球上这一小块地方称为圣地（Holy Land）的三大宗教的教诲。正因为如此，尽管会面临挫折、出师不利的局面和艰难的时期，我都会毫不动摇地寻求和平。（掌声）

Third, we must recognize that in the 21st century, there will be no peace unless we take responsibility for the preservation of our planet.And I thank the Secretary General for hosting the subject of climate change yesterday.第三，我们必须认识到，在21世纪，除非我们承担起保护我们的星球的责任，否则就不会有和平。为此，我感谢秘书长昨天主持气候变化问题会议。

The danger posed by climate change cannot be denied.Our responsibility to meet it must not be deferred.If we continue down our current course, every member of this Assembly will see irreversible changes within their borders.Our efforts to end conflicts will be eclipsed by wars over refugees and resources.Development will be devastated by drought and famine.Land that human beings have lived on for millennia will disappear.Future generations will look back and wonder why we refused to act;why we failed to pass on--why we failed to pass on an environment that was worthy of our inheritance.气候变化构成的威胁不可否认。我们绝不能推诿应对这一威胁的责任。如果我们继续走现在这条道路，联大每一个会员国都将在本国境内看到无可补救的变化。我们制止冲突的努力将被因难民和争夺资源引发的战火耗尽。干旱和饥荒将断送促进发展的事业。人类世世代代生活的土地将会消失。子孙后代将回顾历史，责问我们为什么不采取行动；我们为什么没有留下——我们为什么没有留下一个值得为之骄傲的环境。

And that is why the days when America dragged its feet on this issue are over.We will move forward with investments to transform our energy economy, while providing incentives to make clean energy the profitable kind of energy.We will press ahead with deep cuts in emissions to reach the goals that we set for 2020, and eventually 2050.We will continue to promote renewable energy and efficiency, and share new technologies with countries around the world.And we will seize every opportunity for progress to address this threat in a cooperative effort with the entire world.因此，美国在这个问题上步履迟缓的时期结束了。我们将向前迈进，投资于我国能源经济的转型，同时通过鼓励措施使清洁能源变成有益的能源。我们将积极推行大幅度减排，实现我们到2020年要实现的目标，并最终实现2050年的既定目标。我们将继续提倡可再生能源和节能，并同世界各国分享新技术。我们将抓住一切寻求进展的机会，同全世界同心协力应对这一威胁。

And those wealthy nations that did so much damage to the environment in the 20th century must accept our obligation to lead.But responsibility does not end there.While we must acknowledge the need for differentiated responses, any effort to curb carbon emissions must include the fast-growing carbon emitters who can do more to reduce their air pollution without inhibiting growth.And any effort that fails to help the poorest nations both adapt to the problems that climate change have already wrought and help them travel a path of clean development simply will not work.对于所有在20世纪给环境造成了如此严重破坏的富裕国家，我们必须尽自己的义务，率先采取行动。但责任不限于此。尽管我们必须承认，应对行动应该区别对待，但任何限制碳排放的努力都必须将碳排放量增长迅速的国家包括在内，这些国家能在不阻碍发展的情况下为降低空气污染做出更多的努力。任何方案都需要一方面帮助最贫困的国家应对气候变化已经造成问题，另一方面帮助它们走上清洁发展的道路。如果无法两者兼顾，则根本无法取得成效。

It's hard to change something as fundamental as how we use energy.I know that.It's even harder to do so in the midst of a global recession.Certainly, it will be tempting to sit back and wait for others to move first.But we cannot make this journey unless we all move forward together.As we head into Copenhagen, let us resolve to focus on what each of us can do for the sake of our common future.改变我们使用能源的方式是一个基本问题，做到这一点并不容易。我知道这一点。在全球陷入衰退的时期这样做，甚至更加困难。当然，难免会有坐等他人首先采取行动的想法。但除非我们所有的人共同行动，否则就无法踏上这一征程。在我们准备出席哥本哈根（Copenhagen）会议之际，让我们痛下决心，集中精力去做我们每个人能为我们共同的未来所做的事情。And this leads me to the final pillar that must fortify our future: a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.现在，我将谈到支撑我们的未来的最后一个要素：为所有的人增进机会的全球经济。

The world is still recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.In America, we see the engine of growth beginning to churn, and yet many still struggle to find a job or pay their bills.Across the globe, we find promising signs, but little certainty about what lies ahead.And far too many people in far too many places live through the daily crises that challenge our humanity--the despair of an empty stomach;the thirst brought on by dwindling water supplies;the injustice of a child dying from a treatable disease;or a mother losing her life as she gives birth.全世界经历了自大萧条（Great Depression）以来最严重的一场经济危机，目前还在复苏之中。在美国，我们看到增长的引擎开始转动，但很多人仍然找不到工作，入不敷出。在全球各地，我们看到了可喜的迹象，但前景仍无定数。在太多的地方，有太多的人每天都生活在挑战人生的艰辛之中——饥肠辘辘，顿生绝望；供水短缺，干渴难熬；疾病可治，但患病儿童却死于不公正；或者出现产妇在生育过程中死亡的惨剧。

In Pittsburgh, we will work with the world's largest economies to chart a course for growth that is balanced and sustained.That means vigilance to ensure that we do not let up until our people are back to work.That means taking steps to rekindle demand so that global recovery can be sustained.And that means setting new rules of the road and strengthening regulation for all financial centers, so that we put an end to the greed and the excess and the abuse that led us into this disaster, and prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.在匹兹堡（Pittsburgh），我们将同全世界最大的经济体共同开辟一条均衡的、可持续增长的道路。这意味着高度负责，毫不松懈，直到我们的人民获得重新就业。意味着采取措施重新促进需求，保证全球复苏持续进行。这还意味着确立新的行为准则，并增强对所有金融中心的监管，以便铲除将我们带进这场灾难的贪婪、无节制和渎职行为，杜绝这样的危机再度发生。

At a time of such interdependence, we have a moral and pragmatic interest, however, in broader questions of development--the questions of development that existed even before this crisis happened.And so America will continue our historic effort to help people feed themselves.We have set aside $63 billion to carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS, to end deaths from tuberculosis and malaria, to eradicate polio, and to strengthen public health systems.We are joining with other countries to contribute H1N1 vaccines to the World Health Organization.We will integrate more economies into a system of global trade.We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year's summit with a global plan to make them a reality.And we will set our sights on the eradication of extreme poverty in our time.然而，在这个如此相互依存的时代，我们在更宽泛的发展问题上有着道义上和实际的利益——有关发展的种种问题在这场危机爆发前就已经存在。因此，美国将继续发扬历史传统，帮助人民吃饱穿暖。我们已拨款630亿美元继续进行防治艾滋病病毒/艾滋病（HIV/AIDS）的工作，挽救结核病和疟疾患者的生命，根治小儿麻痹症，并增强公共医疗体制。我们同其他国家共同向世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）捐赠H1N1疫苗。我们将帮助更多的经济体加入全球贸易体系。我们将支持千年发展目标，并将在明年的峰会上提出一项实现这些目标的全球计划。我们还将力争在我们这个时代根除极端贫困的现象。

Now is the time for all of us to do our part.Growth will not be sustained or shared unless all nations embrace their responsibilities.And that means that wealthy nations must open their markets to more goods and extend a hand to those with less, while reforming international institutions to give more nations a greater voice.And developing nations must root out the corruption that is an obstacle to progress--for opportunity cannot thrive where individuals are oppressed and business have to pay bribes.That is why we support honest police and independent judges;civil society and a vibrant private sector.Our goal is simple: a global economy in which growth is sustained, and opportunity is available to all.现在是我们所有的人尽力而为的时候了。只有所有国家都承担起责任，才能实现可持续增长或共同增长。这意味着富裕国家必须向更多的商品开放市场，并向不太富裕的国家伸出援手，同时改革国际机制，使更多的国家拥有更大的发言权。发展中国家必须根除阻碍进步的腐败现象——因为在人民遭受压迫、工商企业不得不行贿的地方不会出现机遇。这因为如此，我们支持廉正的警察和独立的法官；支持公民社会和一个欣欣向荣的民营部门。我们的目标简单明了：全球经济实现可持续增长，让所有的人都享有机会。

Now, the changes that I've spoken about today will not be easy to make.And they will not be realized simply by leaders like us coming together in forums like this, as useful as that may be.For as in any assembly of members, real change can only come through the people we represent.That is why we must do the hard work to lay the groundwork for progress in our own capitals.That's where we will build the consensus to end conflicts and to harness technology for peaceful purposes, to change the way we use energy, and to promote growth that can be sustained and shared.然而，实现我今天谈到的种种变革不可能一蹴而就。这些变革也不可能仅仅因为我们这些领导人在这里举行会议就能实现，尽管这些会议能发挥有益的作用。因为不论什么组织举行什么样的会议，真正的变革只能通过我们代表的人民才能得到实现。这也是为什么我们必须艰苦努力，在我们各国首都为取得进展奠定基础。这就构成了我们达成共识的基础，从而可以结束冲突，从而可以为和平的目的利用技术，从而可以改变我们使用能源的方式，从而可以促进可持续的共同增长。

I believe that the people of the world want this future for their children.And that is why we must champion those principles which ensure that governments reflect the will of the people.These principles cannot be afterthoughts--democracy and human rights are essential to achieving each of the goals that I've discussed today, because governments of the people and by the people are more likely to act in the broader interests of their own people, rather than narrow interests of those in power.我相信，全世界人民都希望为自己的孩子争取这样的未来。这也是我们必须捍卫上述原则的原因，因为这些原则要求各国政府必须体现人民的意志。这些原则并非可有可无—民主和对于实现我今天谈到的各项目标必不可少，因为民有和民治的政府更有可能根据本国人民更广泛的利益采取行动，不必屈从于当权者狭隘的利益。

The test of our leadership will not be the degree to which we feed the fears and old hatreds of our people.True leadership will not be measured by the ability to muzzle dissent, or to intimidate and harass political opponents at home.The people of the world want change.They will not long tolerate those who are on the wrong side of history.对我们领导能力的检验不表现于助长人民的恐惧感和深仇宿怨。衡量真正领导能力的尺度不是压制异己或恫吓骚扰国内政治反对派的力量。世界人民希望变革。他们不会长期忍耐与历史背道而驰的人。

This Assembly's Charter commits each of us--and I quote--“to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women.” Among those rights is the freedom to speak your mind and worship as you please;the promise of equality of the races, and the opportunity for women and girls to pursue their own potential;the ability of citizens to have a say in how you are governed, and to have confidence in the administration of justice.For just as no nation should be forced to accept the tyranny of another nation, no individual should be forced to accept the tyranny of their own people.(Applause.)

大会宪章责成我们每个成员——我在此引述——“重申他们对基本、人格尊严和价值以及男女平等权利的信念”。这些权利包括，表达自己观点的自由和信仰自由；种族平等的保证；妇女和女童发展潜力的机会；公民对自身管理的发言权以及对司法公正的信心。正如任何国家都不应被迫接受另一国家的专制一样，任何人都不应被迫接受对本国人民的专制。（掌声）

As an African American, I will never forget that I would not be here today without the steady pursuit of a more perfect union in my country.And that guides my belief that no matter how dark the day may seem, transformative change can be forged by those who choose to side with justice.And I pledge that America will always stand with those who stand up for their dignity and their rights--for the student who seeks to learn;the voter who demands to be heard;the innocent who longs to be free;the oppressed who yearns to be equal.作为一个非洲裔美国人，我决不会忘记，若不是我的国家对一个更加完美的联邦的坚定追求，我今天不会站在这里。它使我相信，无论眼前看似多么黑暗，选择站在正义一边的人们是能够促成变革的。我保证，美国将永远同捍卫自身尊严与权利的人们在一起——同努力求学的学生；同要求发出声音的选民；同渴望自由的无辜者；同期盼平等的受压迫人。Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside.Each society must search for its own path, and no path is perfect.Each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people and in its past traditions.And I admit that America has too often been selective in its promotion of democracy.But that does not weaken our commitment;it only reinforces it.There are basic principles that are universal;there are certain truths which are self-evident--and the United States of America will never waver in our efforts to stand up for the right of people everywhere to determine their own destiny.(Applause.)

民主不可能从外部强加给任何国家。每个社会必须寻求自身的道路，而没有一条路会尽善尽美。每个国家都将谋求一条基于自身民族文化和历史传统的道路。我承认，美国在推动民主时曾过于经常地带有选择性。但这并不减少我们的承诺，而是使之更加坚定。一些基本原则是举世皆准的；一些真理是不言而喻的——美利坚合众国将永远毫不动摇地支持各地人民决定自己命运的权利。（掌声）

Sixty-five years ago, a weary Franklin Roosevelt spoke to the American people in his fourth and final inaugural address.After years of war, he sought to sum up the lessons that could be drawn from the terrible suffering, the enormous sacrifice that had taken place.“We have learned,” he said, “to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.”

６５年前，忧心忡忡的富兰克林•罗斯福向美国人民发表了他的第四次，也是最后一次就职演说。他对多年战争造成的可怕苦难和人们作出的巨大牺牲所能带来的教训作了如此概括：“我们学会了做世界公民，做人类社会的成员。”

The United Nations was built by men and women like Roosevelt from every corner of the world--from Africa and Asia, from Europe to the Americas.These architects of international cooperation had an idealism that was anything but naïve--it was rooted in the hard-earned lessons of war;rooted in the wisdom that nations could advance their interests by acting together instead of splitting apart.从非洲到亚洲、从欧洲到美洲——联合国是由世界各地像罗斯福这样的男女志士创建起来的。这些国际合作建筑师们的理想绝非天真，而是基于来之不易的战争教训和这样一个智慧，即各国可以通过一道行动而不是来促进自己的利益。

Now it falls to us--for this institution will be what we make of it.The United Nations does extraordinary good around the world--feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, mending places that have been broken.But it also struggles to enforce its will, and to live up to the ideals of its founding.如今此任降临于我们——这个机构的作用将取决于我们。联合国在全球功绩卓著——解饥救病，修复创伤。但是，联合国也在贯彻自身意愿和实践奠基理念的过程中步履艰难。

I believe that those imperfections are not a reason to walk away from this institution--they are a calling to redouble our efforts.The United Nations can either be a place where we bicker about outdated grievances, or forge common ground;a place where we focus on what drives us apart, or what brings us together;a place where we indulge tyranny, or a source of moral authority.In short, the United Nations can be an institution that is disconnected from what matters in the lives of our citizens, or it can be an indispensable factor in advancing the interests of the people we serve.我相信，这些缺憾不能构成背弃这个机构的理由，而是一个要求我们加倍努力的呼唤。联合国这个地方，既能够使我们为宿怨争吵不休，也可以让我们奠定共同基础；既能够使我们盯住分歧不放，也可以让我们携手共进；既能够使人纵容专制，也可以产生道义权威。总之，联合国既可以与事关我们公民性命的事务不相干，也可以成为推动我们为之服务的人民的利益所不可或缺的因素。

We have reached a pivotal moment.The United States stands ready to begin a new chapter of international cooperation--one that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations.And so, with confidence in our cause, and with a commitment to our values, we call on all nations to join us in building the future that our people so richly deserve.我们已到达一个关键时刻。美国为打开国际合作的新篇章作好了准备——这种合作认识到所有国家的权利与责任。因此，满怀对我们事业的信心和对我们价值观的信念，我们呼呼所有国家与我们一道建设一个我们的人民应充分享有的未来。

Thank you very much, everybody.(Applause.)

非常感谢你们，所有各位。（掌声）

第二篇：美国总统奥巴马在哥本哈根联合国气候变化大会上的讲话

企业兼并的质疑

1、The world is going through the biggest wave of mergers and acquisitions ever witnessed.The process sweeps from hyperactive America to Europe and reaches the emerging countries withunsurpassed might.Many in these countries are looking at this process and worrying: “Won't the wave of business concentration turn into an uncontrollable anti-competitive force?”

世界正在经历一场前所未有的巨大的并购浪潮。这个浪潮从异常活跃的美国席卷到欧洲，并以不可比拟的威力影响到正在崛起的国家0.3。这些国家的许多人面对这个浪潮开始忧虑：“企业合并的浪潮会不会变成一股不可控制的反竞争的力量？”

2、There's no question that the big are getting bigger and more powerful.Multinationalcorporations accounted for less than 20% of international trade in 1982.Today the figure is more than 25% and growing rapidly.International affiliates account for a fast-growing segment of production in economies that open up and welcome foreign investment.In Argentina, for instance, after the reforms of the early 1990s, multinationals went from 43% to almost 70% of the industrial production of the 200 largest firms.This phenomenon has created serious concerns over the role of smaller economic firms, of national businessmen and over the ultimate stability of the world economy.无疑，大企业正在变得更大、更强。跨国公司在1982年只占有国际贸易不到20％的份额。而现在，这个数字上升到25％强，并且还在迅速上升。在那些对外开放并鼓励外资的国家的经济中国际分公司在国民生产中成为一个快速增长的部门。比如，在阿根廷，经过90年代初的改革之后，跨国公司在200家大型企业的工业生产中从43％增加到几乎70％。这个现象造成了人们对小型企业和民族资本的作用 以及世界经济的最终稳定的严重忧虑。

3、I believe that the most important forces behind the massive M&A wave are the same that underlie the globalization process: falling transportation and communication costs, lower trade and investment barriers and enlarged markets that require enlarged operations capable of meeting customers' demands.All these are beneficial, not detrimental, to consumers.As productivity grows, the world's wealth increases.我认为，推动这股巨大的并购浪潮的最主要的力量，也是推动全球化进程的力量，包括日趋下降的运输与通讯费用，较低的贸易与投资壁垒，以及市场的扩大和为满足市场需求而进行的扩大生产。所有这些对消费者来说都有益而无害的。随着生产力的提高，世界的财富也在增长。

4、Examples of benefits or costs of the current concentration wave are scanty.Yet it is hard to imagine that the merger of a few oil firms today could re-create the same threats to competition that were feared nearly a century ago in the US, when the Standard Oil trust was broken up.The mergers of telecom companies, such as World Com, hardly seem to bring higher prices for consumers or a reduction in the pace of technical progress.On the contrary, the price of communications is coming down fast.In cars, too, concentration is increasing — witness Daimler and Chrysler, Renault and Nissan — but it does not appear that consumers are being hurt.目前证明这股合并浪潮是带来利还是弊的实例并不多。但是很难想像当今的几个石油公司的合并是否会重新造成约100年前美国标准石油公司对竞争造成的同样的威胁，那时由于人们对该公司的这种担心而导致了它最终的解散。像世界通讯这样的通讯公司合并似乎没有给消费者带来更高的价格，或者降低技术进步的速度。相反，通信的价格在迅速下降。在汽车行业，合并也同样在增加——比如戴姆勒与克莱斯勒，雷诺与尼桑的合并——但消费者看起来并未受到伤害。

5、Yet the fact remains that the merger movement must be watched.A few weeks ago, Alan Greenspan warned against the megamergers in the banking industry.Who is going to supervise, regulate and operate as lender of last resort with the gigantic banks that are being created? Won't multinationals shift production from one place to another when a nation gets too strict aboutinfringements to fair competition? And should one country take upon itself the role of “defending competition” on issues that affect many other nations, as in the US vs.Microsoft case?

但是合并运动必须受到严密监视这个事实仍然存在。事实依然未变。就在几星期以前，格林斯潘对银行业的巨大合并发出了警告。如果合并后如此巨大的银行出现，谁来充当最终的借贷者，发挥监督、规范和运作的作用呢？当一个国家对破坏公平竞争的行为的处理过于严厉时，跨国公司会不会把它们的生产从一地转到另一地呢？在那些将会影响许多其他国家的事情中，如美国政府与微软公司的诉讼案，一个国家是否应该担负起“保护竞争”的责任呢

美国总统奥巴马在哥本哈根联合国气候变化大会上的讲话

2009年12月18日，在哥本哈根联合国气候变化大会（United Nations Climate Change Conference）发表讲话，阐述美国在气候变化问题上的立场和采取的行动。以下是讲话全文:

Remarks by President Obama at the Morning Plenary Session of the United Nations Climate Change Conference

Bella Center, Copenhagen, Denmark

December 18, 2009 奥巴马总统在联合国气候变化大会当天上午的全体会议上发表讲话

贝拉中心，丹麦，哥本哈根

2009年12月18日

Good morning.It is an honor for me to join this distinguished group of leaders from nations around the world.We come here in Copenhagen because climate change poses a grave and growing danger to our people.All of you would not be here unless you — like me — were convinced that this danger is real.This is not fiction, it is science.Unchecked, climate change will pose unacceptable risks to our security, our economies, and our planet.This much we know.早上好。十分荣幸能与世界各国尊贵的领导人汇聚一堂。我们来到哥本哈根，是因为气候变化对各国人民构成的严重威胁与日俱增。诸位如果不相信这一危险确实存在，你们──同我一样──都不会来到这里。这不是凭空虚构，这是科学。如果不加以制止，气候变化就将对我们的安全、我们的经济和我们的地球构成不可接受的危险。对此我们都了然于胸。The question, then, before us is no longer the nature of the challenge--the question is our capacity to meet it.For while the reality of climate change is not in doubt, I have to be honest, as the world watches us today, I think our ability to take collective action is in doubt right now, and it hangs in the balance.因此，我们面临的问题不再是这一挑战的性质，而是我们应对这一挑战的能力。因为尽管气候变化的现实已无庸置疑，但恕我直言，在今天全世界都注视着我们的时候，我认为现在我们共同采取行动的能力还难以确定。这个问题事关生死存亡。I believe we can act boldly, and decisively, in the face of a common threat.That's why I come here today — not to talk, but to act.(Applause)

我相信面对这一共同威胁，我们能够采取勇敢、果断的行动。这就是我为什么来到这里的原因──不是为了高谈阔论，而是为了付诸行动。（掌声）

Now, as the world's largest economy and as the world's second largest emitter, America bears our responsibility to address climate change, and we intend to meet that responsibility.That's why we've renewed our leadership within international climate change negotiations.That's why we've worked with other nations to phase out fossil fuel subsidies.That's why we've taken bold action at home — by making historic investments in renewable energy;by putting our people to work increasing efficiency in our homes and buildings;and by pursuing comprehensive legislation to transform to a clean energy economy.作为全世界最大的经济体和排放量名列第二的国家，美国在应对气候变化方面有自己的一份责任，我们准备尽这份责任。这就是为什么我们重新在国际气候变化谈判中发挥主导作用的原因。这就是为什么我们与其他国家共同努力，逐步取消化石燃料补贴的原因。这就是为什么我们在国内采取果敢行动的原因──对可再生能源进行前所未有的投资；要求我国相关人员努力提高住宅和建筑物的能效；并争取通过综合立法 向 清洁能源经济 转化。

These mitigation actions are ambitious, and we are taking them not simply to meet global responsibilities.We are convinced, as some of you may be convinced, that changing the way we produce and use energy is essential to America's economic future — that it will create millions of new jobs, power new industries, keep us competitive, and spark new innovation.We're convinced, for our own self-interest, that the way we use energy, changing it to a more efficient fashion, is essential to our national security, because it helps to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and helps us deal with some of the dangers posed by climate change.这些减排行动意义深远。我们采取这些行动不仅是为了履行全球责任。我们相信──或许你们有些人也相信──改变我们生产和使用能源的方式对美国经济的未来必不可少。这样做将创造数以百万计新的就业岗位，为新兴行业提供动力，保持我们的竞争能力并激发新的创新。我们深信，为了我们的自身利益，我们使用能源的方式，使之向提高效率的方向转换，对我们的国家安全必不可少，因为这样做有助于减少我们对外来石油的依赖，也有助于应对气候变化构成的某些危险。So I want this plenary session to understand, America is going to continue on this course of action to mitigate our emissions and to move towards a clean energy economy, no matter what happens here in Copenhagen.We think it is good for us, as well as good for the world.But we also believe that we will all be stronger, all be safer, all be more secure if we act together.That's why it is in our mutual interest to achieve a global accord in which we agree to certain steps, and to hold each other accountable to certain commitments.因此，我希望本次全会的与会者知道，无论哥本哈根大会的结果如何，美国将继续采取这一行动方针，减少我们的排放，向清洁能源经济的目标前进。我们认为，这对我们本身有利，也对全世界有利。然而，我们也认为，如果我们能共同采取行动，我们大家都会更强大，更安全，更有保障。正因为如此，达成一项各方都同意采取某些步骤 并相互要求对某些承诺负责的 全球性协议，符合我们的共同利益。

After months of talk, after two weeks of negotiations, after innumerable side meetings, bilateral meetings, endless hours of discussion among negotiators, I believe that the pieces of that accord should now be clear.经过几个月的讨论，经过两个星期的谈判，经过大量会外的会谈、双边会晤和谈判人员日以继夜的磋商，我相信这项协议各个方面的内容应该已经很明确。

First, all major economies must put forward decisive national actions that will reduce their emissions, and begin to turn the corner on climate change.I'm pleased that many of us have already done so.Almost all the major economies have put forward legitimate targets, significant targets, ambitious targets.And I'm confident that America will fulfill the commitments that we have made: cutting our emissions in the range of 17 percent by 2020, and by more than 80 percent by 2050 in line with final legislation.首先，所有的主要经济体必须提出明确的国家行动减少各自的排放量，着手在气候变化问题上开创新局面。令我高兴的是，我们已经有很多国家这样做了。几乎所有的主要经济体都已提出合理的目标，重大的目标，意义深远的目标。我坚信，美国将履行已经做出的承诺：到2020年减排17%，到2050年减排80%以上，使之符合最后通过的法案。

Second, we must have a mechanism to review whether we are keeping our commitments, and exchange this information in a transparent manner.These measures need not be intrusive, or infringe upon sovereignty.They must, however, ensure that an accord is credible, and that we're living up to our obligations.Without such accountability, any agreement would be empty words on a page.第二，我们必须建立一种机制审查我们是否信守自己的承诺，并以透明的方式交流这方面的信息。这些措施不必具有干预性，无需涉及主权。但这些措施必须确保达成的协议言而有信，确保我们都在履行自己的义务。没有这种问责制度，任何协议都只是一纸空文。I don't know how you have an international agreement where we all are not sharing information and ensuring that we are meeting our commitments.That doesn't make sense.It would be a hollow victory.令我无法想象的是，对于达成的国际协议，各方可以不共享信息，也不保证履行各自的承诺。这种协议简直毫无意义，只能是徒有虚名。

Number three, we must have financing that helps developing countries adapt, particularly the least developed and most vulnerable countries to climate change.America will be a part of fast-start funding that will ramp up to $10 billion by 2012.And yesterday, Secretary Hillary Clinton, my Secretary of State, made it clear that we will engage in a global effort to mobilize $100 billion in financing by 2020, if — and only if — it is part of a broader accord that I have just described.第三，我们必须筹集资金，帮助发展中国家适应气候变化，特别是那些最不发达和最容易受气候变化影响的国家。美国将参与一项快速启动融资项目。到2012年，该项目将筹集100亿美元。昨天，国务卿希拉里·克林顿（Hillary Clinton）明确表示，我们将参与全球行动，到2020年筹集1,000亿美元资金，前提是──只有在这个前提下──这项计划必须纳入我刚才谈到的更全面的协议。

Mitigation，Transparency，Financing.It's a clear formula — one that embraces the principle of common but differentiated responses and respective capabilities.And it adds up to a significant accord--one that takes us farther than we have ever gone before as an international community.减排。透明。融资。这是一个明确的方案──其原则是，共同应对，措施有别，各尽其能。所有这些构筑了一个重要的协议──可以让我们的国际社会取得前所未有的进展。I just want to say to this plenary session that we are running short on time.And at this point, the question is whether we will move forward together or split apart, whether we prefer posturing to action.I'm sure that many consider this an imperfect framework that I just described.No country will get everything that it wants.There are those developing countries that want aid with no strings attached, and no obligations with respect to transparency.They think that the most advanced nations should pay a higher price;I understand that.There are those advanced nations who think that developing countries either cannot absorb this assistance, or that will not be held accountable effectively, and that the world's fastest-growing emitters should bear a greater share of the burden.在这次全会上，我只想说，我们的时间所剩无几。在这个关头，问题在于我们是共同奋进，还是分道扬镳；我们是故作姿态，还是身体力行。我相信，许多人认为我刚才讲述的框架并不完美。任何国家都不可能得到自己希望的一切。有些发展中国家想得到援助，又不想满足任何条件，不想承担保持透明的义务。他们认为最发达的国家应该付出更高的代价；我理解这一点。有些发达国家则认为发展中国家或者没有能力利用这些援助，或者无法有效地承担责任，因此世界上增长最快的排放国应该承担更大的责任。We know the fault lines because we've been imprisoned by them for years.These international discussions have essentially taken place now for almost two decades, and we have very little to show for it other than an increased acceleration of the climate change phenomenon.The time for talk is over.This is the bottom line: We can embrace this accord, take a substantial step forward, continue to refine it and build upon its foundation.We can do that, and everyone who is in this room will be part of a historic endeavor — one that makes life better for our children and our grandchildren.我们知道存在这些分歧，因为我们已经多年受这些分歧的制约。这样的国际讨论到现在已经进行了几乎20年，除了气候变化现象的加速，我们没有取得什么结果。空谈该结束了。我们的底线是：我们接受这个协议，向前迈出实质性的一步，继续使之完善，在这个基础上再接再励。我们能够这样做。在座的每一位都能亲身参与这项前所未有的事业──为了改善我们子孙万代的生活。

Or we can choose delay, falling back into the same divisions that have stood in the way of action for years.And we will be back having the same stale arguments month after month, year after year, perhaps decade after decade, all while the danger of climate change grows until it is irreversible.否则，我们只能继续拖延，保持多年来阻碍我们采取行动的分裂状态。月复一月，年复一年，或许再经过十几二十年，我们又将进行同样的老生常谈。与此同时气候变化的危险将发展到不可收拾的地步。Ladies and gentlemen, 女士们，先生们，There is no time to waste.America has made our choice.We have charted our course.We have made our commitments.We will do what we say.Now I believe it's the time for the nations and the people of the world to come together behind a common purpose.时不我待。美国已经做出了我们的选择。我们已经规划了我们的路线。我们已经表达了我们的承诺。我们言出必行。我们认为，现在全世界各国和人民应该为了一个共同的目标齐心协力。

We are ready to get this done today — but there has to be movement on all sides to recognize that it is better for us to act than to talk;it’s better for us to choose action over inaction;the future over the past — and with courage and faith, I believe that we can meet our responsibility to our people, and the future of our planet.Thank you very much.(Applause)我们准备今天完成这个工作──但所有各方必须行动起来，认识到言辞不如行动；无所作为不如有所行动；拘囿于过去不如着眼于未来──只要有勇气，只要有信心，我相信我们能够肩负起对人民，对我们星球未来的责任。非常感谢。（掌声）

第三篇：奥巴马总统在联合国大会上的讲话

奥巴马总统在联合国大会上的讲话

驱动不容忍和暴力或许一开始是针对西方，但它会逐渐变得无法控制。对极端主义的同样驱动引发逊尼派教徒（Sunni）和什叶派教徒（Shia）、部落与宗族间的交战。它所带来的不是富强繁荣，而是动荡混乱。在不到两年时间里，我们看到大体和平的示威行动给穆斯林占主体的国家带来的变化超过了十年暴力的效果。极端主义者明白这一点。由于他们拿不出任何方式改善人民生活，暴力是他们维持自身存在价值的唯一手段。他们没有建树，只有破坏。。

第四篇：美国总统奥巴马在联合国气候变化大会的讲话 中英文

美国总统奥巴马在联合国气候变化大会的讲话

时间:2009-12-19 15:01来源:口译网 作者:口译网 点击:972次

2009年12月18日，奥巴马总统在哥本哈根联合国气候变化大会发表讲话，阐述美国在气候变化问题上的立场和采取的行动。以下是讲话的全文：

Remarks at Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change by the U.S.President Barack Obama Copenhagen, Denmark December 18, 2009

美国总统在联合国气候变化大会的讲话 丹麦，哥本哈根 2009年12月18日

Good morning.It is an honor for me to join this distinguished group of leaders from nations around the world.We come here in Copenhagen because climate change poses a grave and growing danger to our people.All of you would not be here unless you — like me — were convinced that this danger is real.This is not fiction, it is science.Unchecked, climate change will pose unacceptable risks to our security, our economies, and our planet.This much we know.早上好。十分荣幸能与世界各国尊贵的领导人汇聚一堂。我们来到哥本哈根，是因为气候变化对各国人民构成的严重威胁与日俱增。诸位如果不相信这一危险确实存在，你们──同我一样──都不会来到这里。这不是凭空虚构，这是科学。如果不加以制止，气候变化就将对我们的安全、我们的经济和我们的地球构成不可接受的危险。对此我们都了然于胸。

The question, then, before us is no longer the nature of the challenge--the question is our capacity to meet it.For while the reality of climate change is not in doubt, I have to be honest, as the world watches us today, I think our ability to take collective action is in doubt right now, and it hangs in the balance.因此，我们面临的问题不再是这一挑战的性质，而是我们应对这一挑战的能力。因为尽管气候变化的现实已无庸置疑，但恕我直言，在今天全世界都注视着我们的时候，我认为现在我们共同采取行动的能力还难以确定。这个问题事关生死存亡。

I believe we can act boldly, and decisively, in the face of a common threat.That's why I come here today — not to talk, but to act.(Applause.)

我相信面对这一共同威胁，我们能够采取勇敢、果断的行动。这就是我为什么来到这里的原因──不是为了高谈阔论，而是为了付诸行动。（掌声）

Now, as the world's largest economy and as the world's second largest emitter, America bears our responsibility to address climate change, and we intend to meet that responsibility.That's why we've renewed our leadership within international climate change negotiations.That's why we've worked with other nations to phase out fossil fuel subsidies.That's why we've taken bold action at home — by making historic investments in renewable energy;by putting our people to work increasing efficiency in our homes and buildings;and by pursuing comprehensive legislation to transform to a clean energy economy.作为全世界最大的经济体和排放量名列第二的国家，美国在应对气候变化方面有自己的一份责任，我们准备尽这份责任。这就是为什么我们重新在国际气候变化谈判中发挥主导作用的原因。这就是为什么我们与其他国家共同努力，逐步取消化石燃料补贴的原因。这就是为什么我们在国内采取果敢行动的原因──对可再生能源进行前所未有的投资；要求我国相关人员努力提高住宅和建筑物的能效；并争取通过综合立法向清洁能源经济转化。

These mitigation actions are ambitious, and we are taking them not simply to meet global responsibilities.We are convinced, as some of you may be convinced, that changing the way we produce and use energy is essential to America's economic future — that it will create millions of new jobs, power new industries, keep us competitive, and spark new innovation.We're convinced, for our own self-interest, that the way we use energy, changing it to a more efficient fashion, is essential to our national security, because it helps to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and helps us deal with some of the dangers posed by climate change.这些减排行动意义深远。我们采取这些行动不仅是为了履行全球责任。我们相信──或许你们有些人也相信──改变我们生产和使用能源的方式对美国经济的未来必不可少。这样做将创造数以百万计新的就业岗位，为新兴行业提供动力，保持我们的竞争能力并激发新的创新。我们深信，为了我们的自身利益，我们使用能源的方式，使之向提高效率的方向转换，对我们的国家安全必不可少，因为这样做有助于减少我们对外来石油的依赖，也有助于应对气候变化构成的某些危险。

So I want this plenary session to understand, America is going to continue on this course of action to mitigate our emissions and to move towards a clean energy economy, no matter what happens here in Copenhagen.We think it is good for us, as well as good for the world.But we also believe that we will all be stronger, all be safer, all be more secure if we act together.That's why it is in our mutual interest to achieve a global accord in which we agree to certain steps, and to hold each other accountable to certain commitments.因此，我希望本次全会的与会者知道，无论哥本哈根大会的结果如何，美国将继续采取这一行动方针，减少我们的排放，向清洁能源经济的目标前进。我们认为，这对我们本身有利，也对全世界有利。然而，我们也认为，如果我们能共同采取行动，我们大家都会更强大，更安全，更有保障。正因为如此，达成一项各方都同意采取某些步骤并相互要求对某些承诺负责的全球性协议，符合我们的共同利益。

After months of talk, after two weeks of negotiations, after innumerable side meetings, bilateral meetings, endless hours of discussion among negotiators, I believe that the pieces of that accord should now be clear.经过几个月的讨论，经过两个星期的谈判，经过大量会外的会谈、双边会晤和谈判人员日以继夜的磋商，我相信这项协议各个方面的内容应该已经很明确。

First, all major economies must put forward decisive national actions that will reduce their emissions, and begin to turn the corner on climate change.I'm pleased that many of us have already done so.Almost all the major economies have put forward legitimate targets, significant targets, ambitious targets.And I'm confident that America will fulfill the commitments that we have made: cutting our emissions in the range of 17 percent by 2020, and by more than 80 percent by 2050 in line with final legislation.首先，所有的主要经济体必须提出明确的国家行动减少各自的排放量，着手在气候变化问题上开创新局面。令我高兴的是，我们已经有很多国家这样做了。几乎所有的主要经济体都已提出合理的目标，重大的目标，意义深远的目标。我坚信，美国将履行已经做出的承诺：到2020年减排17%，到2050年减排80%以上，使之符合最后通过的法案。

Second, we must have a mechanism to review whether we are keeping our commitments, and exchange this information in a transparent manner.These measures need not be intrusive, or infringe upon sovereignty.They must, however, ensure that an accord is credible, and that we're living up to our obligations.Without such accountability, any agreement would be empty words on a page.第二，我们必须建立一种机制审查我们是否信守自己的承诺，并以透明的方式交流这方面的信息。这些措施不必具有干预性，无需涉及主权。但这些措施必须确保达成的协议言而有信，确保我们都在履行自己的义务。没有这种问责制度，任何协议都只是一纸空文。

I don't know how you have an international agreement where we all are not sharing information and ensuring that we are meeting our commitments.That doesn't make sense.It would be a hollow victory.令我无法想象的是，对于达成的国际协议，各方可以不共享信息，也不保证履行各自的承诺。这种协议简直毫无意义，只能是徒有虚名。

Number three, we must have financing that helps developing countries adapt, particularly the least developed and most vulnerable countries to climate change.America will be a part of fast-start funding that will ramp up to $10 billion by 2012.And yesterday, Secretary Hillary Clinton, my Secretary of State, made it clear that we will engage in a global effort to mobilize $100 billion in financing by 2020, if — and only if — it is part of a broader accord that I have just described.第三，我们必须筹集资金，帮助发展中国家适应气候变化，特别是那些最不发达和最容易受气候变化影响的国家。美国将参与一项快速启动融资项目。到2012年，该项目将筹集100亿美元。昨天，国务卿希拉里·克林顿明确表示，我们将参与全球行动，到2020年筹集1,000亿美元资金，前提是──只有在这个前提下──这项计划必须纳入我刚才谈到的更全面的协议。

Mitigation.Transparency.Financing.It's a clear formula — one that embraces the principle of common but differentiated responses and respective capabilities.And it adds up to a significant accord--one that takes us farther than we have ever gone before as an international community.减排。透明。融资。这是一个明确的方案──其原则是，共同应对，措施有别，各尽其能。所有这些构筑了一个重要的协议──可以让我们的国际社会取得前所未有的进展。

I just want to say to this plenary session that we are running short on time.And at this point, the question is whether we will move forward together or split apart, whether we prefer posturing to action.I'm sure that many consider this an imperfect framework that I just described.No country will get everything that it wants.There are those developing countries that want aid with no strings attached, and no obligations with respect to transparency.They think that the most advanced nations should pay a higher price;I understand that.There are those advanced nations who think that developing countries either cannot absorb this assistance, or that will not be held accountable effectively, and that the world's fastest-growing emitters should bear a greater share of the burden.在这次全会上，我只想说，我们的时间所剩无几。在这个关头，问题在于我们是共同奋进，还是分道扬镳；我们是故作姿态，还是身体力行。我相信，许多人认为我刚才讲述的框架并不完美。任何国家都不可能得到自己希望的一切。有些发展中国家想得到援助，又不想满足任何条件，不想承担保持透明的义务。他们认为最发达的国家应该付出更高的代价；我理解这一点。有些发达国家则认为发展中国家或者没有能力利用这些援助，或者无法有效地承担责任，因此世界上增长最快的排放国应该承担更大的责任。

We know the fault lines because we've been imprisoned by them for years.These international discussions have essentially taken place now for almost two decades, and we have very little to show for it other than an increased acceleration of the climate change phenomenon.The time for talk is over.This is the bottom line: We can embrace this accord, take a substantial step forward, continue to refine it and build upon its foundation.We can do that, and everyone who is in this room will be part of a historic endeavor — one that makes life better for our children and our grandchildren.我们知道存在这些分歧，因为我们已经多年受这些分歧的制约。这样的国际讨论到现在已经进行了几乎20年，除了气候变化现象的加速，我们没有取得什么结果。空谈该结束了。我们的底线是：我们接受这个协议，向前迈出实质性的一步，继续使之完善，在这个基础上再接再励。我们能够这样做。在座的每一位都能亲身参与这项前所未有的事业──为了改善我们子孙万代的生活。

Or we can choose delay, falling back into the same divisions that have stood in the way of action for years.And we will be back having the same stale arguments month after month, year after year, perhaps decade after decade, all while the danger of climate change grows until it is irreversible.否则，我们只能继续拖延，保持多年来阻碍我们采取行动的分裂状态。月复一月，年复一年，或许再经过十几二十年，我们又将进行同样的老生常谈。与此同时气候变化的危险将发展到不可收拾的地步。

Ladies and gentlemen, there is no time to waste.America has made our choice.We have charted our course.We have made our commitments.We will do what we say.Now I believe it's the time for the nations and the people of the world to come together behind a common purpose.女士们先生们，时不我待。美国已经做出了我们的选择。我们已经规划了我们的路线。我们已经表达了我们的承诺。我们言出必行。我们认为，现在全世界各国和人民应该为了一个共同的目标齐心协力。

We are ready to get this done today — but there has to be movement on all sides to recognize that it is better for us to act than to talk;it’s better for us to choose action over inaction;the future over the past — and with courage and faith, I believe that we can meet our responsibility to our people, and the future of our planet.Thank you very much.(Applause.)

我们准备今天完成这个工作──但所有各方必须行动起来，认识到言辞不如行动；无所作为不如有所行动；拘囿于过去不如着眼于未来──只要有勇气，只要有信心，我相信我们能够肩负起对人民，对我们星球未来的责任。非常感谢。（掌声）

原文链接：http://

第五篇：2012年9月25日奥巴马在联合国大会上的讲话

Remarks by the President to the UN General Assembly

United Nations Headquarters

New York, New York

10:22 A.M.EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Mr.President, Mr.Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman: I would like to begin today by telling you about an American named Chris Stevens.Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley, California, the son of a lawyer and a musician.As a young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps, and taught English in Morocco.And he came to love and respect the people of North Africa and the Middle East.He would carry that commitment throughout his life.As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to Syria, from Saudi Arabia to Libya.He was known for walking the streets of the cities where he worked--tasting the local food, meeting as many people as he could, speaking Arabic, listening with a broad smile.Chris went to Benghazi in the early days of the Libyan revolution, arriving on a cargo ship.As America’s representative, he helped the Libyan people as they coped with violent conflict, cared for the wounded, and crafted a vision for the future in which the rights of all Libyans would be respected.And after the revolution, he supported the birth of a new democracy, as Libyans held elections, and built new institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship.Chris Stevens loved his work.He took pride in the country he served, and he saw dignity in the people that he met.And two weeks ago, he traveled to Benghazi to review plans to establish a new cultural center and modernize a hospital.That’s when America’s compound came under attack.Along with three of his colleagues, Chris was killed in the city that he helped to save.He was 52 years old.I tell you this story because Chris Stevens embodied the best of America.Like his fellow Foreign Service officers, he built bridges across oceans and cultures, and was deeply invested in the international cooperation that the United Nations represents.He acted with humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles--a belief that individuals should be free to determine their own destiny, and live with liberty, dignity, justice, and opportunity.The attacks on the civilians in Benghazi were attacks on America.We are grateful for the assistance we received from the Libyan government and from the Libyan people.There should be no doubt that we will be relentless in tracking down the killers and bringing them to justice.And I also appreciate that in recent days, the leaders of other countries in the region--including Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen--have taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities, and called for calm.And so have religious authorities around the globe.But understand, the attacks of the last two weeks are not simply an assault on America.They are also an assault on the very ideals upon which the United Nations was founded--the notion that people can resolve their differences peacefully;that diplomacy can take the place of war;that in an interdependent world, all of us have a stake in working towards greater opportunity and security for our citizens.If we are serious about upholding these ideals, it will not be enough to put more guards in front of an embassy, or to put out statements of regret and wait for the outrage to pass.If we are serious about these ideals, we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of the crisis--because we face a choice between the forces that would drive us apart and the hopes that we hold in common.Today, we must reaffirm that our future will be determined by people like Chris Stevens--and not by his killers.Today, we must declare that this violence and intolerance has no place among our United Nations.It has been less than two years since a vendor in Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the oppressive corruption in his country, and sparked what became known as the Arab Spring.And since then, the world has been captivated by the transformation that’s taken place, and the United States has supported the forces of change.We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that toppled a dictator, because we recognized our own beliefs in the aspiration of men and women who took to the streets.We insisted on change in Egypt, because our support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of the people.We supported a transition of leadership in Yemen, because the interests of the people were no longer being served by a corrupt status quo.We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition, and with the mandate of the United Nations Security Council, because we had the ability to stop the slaughter of innocents, and because we believed that the aspirations of the people were more powerful than a tyrant.And as we meet here, we again declare that the regime of Bashar al-Assad must come to an end so that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop and a new dawn can begin.We have taken these positions because we believe that freedom and self-determination are not unique to one culture.These are not simply American values or Western values--they are universal values.And even as there will be huge challenges to come with a transition to democracy, I am convinced that ultimately government of the people, by the people, and for the people is more likely to bring about the stability, prosperity, and individual opportunity that serve as a basis for peace in our world.So let us remember that this is a season of progress.For the first time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans voted for new leaders in elections that were credible, competitive, and fair.This democratic spirit has not been restricted to the Arab world.Over the past year, we’ve seen peaceful transitions of power in Malawi and Senegal, and a new President in Somalia.In Burma, a President has freed political prisoners and opened a closed society, a courageous dissident has been elected to parliament, and people look forward to further reform.Around the globe, people are making their voices heard, insisting on their innate dignity, and the right to determine their future.And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that the path to democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot.Nelson Mandela once said: “To be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.”(Applause.)

True democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in jail because of what they believe, and that businesses can be opened without paying a bribe.It depends on the freedom of citizens to speak their minds and assemble without fear, and on the rule of law and due process that guarantees the rights of all people.In other words, true democracy--real freedom--is hard work.Those in power have to resist the temptation to crack down on dissidents.In hard economic times, countries must be tempted--may be tempted to rally the people around perceived enemies, at home and abroad, rather than focusing on the painstaking work of reform.Moreover, there will always be those that reject human progress--dictators who cling to power, corrupt interests that depend on the status quo, and extremists who fan the flames of hate and division.From Northern Ireland to South Asia, from Africa to the Americas, from the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we’ve witnessed convulsions that can accompany transitions to a new political order.At time, the conflicts arise along the fault lines of race or tribe.And often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and faith with the diversity and interdependence of the modern world.In every country, there are those who find different religious beliefs threatening;in every culture, those who love freedom for themselves must ask themselves how much they’re willing to tolerate freedom for others.That is what we saw play out in the last two weeks, as a crude and disgusting video sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world.Now, I have made it clear that the United States government had nothing to do with this video, and I believe its message must be rejected by all who respect our common humanity.It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well--for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has welcomed people of every race and every faith.We are home to Muslims who worship across our country.We not only respect the freedom of religion, we have laws that protect individuals from being harmed because of how they look or what they believe.We understand why people take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among them.I know there are some who ask why we don’t just ban such a video.And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech.Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense.Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs.As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day--(laughter)--and I will always defend their right to do so.(Applause.)

Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with.We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened.We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities.We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression;it is more speech--the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.Now, I know that not all countries in this body share this particular understanding of the protection of free speech.We recognize that.But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive views around the world with the click of a button, the notion that we can control the flow of information is obsolete.The question, then, is how do we respond?

And on this we must agree: There is no speech that justifies mindless violence.(Applause.)There are no words that excuse the killing of innocents.There's no video that justifies an attack on an embassy.There's no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and destruction in Pakistan.In this modern world with modern technologies, for us to respond in that way to hateful speech empowers any individual who engages in such speech to create chaos around the world.We empower the worst of us if that’s how we respond.More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need for all of us to honestly address the tensions between the West and the Arab world that is moving towards democracy.Now, let me be clear: Just as we cannot solve every problem in the world, the United States has not and will not seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad.We do not expect other nations to agree with us on every issue, nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks or the hateful speech by some individuals represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any more than the views of the people who produced this video represents those of Americans.However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism.(Applause.)

It is time to marginalize those who--even when not directly resorting to violence--use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel, as the central organizing principle of politics.For that only gives cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to violence.That brand of politics--one that pits East against West, and South against North, Muslims against Christians and Hindu and Jews--can’t deliver on the promise of freedom.To the youth, it offers only false hope.Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child an education.Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach.Attacking an embassy won’t create a single job.That brand of politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together: educating our children, and creating the opportunities that they deserve;protecting human rights, and extending democracy’s promise.Understand America will never retreat from the world.We will bring justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will stand with our allies.We are willing to partner with countries around the world to deepen ties of trade and investment, and science and technology, energy and development--all efforts that can spark economic growth for all our people and stabilize democratic change.But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect.No government or company, no school or NGO will be confident working in a country where its people are endangered.For partnerships to be effective our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be welcomed.A politics based only on anger--one based on dividing the world between “us” and “them”--not only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it.All of us have an interest in standing up to these forces.Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of extremism.On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his wedding;more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana’a;several Afghan children were mourned by their parents just days after they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul.The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the West, but over time it cannot be contained.The same impulses toward extremism are used to justify war between Sunni and Shia, between tribes and clans.It leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos.In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than a decade of violence.And extremists understand this.Because they have nothing to offer to improve the lives of people, violence is their only way to stay relevant.They don’t build;they only destroy.It is time to leave the call of violence and the politics of division behind.On so many issues, we face a choice between the promise of the future, or the prisons of the past.And we cannot afford to get it wrong.We must seize this moment.And America stands ready to work with all who are willing to embrace a better future.The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in Egypt--it must be claimed by those in Tahrir Square who chanted, “Muslims, Christians, we are one.” The future must not belong to those who bully women--it must be shaped by girls who go to school, and those who stand for a world where our daughters can live their dreams just like our sons.(Applause.)

The future must not belong to those corrupt few who steal a country’s resources--it must be won by the students and entrepreneurs, the workers and business owners who seek a broader prosperity for all people.Those are the women and men that America stands with;theirs is the vision we will support.The future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam.But to be credible, those who condemn that slander must also condemn the hate we see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated, or churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is denied.(Applause.)

Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims and Shiite pilgrims.It’s time to heed the words of Gandhi: “Intolerance is itself a form of violence and an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit.”(Applause.)Together, we must work towards a world where we are strengthened by our differences, and not defined by them.That is what America embodies, that’s the vision we will support.Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must not belong to those who turn their backs on a prospect of peace.Let us leave behind those who thrive on conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist.The road is hard, but the destination is clear--a secure, Jewish state of Israel and an independent, prosperous Palestine.(Applause.)Understanding that such a peace must come through a just agreement between the parties, America will walk alongside all who are prepared to make that journey.In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people.If there is a cause that cries out for protest in the world today, peaceful protest, it is a regime that tortures children and shoots rockets at apartment buildings.And we must remain engaged to assure that what began with citizens demanding their rights does not end in a cycle of sectarian violence.Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different vision--a Syria that is united and inclusive, where children don’t need to fear their own government, and all Syrians have a say in how they are governed--Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians.That’s what America stands for.That is the outcome that we will work for--with sanctions and consequences for those who persecute, and assistance and support for those who work for this common good.Because we believe that the Syrians who embrace this vision will have the strength and the legitimacy to lead.In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and unaccountable ideology leads.The Iranian people have a remarkable and ancient history, and many Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside their neighbors.But just as it restricts the rights of its own people, the Iranian government continues to prop up a dictator in Damascus and supports terrorist groups abroad.Time and again, it has failed to take the opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear program is peaceful, and to meet its obligations to the United Nations.So let me be clear.America wants to resolve this issue through diplomacy, and we believe that there is still time and space to do so.But that time is not unlimited.We respect the right of nations to access peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the United Nations is to see that we harness that power for peace.And make no mistake, a nuclear-armed Iran is not a challenge that can be contained.It would threaten the elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf nations, and the stability of the global economy.It risks triggering a nuclear-arms race in the region, and the unraveling of the non-proliferation treaty.That’s why a coalition of countries is holding the Iranian government accountable.And that’s why the United States will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.We know from painful experience that the path to security and prosperity does not lie outside the boundaries of international law and respect for human rights.That’s why this institution was established from the rubble of conflict.That is why liberty triumphed over tyranny in the Cold War.And that is the lesson of the last two decades as well.History shows that peace and progress come to those who make the right choices.Nations in every part of the world have traveled this difficult path.Europe, the bloodiest battlefield of the 20th century, is united, free and at peace.From Brazil to South Africa, from Turkey to South Korea, from India to Indonesia, people of different races, religions, and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while respecting the rights of their citizens and meeting their responsibilities as nations.And it is because of the progress that I’ve witnessed in my own lifetime, the progress that I’ve witnessed after nearly four years as President, that I remain ever hopeful about the world that we live in.The war in Iraq is over.American troops have come home.We’ve begun a transition in Afghanistan, and America and our allies will end our war on schedule in 2014.Al Qaeda has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden is no more.Nations have come together to lock down nuclear materials, and America and Russia are reducing our arsenals.We have seen hard choices made--from Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan--to put more power in the hands of citizens.At a time of economic challenge, the world has come together to broaden prosperity.Through the G20, we have partnered with emerging countries to keep the world on the path of recovery.America has pursued a development agenda that fuels growth and breaks dependency, and worked with African leaders to help them feed their nations.New partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and promote government that is open and transparent, and new commitments have been made through the Equal Futures Partnership to ensure that women and girls can fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity.And later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the scourge of human trafficking.All these things give me hope.But what gives me the most hope is not the actions of us, not the actions of leaders--it is the people that I’ve seen.The American troops who have risked their lives and sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world away;the students in Jakarta or Seoul who are eager to use their knowledge to benefit mankind;the faces in a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who see democracy giving voice to their aspirations;the young people in the favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai whose eyes shine with promise.These men, women, and children of every race and every faith remind me that for every angry mob that gets shown on television, there are billions around the world who share similar hopes and dreams.They tell us that there is a common heartbeat to humanity.So much attention in our world turns to what divides us.That’s what we see on the news.That's what consumes our political debates.But when you strip it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to determine their destiny;the dignity that comes with work;the comfort that comes with faith;and the justice that exists when governments serve their people--and not the other way around.The United States of America will always stand up for these aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world.That was our founding purpose.That is what our history shows.That is what Chris Stevens worked for throughout his life.And I promise you this: Long after the killers are brought to justice, Chris Stevens’s legacy will live on in the lives that he touched--in the tens of thousands who marched against violence through the streets of Benghazi;in the Libyans who changed their Facebook photo to one of Chris;in the signs that read, simply, “Chris Stevens was a friend to all Libyans.”

They should give us hope.They should remind us that so long as we work for it, justice will be done, that history is on our side, and that a rising tide of liberty will never be reversed.Thank you very much.(Applause.)

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10:16 A.M.EDT