丘吉尔就职演说中英对照

第一篇：丘吉尔就职演说中英对照

丘吉尔就职演说(中英对照)

演讲背景：

1940年5月8日，由于前首相张伯伦遭到不信任质疑动议，被迫辞职。5月10日下午6时，国王召见丘吉尔，令其组阁；一小时后丘吉尔会见工党领袖艾德礼，邀请工党加入内阁并获得支持。3天后丘吉尔首次以首相身份出席下议院会议，发表了著名的讲话：“我没有别的，只有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水献给大家„„你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利，不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要争取胜利，无论道路多么遥远艰难，也要争取胜利，因为没有胜利就无法生存。”下议院最终以381票对0票的绝对优势表明了对丘吉尔政府的支持。

正文：

On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。

It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。

I have already completed the most important part of this task.A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。

It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events.Other key positions were filled yesterday.I am submitting a further list to the King tonight.I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。

The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer.I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。

I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today.At the end of today''s proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be.Business for that will be notified to M.P.''s at the earliest opportunity.为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今

天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。

I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government.The resolution:

现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示记录在案，并且声明信任新政府。决议如下：

“That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.”

“本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最后胜利。”

To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself.But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history.We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean.The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战--在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。

In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略，也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。

I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind.We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.我向国会表明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。

You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage（作战）war by land, sea and air.War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime.That is our policy.若问我们的政策是什么？我的回答是：在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的 全力，尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。

You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory.Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.若问我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答，那就是胜利。不惜一切代价，去夺取胜利--不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜利--不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。

Let that be realized.No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。

I take up my task in buoyancy and hope.I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。我确信，大家联合起来，我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。

I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, “Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.”

在此时此刻的危急关头，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说：“来吧，让我们群策群力，并肩前进！”

第二篇：华盛顿总统就职演说中英对照

华盛顿总统就职演讲（中英文对照版完整版）

First Inaugural Address of George Washington

THE CITY OF NEW YORK

THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文译文】：

美国人民的实验

乔治-华盛顿

第一次就职演讲

纽约 星期四,1789年4月30日

参议院和众议院的同胞们：

在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚饨，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。

既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献，保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时，这些活也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象；他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。在目前转折关头，我产生这些想法确实是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家会和我怀有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一个新生的自由政府别无他法能一开始就事事顺利。根据设立行政部门的条款，总统有责任“将他认为必要而妥善的措施提请国会审议”。但在目前与各位见面的这个场合，恕我不进一步讨论这个问题，而只提一下伟大的宪法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它规定了各位的权限，指出了各位应该注意的目标。在这样的场合，更恰当、也更能反映我内心激情的做法是不提出具体措施，而是称颂将要规划和采纳这些措施的当选者的才能、正直和爱国心。我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派敌视，都不能使我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和利益所组成的大联合；因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯洁而坚定的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以那赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界的构成和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间，有着密不可分的统一；因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了水恒的秩序和权利法则，它决不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈祥地加以赞许；因为人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。

我已将有感于这一聚会场合的想法奉告各位，现在我就要向大家告辞；但在此以前，我要再一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人有了深思熟虑的机会，以及为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向；因而，同样明显的是，上帝将保佑我们扩大眼界，心平气和地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。

第三篇：奥巴马就职演说中英对照稿

奥巴马的就职演说中英对照稿(2009-01-22 10:00:30)

标签：音乐 奥巴马 就职演说美国 美国 演讲 总统 杂谈

巴拉克?奥巴马(Barack Obama)于2009年1月20日宣誓就职美国第44任总统。以下是奥巴马总统就职演说的中英文对照全文，中文由美国国务院国际信息局(IIP)根据演说记录稿翻译。My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.同胞们：

我今天站在这里，深感面前使命的重大，深谢你们赋予的信任，并铭记我们前辈所付的代价。我感谢布什总统对国家的贡献以及他在整个过渡阶段给予的大度合作。

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.至此，有四十四个美国人发出总统誓言。这些字词曾在蒸蒸日上的繁荣时期和宁静安详的和平年代诵读。但是间或，它们也响彻在阴云密布、风暴降临的时刻。美国能够历经这些时刻而勇往直前，不仅因为当政者具有才干或远见，而且也因为“我们人民”始终坚信我们先辈的理想，对我们的建国理念忠贞不渝。

So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.这是过来之路。这是这一代美国的必由之路。

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.我们处于危机之中，这一点已得到充分认识。我国在进行战争，打击分布广泛的暴力和仇恨势力。我们的经济严重衰弱，部分归咎于一些人的贪婪不轨，同时也因为我们作为一个整体，未能痛下决心，让国家作好面对新时代的准备。如今，住房不再，就业减少，商业破产。医疗保健费用过度昂贵；学校质量没有保障；而每一天都在不断显示，我们使用能源的方式在助长敌人的威风，威胁我们的星球。

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land ― a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.这些是危机的迹象，数据统计将予以证明。不易于衡量然而同样严重的是全国各地受动摇的信心――一种挥之不去的恐惧感，认为美国将不可避免地走下坡路，下一代人不得不放低眼光。

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America ― they will be met.今天，我告诉大家，我们面临的挑战真实存在，并且严重而多重。它们不可能在一个短时间内被轻易征服。但是，美国，请记住这句话――它们将被征服。

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.我们今天聚集在这里是因为我们选择希望而不是恐惧，选择齐心协力而不是冲突对立。

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.我们今天在这里宣告，让斤斤计较与虚假承诺就此结束，让窒息我国政治为时太久的相互指责和陈词滥调就此完结。

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.我们仍是一个年轻的国家，但用圣经的话说，现在是抛弃幼稚的时侯了。现在应是我们让永恒的精神发扬光大的时侯，应是选择创造更佳历史业绩的时侯，应是将代代相传的宝贵财富、崇高理想向前发展的时侯：上帝赋予所有人平等、所有人自由和所有人充分追求幸福的机会。

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted ― for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things ― some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.在重申我们国家伟大精神的同时，我们懂得，伟大从非天生，而是必须赢得。我们的历程从来不是走捷径或退而求其次的历程。它不是弱者的道路――它不属于好逸恶劳或只图名利享受的人；这条路属于冒险者，实干家，创造者――有些人享有盛名，但大多数是默默无闻耕耘劳作的男女志士，是他们带我们走向通往繁荣和自由的漫长崎岖之路。

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.为了我们，他们打点起贫寒的行装上路，远涉重洋，追求新生活。

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.为了我们，他们在血汗工厂劳作，在西部原野拓荒，忍着鞭笞之痛在坚硬的土地上耕耘。

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sanh.为了我们，他们奔赴疆场，英勇捐躯，长眠于康科德、葛底斯堡、诺曼底和溪山。

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.为了我们能够过上更好的生活，他们前赴后继，历尽艰辛，全力奉献，不辞劳苦，直至双手结起层层老茧。他们看到的美国超越了我们每一个人的雄心壮志，也超越了所有种族、财富或派系的差异。

This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions ― that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.今天，作为后来者，我们踏上了这一未竟的旅程。我们依然是地球上最繁荣、最强大的国家。我们的劳动者的创造力并没有因为眼前的这场危机而减弱。我们的头脑依然像以往那样善于发明创新。我们的产品与服务仍旧像上星期、上个月或去年一样受人欢迎。我们的能力丝毫无损。但是，维持现状、保护狭隘的利益集团、推迟困难的抉择的时代无疑已成为过去。从今天起，我们必须振作起来，扫除我们身上的尘土，重新开启再造美国的事业。

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act ― not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.All this we will do.无论我们把目光投向何处，都有工作在等待着我们。经济形势要求我们果敢而迅速地行动，我们将不辱使命――不仅要创造新的就业机会，而且要打下新的增长基础。我们将建造道路和桥梁，架设电网，铺设承载我们的商务和把我们紧密相连的电子通讯网络。我们将恢复尊重科学的传统，利用高新技术的超常潜力提高医疗保健质量并降低成本。我们将利用太阳能、风力和地热为车辆和工厂提供能源。我们将改造我们的中小学和高等院校，以应对新时代的挑战。这一切我们都能做到。这一切我们必将做到。

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions ― who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.现在，有人怀疑我们的雄心壮志――他们说我们的体制不能承受太多的宏伟规划。他们的记忆是短暂的，因为他们忘记了这个国家已经取得的成就，忘记了一旦共同的目标插上理想的翅膀、现实的要求鼓起勇气的风帆，自由的人民就会爆发出无穷的创造力。

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them ― that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works ― whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account ― to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day ― because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.那些冷眼旁观的人没有认识到他们脚下的大地已经移动――那些长期以来空耗我们的精力的陈腐政治观点已经过时。我们今天提出的问题不是我们的政府太大还是太小，而是它是否行之有效――它是否能够帮助人们找到报酬合理的就业机会，是否能够为他们提供费用适度的医疗保健服务，是否能够确保他们在退休后不失尊严。如果回答是肯定的，我们就要向前推进。如果回答是否定的，计划和项目必须终止。作为公共资金的管理者，我们必须承担责任――明智地使用资金，抛弃坏习惯，在阳光下履行职责――因为只有这样我们才能恢复人民对政府的至关重要的信任。

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control ― and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart ― not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.我们提出的问题也不在于市场力量是替天行道还是为虎作伥。市场在生成财富和传播自由方面具有无与伦比的力量，但这场危机提醒我们：没有严格的监督，市场就会失控――如果一个国家仅仅施惠于富裕者，其富裕便不能持久。我们的经济成功从来不是仅仅依赖国内总产值的规模，而是还依赖繁荣的普及，即为每一位愿意致富的人提供机会的能力――不是通过施舍――因为这才是最可靠的共同富裕之路。

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our founding fathers...our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.至于我们的共同防御，我们决不接受安全与理念不可两全的荒谬论点。建国先贤面对我们难以想见的险恶局面，起草了一部保障法治和人权的宪章，一部子孙后代以自己的鲜血使之更加完美的宪章。今天，这些理念仍然照耀着世界，我们不会为一时之利而弃之。因此，对于今天正在观看此情此景的其他各国人民和政府──从最繁华的首都到我父亲出生的小村庄──我们希望他们了解：凡追求和平与尊严的国家以及每一位男人、妇女和儿童，美国是你们的朋友。我们已经做好准备，再一次走在前面。

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.回顾过去，几代人在战胜法西斯主义和共产主义时依靠的不仅仅是导弹和坦克，更是牢固的联盟和不渝的信念。他们懂得单凭实力无法保护我们的安全，实力也并不赋予我们随心所欲的权利。相反，他们知道审慎使用实力会使我们更强大；我们的安全源于事业的正义性、典范的感召力、以及谦卑和克制的平衡作用。

We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort ― even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.我们是这一传统的继承者。我们只要从新以这些原则为指导，就能应对那些新威胁，为此必须付出更大的努力──推动国家间更多的合作与理解。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克移交给伊拉克人民，并在阿富汗巩固来之不易的和平。我们将与多年的朋友和昔日的对手一道不懈地努力，减轻核威胁，扭转全球变暖的厄运。我们不会在价值观念上退缩，也不会动摇捍卫它的决心，对于那些妄图以煽动恐怖和屠杀无辜的手段达到其目的的人，我们现在就告诉你们，我们的意志更加顽强、坚不可摧；你们无法拖垮我们，我们必将战胜你们。

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus ― and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.因为我们知道，我们百衲而成的传统是一种优势，而不是劣势。我们是一个由基督教徒和穆斯林、犹太教徒和印度教徒、以及无宗教信仰者组成的国家。我们受惠于地球上四面八方每一种语言和文化的影响。由于我们饮过南北战争和种族隔离的苦水，走出了那个黑暗时代并变得更加坚强和团结，我们不能不相信昔日的仇恨终有一天会成为过去；部族之间的界线很快会消失；随着世界变得越来越小，我们共同的人性将得到彰显；美国必须为迎来一个和平的新纪元发挥自己的作用。

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West ― know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.面对穆斯林世界，我们寻求一条新的前进道路，以共同利益和相互尊重为基础。对于世界上那些妄图制造矛盾、将自己社会的弊端归罪于西方的领导人，我们奉劝你们：你们的人民将以你们的建设成就而不是你们的毁灭能力来评判你们。对于那些依靠腐败、欺骗、压制不同意见等手段固守权势的人，我们提醒你们：你们站在了历史错误的一边；但只要你们放弃压迫，我们将伸手相助。

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.对于贫困国家的人民，我们保证同你们并肩努力，为你们的农田带来丰收，让清洁的用水取之不竭；使饥饿的身体得以饱食，使饥渴的心灵受到滋润。对于那些象我们一样比较富裕的国家，我们要说我们再不能对他人的苦难无动于衷，也再不能肆意消耗世界的资源。世界已经改变，我们必须与时俱进。

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment ― a moment that will define a generation ― it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.在思索我们面前的道路时，我们怀着崇敬的心情感谢此刻正在偏远的沙漠和山区巡逻的英勇无畏的美国人。他们向我们述说着什么，正如在阿灵顿公墓长眠的阵亡英雄在漫漫岁月中低浅的吟诵。我们崇敬他们，不仅因为他们捍卫着我们的自由，而且因为他们代表着献身精神，体现了超越个人，寻求远大理想的意愿。然而，在这个时刻，这个具有划时代意义的时刻，我们大家必须具备的正是这种精神。

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.虽然政府能有许多作为也必须有许多作为，但最终离不开美国人民的信仰和决心，这便是我国的立国之本。正是因为人们在大堤崩裂时接纳陌生人的关爱之情，正是因为工人们宁愿减少自己的工时而不愿看到朋友失去工作的无私精神，才使我们度过了最暗淡的时光。正是因为消防队员们有勇气冲进浓烟滚滚的楼道，也正是因为做父母的希望培养一个孩子，我们才能决定最后的命运。Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends ― hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism ― these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility ― a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.我们面临的挑战可能前所未闻。我们迎接挑战的方式也可能前所未有。然而，我们赖以成功的价值观──诚实和勤奋、勇气和公平、宽容心和探索精神、忠诚和爱国 ──均由来以久。这些价值观都是千真万确的。这些价值观是我国整个历史过程中一股无声的进步力量。现在需要的便是重归这些真理。我们现在需要做的是开创负责任的新时代──每一位美国人都需要认识到我们对自己、对国家、对全世界都承担着义务。对于这些义务，我们并非勉强接受，而是心甘情愿主动承担，同时坚信我们为艰巨的使命付出一切，没有任何事可以如此满足我们的道义感，也没有任何事能如此体现我们的特性。

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.这就是公民的义务和承诺。

This is the source of our confidence ― the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.这就是我们自信的来源──认识到上帝呼唤我们在前途不明的情况下掌握自己的命运。

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed ― why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.这就是我们的自由和我们坚守的信条具有的意义──说明了为什么各种族、各类信仰的男女老少能在这个雄伟的大草坪上欢聚一堂，也说明了为什么今天有人能站在这里进行最庄严的宣誓，但他的父亲在不到60年前还不能在当地餐馆受到接待。

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: “Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet(it).” 为此，让我们记住这一天，记住我们是什么样的人，记住我们已经走过了多长的路。在美利坚诞生的年月，在那些最寒冷的日子里，为数不多的爱国者聚集在一条冰河的岸边，身旁的篝火即将熄灭。首都已经撤防。敌人正在进军。雪地沾满了斑斑血迹。在我们的革命何去何从，结局最难以估计的时刻，我国的开国元勋决定向人民宣读以下这段话： “让我们昭告未来的世界......在这个酷寒的冬季，万物一片萧苏，只有希望和美德坚忍不拔的时候......这个城市和这个国家，受到共同危难的召唤，挺身而出，奋起迎战。”

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.美利坚，在我们面临共同危难之际，在我们遇到艰难险阻的冬日，让我们牢记这些永恒的话语。心怀希望和美德，让我们再一次迎着寒风中流击水，不论什么风暴来袭，必将坚不可摧。今后，让我们的后代子孙如此评说：我们在遇到考验的时候没有半途而废，没有退缩不前，也没有丝毫动摇；让我们全神贯注于前方的目标，感谢上帝对我们的恩典，继承自由这个宝贵的传统，世代相传，永志不忘。

Thank you.God bless you.And God bless the United States of America.谢谢。上帝保佑你们。天佑美国。

第四篇：铁血泪——丘吉尔演讲词中英对照

铁血泪——丘吉尔演讲词中英对照.txt10有了执著，生命旅程上的寂寞可以铺成一片蓝天；有了执著，孤单可以演绎成一排鸿雁；有了执著，欢乐可以绽放成满圆的鲜花。铁血泪 BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS“(温斯顿 丘吉尔的演讲)Winston Churchill(May 13, 1940)On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.I have already completed the most important part of this task.A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events.Other key positions were filled yesterday.I am submitting a further list to the King tonight.I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer.I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today.At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be.Business for that will be notified to M.P.'s at the earliest opportunity.I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government.The resolution: ”That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.“ To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself.But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history.We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean.The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind.We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air.War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime.That is our policy.You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory.Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.Let that be realized.No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.I take up my task in buoyancy and hope.I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, ”Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength." “热血、汗水和眼泪”

温斯顿?丘吉尔(1940年5月13日)

上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。

按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。

我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。

由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。

其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。

为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。

现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示记录在案，并且声明信任新政府。决议如下：

“本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最后胜利。”

组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战——在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。

值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略，也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。

我向国会表明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。

若问我们的政策是什么？我的回答是：在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的全力，尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。

若问我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答，那就是胜利。不惜一切代价，去夺取胜利——不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜利——不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。

我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。

我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。我确信，大家联合起来，我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。

在此时此刻的危急关头，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说：“来吧，让我们群策群力，并肩前进！”

第五篇：浅谈丘吉尔

纵观20世纪，世界风云激荡，局势变化莫测，发生了很多改变人类历史进程的事情，如两次世界大战。如果姑且说一战大部分限于欧洲区域，称其为世界大战言过其实，那么二战则是当之无愧。从欧洲到亚洲，从大西洋到太平洋，先后有61个国家和地区、20亿以上的人口被卷入战争，作战区域2200万平方千米。据不完全统计，战争中军民伤亡共计9000万余人，4万多亿美元付诸流水。在一串串数字之后，隐藏的是亿万人的无家可归，焦土万里，触目惊心，是不折不扣的人类灾难。如今，第二次世界大战已经过去了70余年，我们正慢慢地远离那个硝烟弥漫的时代。但战争留下的惨痛教训，值得每一个生在和平年代的人去感悟，正如富兰克林说的那句话：“从来就不存在好的战争，也不存在坏的和平。” 在同盟国的领导人中，有一人吸引了我的注意，温斯顿·丘吉尔，英国首相，本文将从丘吉尔身上切入，谈谈我对二战的浅薄认识。

提起温斯顿·丘吉尔，可以说是无人不知，他领导着英国人民成功地取得了反法西斯战争的胜利，与斯大林、罗斯福并称为“三巨头”，在人类历史上写下了浓墨重彩的一笔。人们熟知他的名言：“没有永恒的朋友，也没有永恒的敌人，只有永恒的利益”。2002年，BBC举行名为“最伟大的100名英国人”的调查，丘吉尔获选为有史以来最伟大的英国人，足以证明他在英国人民心中的地位。1940年，在“绥靖政策”失败之后，首相张伯伦宣布辞职，建议丘吉尔接任首相，随后，丘吉尔获准组阁。5月13日，丘吉尔在出席下议院会议时，发表了著名的讲话：“我没有别的，只有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水献给大家。你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利，不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要争取胜利，无论道路多么遥远艰难，也要争取胜利，因为没有胜利就无法生存。”众所周知，丘吉尔是一位很富煽动性的演说家，他能成功地带动其他人的情感，下议院最终以381票对0票的绝对优势表明了对丘吉尔政府的支持。英国人民获得了一位意志坚定的精神领袖，在他的领导下，英国人民，乃至不愿屈服的欧洲人民更加坚定地反抗着希特勒的侵略。

在我看来，丘吉尔最令人钦佩，最有人格魅力的地方在于意志坚定，不对纳粹做出丝毫的让步。在得知法国政府即将投降，丘吉尔下令撤出在法的英军。敦刻尔克大撤退成功之后，丘吉尔发表了二战中最鼓舞人心的一段讲话：“我们将战斗到底。我们将在法国作战，我们将在海洋中作战，我们将以越来越大的信心和越来越强的力量在空中作战，我们将不惜一切代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩作战，我们将在敌人的登陆点作战，我们将在田野和街头作战，我们将在山区作战。我们绝不投降，即使我们这个岛屿或这个岛屿的大部分被征服并陷于饥饿之中——我从来不相信会发生这种情况——我们在海外的帝国臣民，在英国舰队的武装和保护下也会继续战斗，直到新世界在上帝认为适当的时候，拿出它所有一切的力量来拯救和解放这个旧世界。”在法国投降后，英国在二战欧洲战场中承担起的这种责任，坚守住了大英帝国最后的荣光，而取得胜利的代价，却是放弃大英帝国昔日的地位，可以说，丘吉尔，应说是二战，宣告了日不落帝国的消逝。1940年12月8日，英国的美元储备已经枯竭，45亿美元中的大部分已经用于订购所有美国愿意提供的武器军火。于是丘吉尔亲自写信给罗斯福，坦率地表明英国的资金短缺，但是依然希望美国能够帮助英国：“如果大不列颠在这场斗争的高潮中被夺去它全部可以销售的资产，使得我们用鲜血赢得了胜利，拯救了文明，替美国争取了充分装备以防不测后却一贫如洗，那在原则上是错误的。”罗斯福收到该信后提出以“租赁”的形式将武器弹药支援英国，两个月后，租赁法案在国会获得通过，在罗斯福12月30日的著名讲话中，称“我们必须成为民主国家的兵工厂。”

1941年6月22日，德国向苏联宣战。当晚丘吉尔就向全国民众发表讲话：“现在必须与从前的敌人苏联 合作，在过去的25年中，没有一个人像我那样始终一贯地反对共产主义。我并不想收回我说过的话，但是这一切再正在我们眼前展现的情景对照之下，都已黯然失色了。任何对第三帝国作战的个人或国家，都将得到我们的援助。任何跟着希特勒走的个人或国家，都是我们的敌人。”这正是一个杰出政治家所具备的素质，大敌之前不计前隙，完全以国家利益为前提，以高度的灵活性和莫大的勇气，抛弃意识形态观念，在特定的历史情况之下，与苏联结成同盟国，为二战最后的胜利奠定了基础。为此，斯大林称赞丘吉尔是百年才出现的人物。总之，丘吉尔是极富传奇色彩的人物，对他进行解读可以让我更加了解那个时代的民族精神，也可以从他身上学到坚贞的品质。在二战的时代背景之下，