第一篇:奥巴马总统在勃兰登堡门的讲话(中英文)
Remarks by President Obama at the Brandenburg Gate 奥巴马总统在勃兰登堡门的讲话(中英对照演讲稿)
Pariser Platz, Brandenburg Gate 勃兰登堡门巴黎广场
Berlin, Germany 德国柏林
Hello, Berlin!(Applause.)Thank you, Chancellor Merkel, for your leadership, your friendship, and the example of your life--from a child of the East to the leader of a free and united Germany.柏林你好!感谢你,默尔克总理,感谢你的领导、你的友谊和你人生的榜样——从一个东德的孩子成长为自由统一的德国的领袖。
As I’ve said, Angela and I don’t exactly look like previous German and American leaders.But the fact that we can stand here today, along the fault line where a city was divided, speaks to an eternal truth: No wall can stand against the yearning of justice, the yearnings for freedom, the yearnings for peace that burns in the human heart.(Applause.)
正如我所说,安格拉和我与德国和美国过去的领导人不完全一样。但我们今天可以站在这里——沿着这条曾经分裂了这座城市的界线,这一事实本身便道出一个永恒的真理:任何墙都无法阻隔人们心中燃烧的对公正的渴望、对自由的渴望以及对和平的渴望。(掌声)
Mayor Wowereit, distinguished guests, and especially the people of Berlin and of Germany--thank you for this extraordinarily warm welcome.In fact, it’s so warm and I feel so good that I’m actually going to take off my jacket, and anybody else who wants to, feel free to.(Applause.)We can be a little more informal among friends.(Applause.)沃维莱特市长,尊敬的来宾们,尤其是柏林和德国的人民——感谢你们极其热情的欢迎。事实上,如此之热情让我感觉如此之好,我真的要脱掉我的外套,有谁也想脱掉外套的话,请随意。(掌声)朋友之间可以随意一些。(掌声)
As your Chancellor mentioned, five years ago I had the privilege to address this city as senator.Today, I’m proud to return as President of the United States.(Applause.)And I bring with me the enduring friendship of the American people, as well as my wife, Michelle, and Malia and Sasha.(Applause.)You may notice that they’re not here.The last thing they want to do is to listen to another speech from me.(Laughter.)So they’re out experiencing the beauty and the history of Berlin.And this history speaks to us today.正如你们的总理提到的,五年前,我有幸以参议员身份对这座城市发表演讲。今天,我自豪地以美国总统的身份重返这里。(掌声)我带来了美国人民永久的友谊,也带来了我的妻子米歇尔,还有玛莉娅和萨莎。(掌声)你们可能注意到她们不在场。她们最不愿做的就是听我发表又一个讲话。(笑声)所以,她们外出体验柏林的美丽和历史去了。而历史今天在与我们对话。
Here, for thousands of years, the people of this land have journeyed from tribe to principality to nation-state;through Reformation and Enlightenment, renowned as a “land of poets and thinkers,” among them Immanuel Kant, who taught us that freedom is the “unoriginated birthright of man, and it belongs to him by force of his humanity.”
在这里,数千年来,这片土地上的人们走过了从部落、到公国、到民族国家的历程,经历了宗教改革和启蒙运动,并以“诗人和思想家的国度”著称,其中包括伊曼努尔?康德;他教导我们,自由是“人与生俱来的天赋权利,属于他为人固有的权利。”
Here, for two centuries, this gate stood tall as the world around it convulsed--through the rise and fall of empires;through revolutions and republics;art and music and science that reflected the height of human endeavor, but also war and carnage that exposed the depths of man’s cruelty to man.两个世纪以来,这座大门一直高高矗立在这里,四周世界风云变化——帝国的兴衰,革命与共和国,人类卓越的艺术、音乐和科学之举,但也有暴露了人类相残之残忍的战争和屠杀。
It was here that Berliners carved out an island of democracy against the greatest of odds.As has already been mentioned, they were supported by an airlift of hope, and we are so honored to be joined by Colonel Halvorsen, 92 years old--the original “candy bomber.” We could not be prouder of him.(Applause.)I hope I look that good, by the way, when I’m 92.(Laughter.)
正是在这里,柏林人面对种种艰难险阻拓出一块民主的飞地。正如刚才提到的,柏林人得到了承载着希望的空运支持,而我们很荣幸92岁高龄的哈尔沃森上校今天来到这里——他是当年的“糖果投弹手”。我们为他感到无尽骄傲。(掌声)我希望我在92岁时也能看上去这么硬朗。(笑声。)
During that time, a Marshall Plan seeded a miracle, and a North Atlantic Alliance protected our people.And those in the neighborhoods and nations to the East drew strength from the knowledge that freedom was possible here, in Berlin--that the waves of crackdowns and suppressions might therefore someday be overcome.在那段岁月,马歇尔计划播下了奇迹的种子,而北大西洋联盟保护了我们的人民。那些生活在东边街区和国家的人民,由于知道自由可以在柏林存在——因此一波波镇压和压迫有朝一日有可能被征服——而变得坚强。
Today, 60 years after they rose up against oppression, we remember the East German heroes of June 17th.When the wall finally came down, it was their dreams that were fulfilled.Their strength and their passion, their enduring example remind us that for all the power of militaries, for all the authority of governments, it is citizens who choose whether to be defined by a wall, or whether to tear it down.(Applause.)今天,在他们奋起反抗压迫的60年后,我们缅怀6月17日的东德(East German)英雄。当柏林墙终于倒塌时,他们的梦想得以实现。他们的力量和他们的激情,他们永恒的榜样提醒我们,无论有多么强大的军队和多么有权威的政府,决定是否被一堵墙限定,还是将其拆毁取决于公民的选择。(掌声)
And we’re now surrounded by the symbols of a Germany reborn.A rebuilt Reichstag and its glistening glass dome.An American embassy back at its historic home on Pariser Platz.(Applause.)And this square itself, once a desolate no man’s land, is now open to all.So while I am not the first American President to come to this gate, I am proud to stand on its Eastern side to pay tribute to the past.(Applause.)
现在我们的四周是德国再生的各种标志。重建的德国议会大厦(Reichstag)及其闪亮的玻璃圆顶。美国大使馆重返它在巴黎广场上的历史驻地。(掌声)而这个广场本身,一度沦为无人之地,如今面向所人敞开。因此,虽然我不是第一位来到这座门下的美国总统,但我自豪地站在它的东面向历史致意。(掌声)
For throughout all this history, the fate of this city came down to a simple question: Will we live free or in chains? Under governments that uphold our universal rights, or regimes that suppress them? In open societies that respect the sanctity of the individual and our free will, or in closed societies that suffocate the soul? 在整个这段历史中,这座城市的命运归结为一个简单的问题:我们将生活在自由还是枷锁中?生活在维护我们普世权利的政府下还是压制这些权利的政权下?生活在尊重个人的神圣权利和我们的自由意志的开放社会中还是在窒息灵魂的封闭社会里?
As free peoples, we stated our convictions long ago.As Americans, we believe that “all men are created equal” with the right to life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.And as Germans, you declared in your Basic Law that “the dignity of man is inviolable.”(Applause.)Around the world, nations have pledged themselves to a Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which recognizes the inherent dignity and rights of all members of our human family.作为自由的人民,我们很久以前就表明了我们的信念。作为美国人,我们相信“人人生而平等”,享有生命、自由和追求幸福的权利。作为德国人,你们在你们的《基本法》中宣布“人的尊严不可侵犯”。(掌声)在世界各地,很多国家都已经承诺遵守《世界人权宣言》,它承认我们人类大家庭的所有成员享有固有的尊严和权利。
And this is what was at stake here in Berlin all those years.And because courageous crowds climbed atop that wall, because corrupt dictatorships gave way to new democracies, because millions across this continent now breathe the fresh air of freedom, we can say, here in Berlin, here in Europe--our values won.Openness won.Tolerance won.And freedom won here in Berlin.(Applause.)这就是那段岁月中柏林的攸关所在。因为勇敢的人们爬上那堵墙,因为腐败的独裁政权让位于新的民主政体,因为这个大陆各地数百万人如今呼吸着自由的新鲜空气,我们可以说,在柏林,在欧洲——我们的价值观胜利了。开放胜利了。宽容胜利了。自由在柏林这里胜利了。(掌声)
And yet, more than two decades after that triumph, we must acknowledge that there can, at times, be a complacency among our Western democracies.Today, people often come together in places like this to remember history--not to make it.After all, we face no concrete walls, no barbed wire.There are no tanks poised across a border.There are no visits to fallout shelters.And so sometimes there can be a sense that the great challenges have somehow passed.And that brings with it a temptation to turn inward--to think of our own pursuits, and not the sweep of history;to believe that we’ve settled history’s accounts, that we can simply enjoy the fruits won by our forebears.然而,在取得这场胜利20多年后,我们必须承认,在我们西方民主国家中,有时可能有一种自满。今天,人们经常聚集到这样的地方来缅怀历史——而不是开创历史。毕竟,我们面前再也没有水泥墙,没有铁丝网。没有准备跨越边境的坦克。人们也不再去已经倒塌的防空洞。有时,人们会感到,伟大的挑战似乎已成为过去。而这会诱使人们向内转——考虑我们自身的追求而不是磅礴的历史;认为我们已经了结了历史的旧账,我们只需坐享先辈赢得的成果。
But I come here today, Berlin, to say complacency is not the character of great nations.Today’s threats are not as stark as they were half a century ago, but the struggle for freedom and security and human dignity--that struggle goes on.And I’ve come here, to this city of hope, because the tests of our time demand the same fighting spirit that defined Berlin a half-century ago.但我今天来到柏林要说,自满不是伟大民族的品格。今天的威胁不像半个世纪以前那么突出,但是为自由和安全以及人类尊严而进行的斗争还在继续。我来到这里,来到这座希望之城,是因为我们时代的考验要求我们拿出与柏林在半个世纪前所展现的同样的斗争精神。
Chancellor Merkel mentioned that we mark the anniversary of President John F.Kennedy’s stirring defense of freedom, embodied in the people of this great city.His pledge of solidarity--“Ich bin ein Berliner”--(applause)--echoes through the ages.But that’s not all that he said that day.Less remembered is the challenge that he issued to the crowd before him: “Let me ask you,” he said to those Berliners, “let me ask you to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today” and “beyond the freedom of merely this city.” Look, he said, “to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.”
默尔克总理提到,这是约翰?肯尼迪总统以激动人心的话语捍卫自由——它体现在这座伟大城市的人民身上——的周年纪念。他发出的休戚与共的誓言——“我是柏林人”——世代回响。但这还不是他那天讲话的全部。较少为人们记得的是,他向他面前的听众发出挑战:“让我请你们”,他对那些柏林人说,“让我请你们放开眼界,让目光不局限于今天的危险”,“不限于仅仅这座城市的自由”。他说,“要放眼展望有公正的和平的那一天,超越你们自己和我们自己,放眼全人类”。
President Kennedy was taken from us less than six months after he spoke those words.And like so many who died in those decades of division, he did not live to see Berlin united and free.Instead, he lives forever as a young man in our memory.But his words are timeless because they call upon us to care more about things than just our own self-comfort, about our own city, about our own country.They demand that we embrace the common endeavor of all humanity.肯尼迪总统在讲话后不到6个月便被从我们身边夺走。他和许多在那几十年分裂期间过世的人一样,没有看到柏林的统一和自由。他永远作为一位年轻人活在我们的记忆中。但他的话超越时空而永恒,因为他呼吁我们敞开胸怀,不只是关心我们自己的舒适、我们自己的城市和我们自己的国家。他要求我们投身全人类的共同事业。
And if we lift our eyes, as President Kennedy called us to do, then we’ll recognize that our work is not yet done.For we are not only citizens of America or Germany--we are also citizens of the world.And our fates and fortunes are linked like never before.如果我们放开眼界——就像肯尼迪总统呼吁的那样——我们就会看到,我们的工作尚未完成。因为我们不仅是美国或德国公民——我们也是世界公民。我们的命运从未如此息息相关。We may no longer live in fear of global annihilation, but so long as nuclear weapons exist, we are not truly safe.(Applause.)We may strike blows against terrorist networks, but if we ignore the instability and intolerance that fuels extremism, our own freedom will eventually be endangered.We may enjoy a standard of living that is the envy of the world, but so long as hundreds of millions endure the agony of an empty stomach or the anguish of unemployment, we’re not truly prosperous.(Applause.)我们也许不再生活在全球毁灭的恐惧中,但只要核武器存在,我们便不会有真正的安全。(掌声)我们可以打击恐怖主义网络,但如果我们忽视滋生极端主义的不稳定和不宽容因素,我们自身的自由终将受到威胁。我们可以享有令世界羡慕的生活标准,但只要还有数亿人经受着饥饿和失业的痛苦,我们就不是真正的繁荣。(掌声)
I say all this here, in the heart of Europe, because our shared past shows that none of these challenges can be met unless we see ourselves as part of something bigger than our own experience.Our alliance is the foundation of global security.Our trade and our commerce is the engine of our global economy.Our values call upon us to care about the lives of people we will never meet.When Europe and America lead with our hopes instead of our fears, we do things that no other nations can do, no other nations will do.So we have to lift up our eyes today and consider the day of peace with justice that our generation wants for this world.我在这里,在欧洲的心脏说这一切,是因为我们共同的历史表明,除非我们将自己纳入比自身更宏大的事业中,我们就无法战胜任何挑战。我们的联盟是全球安全的基石。我们的贸易和商务是全球经济的引擎。我们的价值观呼唤我们去关心那些永不会谋面的人们。当欧洲和美国以希望而不是恐惧发挥领导作用,我们就能做到其他国家无法做和不愿做的事。因此,我们今天必须放开眼界,胸怀我们这代人希望看到的让这个世界有公正的和平的那一天。
I’d suggest that peace with justice begins with the example we set here at home, for we know from our own histories that intolerance breeds injustice.Whether it’s based on race, or religion, gender or sexual orientation, we are stronger when all our people--no matter who they are or what they look like--are granted opportunity, and when our wives and our daughters have the same opportunities as our husbands and our sons.(Applause.)
我认为公正的和平始于我们在国内树立的榜样,因为我们从自己的历史中了解到,不宽容滋生不公正。无论是基于种族、宗教、性别或性取向,当我们所有人——无论他们是谁或外貌如何——都享有机会时,当我们的妻子和女儿享有和我们的丈夫和儿子同样的机会时,我们会更强大。(掌声)
When we respect the faiths practiced in our churches and synagogues, our mosques and our temples, we’re more secure.When we welcome the immigrant with his talents or her dreams, we are renewed.(Applause.)When we stand up for our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters and treat their love and their rights equally under the law, we defend our own liberty as well.We are more free when all people can pursue their own happiness.(Applause.)And as long as walls exist in our hearts to separate us from those who don’t look like us, or think like us, or worship as we do, then we’re going to have to work harder, together, to bring those walls of division down.当我们尊重我们在教堂、犹太教堂、清真寺和寺庙践行的各种信仰时,我们会更安全。当我们欢迎男女移民带着他们的才华和梦想到来时,我们得到新生。(掌声)当我们为男女同性恋同胞挺身而出,按照法律平等对待他们的爱情和权利时,我们也是在捍卫自己的自由。当所有人都能追求自己的幸福时,我们会更自由。(掌声)只要我们心中还存在着将那些外貌不同、思维不同或信仰方式不同的人与我们分隔开来的一堵墙,我们就一定要以更大的努力将它们拆除。
Peace with justice means free enterprise that unleashes the talents and creativity that reside in each of us;in other models, direct economic growth from the top down or relies solely on the resources extracted from the earth.But we believe that real prosperity comes from our most precious resource--our people.And that’s why we choose to invest in education, and science and research.(Applause.)公正的和平意味着能够发挥我们每个人内在的才华和创造力的企业自由;在其他的模式中,直接的经济增长来自自上而下的推动,或者完全依赖开采地球的资源。但我们认为,真正的繁荣来自我们最宝贵的资源——我们的人民。正因为如此,我们选择对教育、科学和研究进行投资。(掌声)
And now, as we emerge from recession, we must not avert our eyes from the insult of widening inequality, or the pain of youth who are unemployed.We have to build new ladders of opportunity in our own societies that--even as we pursue new trade and investment that fuels growth across the Atlantic.现在,随着我们从经济衰退中复苏,我们决不能将目光从日益扩大的不平等带来的危害或者失业年轻人的痛苦上转移开来。我们必须在我们自身社会中搭建新的机会之梯——我们正在追求新的推动整个大西洋地区经济增长的贸易和投资。
America will stand with Europe as you strengthen your union.And we want to work with you to make sure that every person can enjoy the dignity that comes from work--whether they live in Chicago or Cleveland or Belfast or Berlin, in Athens or Madrid, everybody deserves opportunity.We have to have economies that are working for all people, not just those at the very top.(Applause.)在欧洲加强联盟的过程中,美国将与你们站在一起。我们希望与你们一道,确保每个人都能享有就业赋予的尊严——无论人们是住在芝加哥、克里夫兰、贝尔法斯特还是柏林,也无论是在雅典还是在马德里,每个人都应该享有机会。我们必须有一个让所有人而不仅是最顶层人受益的经济。(掌声)
Peace with justice means extending a hand to those who reach for freedom, wherever they live.Different peoples and cultures will follow their own path, but we must reject the lie that those who live in distant places don’t yearn for freedom and self-determination just like we do;that they don’t somehow yearn for dignity and rule of law just like we do.We cannot dictate the pace of change in places like the Arab world, but we must reject the excuse that we can do nothing to support it.(Applause.)公正的和平意味着向那些争取自由的人伸出援手,不论他们身处何处。不同的民族和文化有他们自己的发展道路,但我们必须驳斥一种谎言,即称那些生活在偏远地方的人不像我们那样渴望自由和自决;称他们不像我们那样渴望尊严和法治。我们不能主宰像阿拉伯世界这些地方的变革步伐,但我们必须拒绝接受那种认为我们对支持变革无能为力的借口。(掌声)We cannot shrink from our role of advancing the values we believe in--whether it’s supporting Afghans as they take responsibility for their future, or working for an Israeli-Palestinian peace--(applause)--or engaging as we’ve done in Burma to help create space for brave people to emerge from decades of dictatorship.In this century, these are the citizens who long to join the free world.They are who you were.They deserve our support, for they too, in their own way, are citizens of Berlin.And we have to help them every day.(Applause.)
我们不能在推进我们所信仰的价值观上退缩——无论是为承担起自身未来责任的阿富汗人提供支持,还是努力促成以色列和巴勒斯坦和平——(掌声)——或是从事像我们在缅甸所做的努力,帮助为勇士们创造空间,在几十年的独裁统治后展现力量。在本世纪,这些是渴望加入自由世界的公民。他们和你们当年一样。他们应该得到我们的支持,因为,就他们各自的处境而言,他们也是“柏林公民”。我们必须每天为他们提供帮助。(掌声)
Peace with justice means pursuing the security of a world without nuclear weapons--no matter how distant that dream may be.And so, as President, I’ve strengthened our efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and reduced the number and role of America’s nuclear weapons.Because of the New START Treaty, we’re on track to cut American and Russian deployed nuclear warheads to their lowest levels since the 1950s.(Applause.)
公正的和平意味着争取实现一个没有核武器的安全世界——无论这一梦想多么遥远。因此,作为总统,我加强了阻止核武器扩散的努力,并减少了美国核武器的数量和作用。基于《削减战略武器新条约》,我们正在将美国和俄罗斯部署的核弹头削减至20世纪50年代以来的最低水平。(掌声)
But we have more work to do.So today, I’m announcing additional steps forward.After a comprehensive review, I’ve determined that we can ensure the security of America and our allies, and maintain a strong and credible strategic deterrent, while reducing our deployed strategic nuclear weapons by up to one-third.And I intend to seek negotiated cuts with Russia to move beyond Cold War nuclear postures.(Applause.)
但我们有更多工作要做。因此,今天我宣布未来的进一步措施。经过全面审议后,我确定,我们能够在确保美国和我们盟友的安全,并且保持强大和可靠的战略威慑的同时,将我们部署的战略核武器削减多达三分之一。我准备与俄罗斯谈判达成削减,从而摆脱冷战(Cold War)核态势。(掌声)
At the same time, we’ll work with our NATO allies to seek bold reductions in U.S.and Russian tactical weapons in Europe.And we can forge a new international framework for peaceful nuclear power, and reject the nuclear weaponization that North Korea and Iran may be seeking.同时,我们将与我们北约盟友合作,寻求在欧洲大幅削减美国和俄罗斯的战术武器。我们可以构建一个和平利用核能的新国际框架,并阻止北韩和伊朗可能正在谋求的核武化。
America will host a summit in 2016 to continue our efforts to secure nuclear materials around the world, and we will work to build support in the United States to ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and call on all nations to begin negotiations on a treaty that ends the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons.These are steps we can take to create a world of peace with justice.(Applause.)美国将在2016年主办一个首脑会议,继续为确保世界各地核材料的安全而努力。我们将在美国国内争取支持,以批准《全面禁止核试验条约》,并呼吁所有国家开始就一项停止生产用于核武器的裂变材料的条约进行谈判。这些是我们为创造一个公正的和平世界所能够采取的步骤。(掌声)
Peace with justice means refusing to condemn our children to a harsher, less hospitable planet.The effort to slow climate change requires bold action.And on this, Germany and Europe have led.公正的和平意味着决不让我们的后代生活在一个更严酷和不宜人的星球。减缓气候变化的努力要求我们采取大刀阔斧的行动。在这方面,德国和欧洲走在了前列。
In the United States, we have recently doubled our renewable energy from clean sources like wind and solar power.We’re doubling fuel efficiency on our cars.Our dangerous carbon emissions have come down.But we know we have to do more--and we will do more.(Applause.)在美国,我们最近将风能和太阳能等清洁的可再生能源翻了一番。我们正在加倍提高汽车的燃油效率。我们的危险碳排放已经减少。但我们知道我们还要加大努力——我们将加大努力。(掌声)
With a global middle class consuming more energy every day, this must now be an effort of all nations, not just some.For the grim alternative affects all nations--more severe storms, more famine and floods, new waves of refugees, coastlines that vanish, oceans that rise.This is the future we must avert.This is the global threat of our time.And for the sake of future generations, our generation must move toward a global compact to confront a changing climate before it is too late.That is our job.That is our task.We have to get to work.(Applause.)随着全球中产阶级每天消耗越来越多的能量,这必须成为所有国家而不只是几个国家的努力。因为不这么做的严峻后果影响到所有国家——更多强烈风暴、更多饥荒和洪水、新的难民潮、海岸线消失和海平面上升。这是我们必须避免的未来。这是我们这个时代的全球性威胁。为了子孙后代的利益,我们这一代人必须朝着达成全球协议的方向努力,尽早应对气候变化。这是我们的职责。这是我们的任务。我们必须着手这些努力。(掌声)
Peace with justice means meeting our moral obligations.And we have a moral obligation and a profound interest in helping lift the impoverished corners of the world.By promoting growth so we spare a child born today a lifetime of extreme poverty.By investing in agriculture, so we aren’t just sending food, but also teaching farmers to grow food.By strengthening public health, so we’re not just sending medicine, but training doctors and nurses who will help end the outrage of children dying from preventable diseases.Making sure that we do everything we can to realize the promise--an achievable promise--of the first AIDS-free generation.That is something that is possible if we feel a sufficient sense of urgency.(Applause.)公正的和平意味着履行我们的道德义务。帮助全世界贫困地区脱贫既是我们的道德义务也是我们的深远利益。通过促进增长,我们能让今天出生的孩子免受终身极度贫困之苦。通过投资于农业,我们不仅仅送去粮食,而且还教会农民如何种植粮食。通过加强公共卫生,我们不仅仅提供医药,而且还培训医生和护士,他们将帮助不让儿童死于可预防疾病,消除这一极其痛心的现象。确保我们尽一切努力来实现无艾滋病一代的承诺——这是一个可以兑现的承诺。如果我们有足够的紧迫感,这便有可能实现。(掌声)
Our efforts have to be about more than just charity.They’re about new models of empowering people--to build institutions;to abandon the rot of corruption;to create ties of trade, not just aid, both with the West and among the nations they’re seeking to rise and increase their capacity.Because when they succeed, we will be more successful as well.Our fates are linked, and we cannot ignore those who are yearning not only for freedom but also prosperity.我们的努力必须不仅限于慈善之举,而是建立赋予人民权能的新模式——建立机制;摆脱腐败;建立贸易关系——不仅是援助关系,而是与西方国家以及寻求崛起并提高自身能力的国家的关系。因为他们的成功也将使我们更加成功。我们的命运彼此相连,我们不能忽视不仅向往自由而且向往繁荣的人们。
And finally, let’s remember that peace with justice depends on our ability to sustain both the security of our societies and the openness that defines them.Threats to freedom don’t merely come from the outside.They can emerge from within--from our own fears, from the disengagement of our citizens.最后,让我们谨记,公正的和平取决于我们要有能力既保持我们的社会安全,也保持我们社会的开放性特征。对自由的威胁不仅来自外界。它们也会产生于内部——产生于我们自己的恐惧,产生于我们公民的疏离冷漠。
For over a decade, America has been at war.Yet much has now changed over the five years since I last spoke here in Berlin.The Iraq war is now over.The Afghan war is coming to an end.Osama bin Laden is no more.Our efforts against al Qaeda are evolving.十多年来,美国一直战事缠身。但自从我上次在柏林发表讲话五年多来,已经发生了巨大变化。伊拉克战争现在结束了。阿富汗战争也即将结束。乌萨马·本·拉登已不复存在。我们对“基地”组织的打击正在演变。
And given these changes, last month, I spoke about America’s efforts against terrorism.And I drew inspiration from one of our founding fathers, James Madison, who wrote, “No nation could preserve its freedom in the midst of continual warfare.” James Madison is right--which is why, even as we remain vigilant about the threat of terrorism, we must move beyond a mindset of perpetual war.And in America, that means redoubling our efforts to close the prison at Guantanamo.(Applause.)It means tightly controlling our use of new technologies like drones.It means balancing the pursuit of security with the protection of privacy.(Applause.)鉴于这些变化,我在上个月谈到了美国打击恐怖主义的努力。我从我们国父之一的詹姆斯·麦迪逊那里获得启示,他写道:“没有哪个国家可以在持续的战争中保持自己的自由”。詹姆斯·麦迪逊说得对——正因为如此,即使在继续对恐怖主义威胁保持警惕的同时,我们也必须走出持久战争的思维模式。在美国,这意味着要加倍努力,关闭设在关塔那摩的监狱。(掌声)这意味着我们要严格控制使用无人机等新技术。这意味着在保障安全与保护隐私之间取得平衡。(掌声)
And I’m confident that that balance can be struck.I’m confident of that, and I’m confident that working with Germany, we can keep each other safe while at the same time maintaining those essential values for which we fought for.我有信心取得平衡。我对此有信心,我有信心,通过与德国合作,我们能够维护彼此的安全,同时捍卫我们曾为之奋斗的那些基本价值观。
Our current programs are bound by the rule of law, and they’re focused on threats to our security--not the communications of ordinary persons.They help confront real dangers, and they keep people safe here in the United States and here in Europe.But we must accept the challenge that all of us in democratic governments face: to listen to the voices who disagree with us;to have an open debate about how we use our powers and how we must constrain them;and to always remember that government exists to serve the power of the individual, and not the other way around.That’s what makes us who we are, and that’s what makes us different from those on the other side of the wall.(Applause.)
我们的现行项目受到法治的制约,这些项目侧重于对我们安全的威胁——而不是普通民众的通讯内容。这些项目帮助我们应对真正的危险,并保护美国和欧洲人民的安全。但我们必须接受所有民主政府都会面临的挑战:倾听与我们有分歧的人士的声音;就我们如何使用权力以及我们必须如何限制权力开展公开辩论;并且始终牢记,政府是为服务于个人权力而存在,而不是相反。正是这一点决定了我们的本质,正是这一点使我们不同于墙的另一边。(掌声)
That is how we’ll stay true to our better history while reaching for the day of peace and justice that is to come.These are the beliefs that guide us, the values that inspire us, the principles that bind us together as free peoples who still believe the words of Dr.Martin Luther King Jr.--that “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”(Applause.)我们就是要这样继续保持我们的优良历史,同时为未来的公正和平之日的到来而努力。这些是指导我们的信念,是激励我们的价值观,是将作为自由人民的我们紧密相连的原则,而我们始终坚信马丁·路德·金博士说过的话——“任何一个地方的不公正威胁着一切地方的公正。”(掌声)
And we should ask, should anyone ask if our generation has the courage to meet these tests? If anybody asks if President Kennedy’s words ring true today, let them come to Berlin, for here they will find the people who emerged from the ruins of war to reap the blessings of peace;from the pain of division to the joy of reunification.And here, they will recall how people trapped behind a wall braved bullets, and jumped barbed wire, and dashed across minefields, and dug through tunnels, and leapt from buildings, and swam across the Spree to claim their most basic right of freedom.(Applause.)
我们应该问一问,任何人都应该问一问,我们这一代人是否有勇气接受这些考验?如果有人问肯尼迪总统的话在今天是否仍然适用,就让他们来柏林吧,因为他们在这里将看到,从战争废墟中站起来的人们得到了和平的恩惠;在经历分裂的痛苦后享受到重新统一的喜悦。在这里,人们会记得被困在墙后的人们曾如何不畏枪林弹雨、翻越铁丝网、穿越雷区、挖掘隧道、跳下楼房、游渡施普雷河,来索求他们最基本的自由权利。(掌声)
The wall belongs to history.But we have history to make as well.And the heroes that came before us now call to us to live up to those highest ideals--to care for the young people who can’t find a job in our own countries, and the girls who aren’t allowed to go to school overseas;to be vigilant in safeguarding our own freedoms, but also to extend a hand to those who are reaching for freedom abroad.这座墙属于历史。但我们也要创造历史。我们的英雄前辈如今召唤我们践行那些最崇高的理念——关心我们国内找不到工作的年轻人,关心国外被禁止上学读书的女童;警惕保卫我们自身的自由,但也要向国外争取自由的人伸出援手。
This is the lesson of the ages.This is the spirit of Berlin.And the greatest tribute that we can pay to those who came before us is by carrying on their work to pursue peace and justice not only in our countries but for all mankind.这就是历史的经验教训。这就是柏林的精神。我们能向先辈致以的最高敬意就是继承他们追求和平与公正的事业,不仅在我们自己的国家而且为全人类。
Vielen Dank.(Applause.)God bless you.God bless the peoples of Germany.And God bless the United States of America.Thank you very much.(Applause.)Vielen Dank(德语:多谢)。(掌声)愿上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑德国人民。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。非常感谢大家。(掌声)
第二篇:奥巴马总统在开学日的讲话
奥巴马总统在开学日的讲话2009 简介:弗吉尼亚州,阿林顿市,2009年9月8日是美国中小学统一开学的日子,奥巴马借此机会向全国的中小学生做了一次讲话,以下是白宫网站上预先发布的演讲稿全文的翻译。
嗨,大家好!你们今天过得怎么样?我现在和弗吉尼亚州阿林顿郡韦克菲尔德高中的学生们在一起,全国各地也有从幼儿园到高三的众多学生们通过电视关注这里,我很高兴你们能共同分享这一时刻。
我知道,对你们中的许多人来说,今天是开学的第一天,你们中的有一些刚刚进入幼儿园或升上初高中,对你们来说,这是在新学校的第一天,因此,假如你们感到有些紧张,那也是很正常的。我想也会有许多毕业班的学生们正自信满满地准备最后一年的冲刺。不过,我想无论你有多大、在读哪个年级,许多人都打心底里希望现在还在放暑假,以及今天不用那么早起床。
我可以理解这份心情。小时候,我们家在印度尼西亚住过几年,而我妈妈没钱送我去其他美国孩子们上学的地方去读书,因此她决定自己给我上课——时间是每周一到周五的凌晨4点半。
显然,我不怎么喜欢那么早就爬起来,很多时候,我就这么在厨房的桌子前睡着了。每当我埋怨的时候,我妈总会用同一副表情看着我说:“小鬼,你以为教你我就很轻松?”
所以,我可以理解你们中的许多人对于开学还需要时间来调整和适应,但今天我站在这里,是为了和你们谈一些重要的事情。我要和你们谈一谈你们每个人的教育,以及在新的学年里,你们应当做些什么。
我做过许多关于教育的讲话,也常常用到“责任”这个词。我谈到过教师们有责任激励和启迪你们,督促你们学习。我谈到过家长们有责任看管你们认真学习、完成作业,不要成天只会看电视或打游戏机。我也很多次谈到过政府有责任设定高标准严要求、协助老师和校长们的工作,改变在有些学校里学生得不到应有的学习机会的现状。
但哪怕这一切都达到最好,哪怕我们有最尽职的教师、最好的家长、和最优秀的学校,假如你们不去履行自己的责任的话,那么这一切努力都会白费。——除非你每天准时去上学、除非你认真地听老师讲课、除非你把父母、长辈和其他大人们说的话放在心上、除非你肯付出成功所必需的努力,否则这一切都会失去意义。
而这就是我今天讲话的主题:对于自己的教育,你们中每一个人的责任。首先,我想谈谈你们对于自己有什么责任。
你们中的每一个人都会有自己擅长的东西,每一个人都是有用之材,而发现自己的才能是什么,就是你们要对自己担起的责任。教育给你们提供了发现自己才能的机会。
或许你能写出优美的文字——甚至有一天能让那些文字出现在书籍和报刊上——但假如不在英语课上经常练习写作,你不会发现自己有这样的天赋;或许你能成为一个发明家、创造家——甚至设计出像今天的iPhone一样流行的产品,或研制出新的药物与疫苗——但假如不在自然科学课程上做上几次实验,你不会知道自己有这样的天赋;或许你能成为一名议员或最高法院法官,但假如你不去加入什么学生会或参加几次辩论赛,你也不会发现自己的才能。
而且,我可以向你保证,不管你将来想要做什么,你都需要相应的教育。——你想当名医生、当名教师或当名警官?你想成为护士、成为建筑设计师、律师或军人?无论你选择哪一种职业,良好的教育都必不可少,这世上不存在不把书念完就能拿到好工作的美梦,任何工作,都需要你的汗水、训练与学习。
不仅仅对于你们个人的未来有重要意义,你们的教育如何也会对这个国家、乃至世界的未来产生重要影响。今天你们在学校中学习的内容,将会决定我们整个国家在未来迎接重大挑战时的表现。
你们需要在数理科学课程上学习的知识和技能,去治疗癌症、艾滋那样的疾病,和解决我们面临的能源问题与环境问题;你们需要在历史社科课程上培养出的观察力与判断力,来减轻和消除无家可归与贫困、犯罪问题和各种歧视,让这个国家变得更加公平和自由;你们需要在各类课程中逐渐累积和发展出来的创新意识和思维,去创业和建立新的公司与企业,来制造就业机会和推动经济的增长。
我们需要你们中的每一个人都培养和发展自己的天赋、技能和才智,来解决我们所面对的最困难的问题。假如你不这么做——假如你放弃学习——那么你不仅是放弃了自己,也是放弃了你的国家。
当然,我明白,读好书并不总是件容易的事。我知道你们中的许多人在生活中面临着各种各样的问题,很难把精力集中在专心读书之上。
我知道你们的感受。我父亲在我两岁时就离开了家庭,是母亲一人将我们拉扯大,有时她付不起帐单,有时我们得不到其他孩子们都有的东西,有时我会想,假如父亲在该多好,有时我会感到孤独无助,与周围的环境格格不入。
因此我并不总是能专心学习,我做过许多自己觉得丢脸的事情,也惹出过许多不该惹的麻烦,我的生活岌岌可危,随时可能急转直下。
但我很幸运。我在许多事上都得到了重来的机会,我得到了去大学读法学院、实现自己梦想的机会。我的妻子——现在得叫她第一夫人米歇尔·奥巴马了——也有着相似的人生故事,她的父母都没读过大学,也没有什么财产,但他们和她都辛勤工作,好让她有机会去这个国家最优秀的学校读书。
你们中有些人可能没有这些有利条件,或许你的生活中没有能为你提供帮助和支持的长辈,或许你的某个家长没有工作、经济拮据,或许你住的社区不那么安全,或许你认识一些会对你产生不良影响的朋友,等等。
但归根结底,你的生活状况——你的长相、出身、经济条件、家庭氛围——都不是疏忽学业和态度恶劣的借口,这些不是你去跟老师顶嘴、逃课、或是辍学的借口,这些不是你不好好读书的借口。
你的未来,并不取决于你现在的生活有多好或多坏。没有人为你编排好你的命运,在美国,你的命运由你自己书写,你的未来由你自己掌握。
而在这片土地上的每个地方,千千万万和你一样的年轻人正是这样在书写着自己的命运。
例如德克萨斯州罗马市的贾斯敏·佩雷兹(Jazmin Perez)。刚进学校时,她根本不会说英语,她住的地方几乎没人上过大学,她的父母也没有受过高等教育,但她努力学习,取得了优异的成绩,靠奖学金进入了布朗大学,如今正在攻读公共卫生专业的博士学位。
我还想起了加利福尼亚州洛斯拉图斯市的安多尼·舒尔兹(Andoni Schultz),他从三岁起就开始与脑癌病魔做斗争,他熬过了一次次治疗与手术——其中一次影响了他的记忆,因此他得花出比常人多几百个小时的时间来完成学业,但他从不曾落下自己的功课。这个秋天,他要开始在大学读书了。
又比如在我的家乡,伊利诺斯州芝加哥市,身为孤儿的香特尔·史蒂夫(Shantell Steve)换过多次收养家庭,从小在治安很差的地区长大,但她努力争取到了在当地保健站工作的机会、发起了一个让青少年远离犯罪团伙的项目,很快,她也将以优异的成绩从中学毕业,去大学深造。
贾斯敏、安多尼和香特尔与你们并没有什么不同。和你们一样,他们也在生活中遭遇各种各样的困难与问题,但他们拒绝放弃,他们选择为自己的教育担起责任、给自己定下奋斗的目标。我希望你们中的每一个人,都能做得到这些。
因此,在今天,我号召你们每一个人都为自己的教育定下一个目标——并在之后,尽自己的一切努力去实现它。你的目标可以很简单,像是完成作业、认真听讲或每天阅读——或许你打算参加一些课外活动,或在社区做些志愿工作;或许你决定为那些因为长相或出身等等原因而受嘲弄或欺负的孩子做主、维护他们的权益,因为你和我一样,认为每个孩子都应该能有一个安全的学习环境;或许你认为该学着更好的照顾自己,来为将来的学习做准备„„当然,除此之外,我希望你们都多多洗手、感到身体不舒服的时候要多在家休息,免得大家在秋冬感冒高发季节都得流感。
不管你决定做什么,我都希望你能坚持到底,希望你能真的下定决心。我知道有些时候,电视上播放的节目会让你产生这样那样的错觉,似乎你不需要付出多大的努力就能腰缠万贯、功成名就——你会认为只要会唱rap、会打篮球或参加个什么真人秀节目就能坐享其成,但现实是,你几乎没有可能走上其中任何一条道路。
因为,成功是件难事。你不可能对要读的每门课程都兴趣盎然,你不可能和每名带课教师都相处顺利,你也不可能每次都遇上看起来和现实生活有关的作业。而且,并不是每件事,你都能在头一次尝试时获得成功。
但那没有关系。因为在这个世界上,最最成功的人们往往也经历过最多的失败。J.K.罗琳的第一本《哈利·波特》被出版商拒绝了十二次才最终出版;迈克尔·乔丹上高中时被学校的篮球队刷了下来,在他的职业生涯里,他输了几百场比赛、投失过几千次射篮,知道他是怎么说的吗?“我一生不停地失败、失败再失败,这就是我现在成功的原因。”
他们的成功,源于他们明白人不能让失败左右自己——而是要从中吸取经验。从失败中,你可以明白下一次自己可以做出怎样的改变;假如你惹了什么麻烦,那并不说明你就是个捣蛋贵,而是在提醒你,在将来要对自己有更严格的要求;假如你考了个低分,那并不说明你就比别人笨,而是在告诉你,自己得在学习上花更多的时间。
没有哪一个人一生出来就擅长做什么事情的,只有努力才能培养出技能。任何人都不是在第一次接触一项体育运动时就成为校队的代表,任何人都不是在第一次唱一首歌时就找准每一个音,一切都需要熟能生巧。对于学业也是一样,你或许要反复运算才能解出一道数学题的正确答案,你或许需要读一段文字好几遍才能理解它的意思,你或许得把论文改上好几次才能符合提交的标准。这都是很正常的。
不要害怕提问。不要不敢向他人求助。——我每天都在这么做。求助并不是软弱的表现,恰恰相反,它说明你有勇气承认自己的不足、并愿意去学习新的知识。所以,有不懂时,就向大人们求助吧——找个你信得过的对象,例如父母、长辈、老师、教练或辅导员——让他们帮助你向目标前进。
你要记住,哪怕你表现不好、哪怕你失去信心、哪怕你觉得身边的人都已经放弃了你——永远不要自己放弃自己。因为当你放弃自己的时候,你也放弃了自己的国家。
美国不是一个人们遭遇困难就轻易放弃的国度,在这个国家,人们坚持到底、人们加倍努力,为了他们所热爱的国度,每一个人都尽着自己最大的努力,不会给自己留任何余地。
250年前,有一群和你们一样的学生,他们之后奋起努力、用一场革命最终造就了这个国家;75年前,有一群和你们一样的学生,他们之后战胜了大萧条、赢得了二战;就在20年前,和你们一样的学生们,他们后来创立了Google、Twitter和Facebook,改变了我们人与人之间沟通的方式。
因此,今天我想要问你们,你们会做出什么样的贡献?你们将解决什么样的难题?你们能发现什么样的事物?
二十、五十或百年之后,假如那时的美国总统也来做一次开学演讲的话,他会怎样描述你们对这个国家所做的一切?
你们的家长、你们的老师和我,每一个人都在尽最大的努力,确保你们都能得到应有的教育来回答这些问题。例如我正在努力为你们提供更安全的教室、更多的书籍、更先进的设施与计算机。但你们也要担起自己的责任。因此我要求你们在今年能够认真起来,我要求你们尽心地去做自己着手的每一件事,我要求你们每一个人都有所成就。请不要让我们失望——不要让你的家人、你的国家和你自己失望。你们要成为我们骄傲,我知道,你们一定可以做到。
谢谢大家,上帝保佑你们,上帝保佑美国。
奥巴马总统在开学日的讲话2010 背景知识
这是奥巴马第二次发表开学演讲。奥巴马2009年的演讲招来了许多批评和抵制。一些反对者指责称,奥巴马试图通过演讲向学生灌输政治理念。部分媒体还批评奥巴马试图建立个人崇拜。在美国各地,也有许多家长向当地教育官员表示抗议,一些家长甚至威胁在奥巴马演讲时把孩子离教室。有了去年的“教训”,今年的总统开学演讲,白宫意强调这是一次“非政治活动”,而奥巴马本人也在演讲中回避政治话题。
谢谢!你们好!(掌声。)谢谢。谢谢。你好,费城!(掌声。)你好,马斯特曼。见到你们真是太好了。Kelly的介绍真是太棒了。让我们对Kelly报以热烈的掌声。在后台的时候我说,我上高中的时候我就做不这么好,我可能会弄的一团糟。所以让我们为你和你做的一切自豪吧。站在这里我很激动。
我想介绍几个人。首先,来到这儿的有,杰出的宾夕法尼亚州州长,Ed Rendell。(掌声。)费城市长,Michael Nutter。国会议员Fattah和Allyson Schwartz(掌声)。你们的校长Marge Neff(掌声)。学校管理人Arlene Ackerman是这个学校的,并且为学校做了很大的贡献。(掌声)。还有教育部秘书长Arne Duncan。(掌声)
还有我。(掌声),我感到非常的激动。我耳闻了你们做的那些伟大的事,这里面有在校的学生,老师和工作人员。
今天欢迎你们,欢迎每一个美国学生回校上课,当然你们在学校已经呆了一段时间了。我想不出除了在Masterman外,还有哪个地方更适合做这件事。(掌声)因为你们是费城最好的学校之一。你们在教育方面是领头军。就在上周,由于你们的卓越贡献,被授为国家蓝丝带勋章。这是对每个人的见证,对学生,家长,老师还有学校领导人。我希望全美的社会团体都能欣然接受这个杰出代表的例子。
几周前,我和Michelle为Sasha和Malia上学的事做准备。她们两个对这非常的期待。我敢打赌她们和你们一样,有着相同的感觉。你们为夏天的逝去而神伤,但是你们更应该期待新的一年。如你们可以结交新的朋友,加深同老朋友的感情,加入学校俱乐部,参加各种团队的选拔赛。成长为一个更优秀的学生和个人,不仅仅让你的家人自豪,同样让你们自己也很有成就感。
我知道,你们中有些人在新学年会有些紧张。或许你刚从小学升到初中,从初中升到高中,会担心,新的学年将会是什么样的呢。也许你进入一所新的学校,不知道是否会喜欢这个学校,想着怎么来融入这个学校。或许你到了高三年级,对整个的大学入学程序感到不安,比如申请那里的学校,能不能支付上大学的费用等等。
除此之外,我知道你们还有来自困难时期的压力。你们知道新闻内容,知道你们一些家庭中发发生的事情。你们读过有关阿富汗战争的信息,听说过我们经历过的经济不景气。有时你们还看到了双亲脸上挂着的忧虑,或从他们的声音中感受到了这些。
所以,因为我们国家面临困难时期,你们许多人的行为看上去比实际年龄要大。姐姐哥哥在海外工作,你们会表现得坚强,或许妈妈去值第二班,你们就要照顾年幼的弟弟妹妹。或许你们有些人年长一点的,父亲失了业,你们还要做兼职。
有太多事情要做了,很多是你们不应该做的。这让你们迷茫,不知道自己的未来会是什么样,在学校能不能取得好成绩,是不是应该把目光降低些,把理想放低些。
但是,我来到马斯特曼,告诉你们一句话。我想这句话你们的校长、院长、父母以及老师都曾告诉过你们,那就是,没有人,只有你才能书写你自己的命运。未来在你自己手中,生活由自己缔造。只要志向远大,并努力为之奋斗,没有什么是不能得到的。只要你专注于学业,没有什么事不能实现的。我确信。
最后这一点,在学校努力奋斗是必要的。因为教育从未像现在这样重要。我确信,几个月后会有一段时间,你们会完善熬夜写作业,为考试临时抱佛脚,或者在一个雨天的早晨把自己从被窝里拖出来,想,哦天,怎么不是下雪天?!(笑)
但是让我告诉你,你所做的一切都是值得的。你们现在要做的事情无比重要。没有什么比你的受教育程度以及你在学校的所做之事更能决定你的成功。
能否能抓住机遇,越来越取决于你们在学校的努力。你们在学校的表现越好,生活中就能走得越远。当今,其他国家正与我们竞争,而且比以往任何时候都激烈。在中国北京或者印度邦加罗尔的学生比以前更加努力,而且比以前表现更好。你们在学校的成功并不只决定了自己一人的成功,还决定了美国在21世界是否能够成功。
所以,你们要承担起这样的责任和义务。同时国家也向你们承担责任和义务,那就是为你们提供最好的教育,为此我们要努力,共同奋斗。
所有政府工作人员,从州长到市长,到院长,到总统,所有人都要履行职责为我们的学生做好准备,帮助他们在教室、在大学、在事业上取得成功。这就需要我们有一个杰出的校长,像校长Neff,和优秀的老师,正如你们的马斯特曼的老师们。老师们要履行好对学生所应担负起的责任。我也希望家长负起责任。
佳句欣赏
Nobody gets to write your destiny but you.Your future is in your hands.Your life is what you make of it.没有人,只有你才能书写你自己的命运。未来在你自己手中,生活由自己缔造。
奥巴马名句节选
“中国和印度的学生比以前更加努力地学习。你们将来要与他们竞争,你们在学校的成功不仅仅决定了你们的未来,也决定了21世纪美国的未来。”
“没有什么是你们无法实现的,只要你们胸怀大志,只要你们愿意努力,只要你们专注于学习。”
“你们能够获得的机会是由你们受教育的程度决定的,换句话说,你受教育程度越高,你在生活里也会走得更远。”
“你们的未来掌握在你们的手中,除了你们自己,没人能书写你们的命运”。
第三篇:奥巴马发表讲话(中英文).
奥巴马发表讲话(中英文)
当地时间4月15日,美国波士顿马拉松比赛终点线附近发生爆炸,目前造成至少3人死亡141人受伤。美国总统奥巴马在爆炸发生后3个多小时后发表全国电视讲话。以下为全文内容:
Good afternoon, everybody.Earlier today, I was briefed by my homeland security team on.We're continuing to monitor and respond to the situation as it unfolds.And I've directed the full resources of the federal government to help state and local authorities protect our people, increase security around the United States as necessary, and investigate what happened.大家下午好。我刚刚听取了了国土安全局就波士顿爆炸事件的汇报。我们将继续随情况发展进行监察并作出反应。我已下令联邦政府动用全部资源,协助州和地方当局保护人民的安全,在全美提高必要的安保水平,并调查事件真相。
The American people will say a prayer for Boston tonight.And Michelle and I send our deepest thoughts and prayers to the families of the victims in the wake of this senseless loss.美国人民今晚会为波士顿祈祷。米歇尔和我把我们最深切的思念和祈祷传递给受难者及其家属,对他们失去亲人表示哀悼。
We don't yet have all the answers.But we do know that multiple people have been wounded, some gravely, in explosions at the Boston Marathon.我们尚未知晓所有情况。但我们知道,波士顿马拉松比赛中多人受伤,有的极其严重。I've spoken to FBI Director Mueller and Secretary of Homeland Security Napolitano, and they're mobilizing the appropriate resources to investigate and to respond.我已经与联邦调查局局长米勒和国家安全部部长纳波利塔诺通过话,他们将调动所需的资源来调查并对此做出处理。
I've updated leaders of Congress in both parties, and we reaffirmed that on days like this there are no Republicans or Democrats — we are Americans, united in concern for our fellow citizens.我已对国会的两党领导人通报了最新情况,我们重申在这样的日子没有共和党或民主党之分,因为我们都是美国人,我们团结在一起,心系我们的同胞。
I've also spoken with Governor Patrick and Mayor Menino, and made it clear that they have every single federal resource necessary to care for the victims and counsel the families.And above all, I made clear to them that all Americans stand with the people of Boston.我也跟帕特里克州长和波士顿梅尼诺市长通过话,并清楚告诉他们,我们将调动一切资源来关怀遇难者并抚恤其家属。最重要的是,我清楚地告诉他们,所有的美国人都和波士顿人民同在。
Boston police, firefighters, and first responders as well as the National Guard responded heroically, and continue to do so as we speak.It's a reminder that so many Americans serve and sacrifice on our behalf every single day, without regard to their own safety, in dangerous and difficult circumstances.And we salute all those who assisted in responding so quickly and professionally to this tragedy.波士顿的警察、消防队员、应急人员以及国民警卫队正在并将继续英勇应对。它提醒人们,我们有这么多美国人每天为了我们奉献和牺牲,不顾自身安危在危险和艰难的情境中挺身而出。我们向他们在恐怖爆炸中的的快速反应和专业应对敬礼。
We still do not know who did this or why.And people shouldn't jump to conclusions before we have all the facts.But make no mistake — we will get to the bottom of this.And we will find out who did this;we'll find out why they did this.Any responsible individuals, any responsible groups will feel the full weight of justice.我们仍然不知道是谁制造了这次恐怖袭击,以及他们为什么这样做。我们不必急着下结论。但毫无疑问,我们会追查到底。我们会找出谁干的,动机是什么。任何与此案相关的个人和团体,都将受到正义的严惩。
Today is a holiday in Massachusetts — Patriots' Day.It's a day that celebrates the free and fiercely independent spirit that this great American city of Boston has reflected from the earliest days of our nation.And it's a day that draws the world to Boston's streets in a spirit of friendly competition.Boston is a tough and resilient town.So are its people.I'm supremely confident that Bostonians will pull together, take care of each other, and move forward as one proud city.And as they do, the American people will be with them every single step of the way.今天是马萨诸塞州的节日-爱国者日。这一天,我们都在庆祝这个伟大的美国城市波士顿的自由和激烈的独立精神,这是我们的勇士们在建国初期展现出的英勇战斗精神。这一天,在波士顿的大街上,马拉松比赛友好竞争的精神吸引了全世界的目光。波士顿是一个坚韧的城市,波士顿人民同样坚韧!我有一万个理由相信,波士顿会齐心协力彼此照顾,以一个自豪的心态勇往直前。这一路上每一步全体美国人民都将和他们一起。
You should anticipate that as we get more information, our teams will provide you briefings.We're still in the investigation stage at this point.But I just want to reiterate we will find out who did this and we will hold them accountable.有一点是肯定的,我们会调查事件获取更多信息,我们将随时通报情况。我想说的是,我们仍然处在调查阶段。但我想重申的是,我们誓将揪出真正的凶手并将追究他们的责任。Thank you very much.谢谢!
第四篇:奥巴马总统在英国议会发表讲话
奥巴马总统在英国议会发表讲话(全文)
2011.05.25 白宫
新闻秘书办公室 2011年5月25日
奥巴马总统在英国议会发表讲话 威斯敏斯特厅(Westminster Hall)英国 伦敦(London, England)英国夏令时间下午3:47
奥巴马总统:谢谢。非常感谢诸位。谢谢你们。(掌声)
尊敬的大法官先生、议长先生、首相先生、上议院和下议院各位议员:
我知道,能有机会在威斯敏斯特厅向议会之母发表讲演是我无尚的荣誉。我听说此前来这里发表讲演的三位是教皇(the Pope)、女王陛下(Her Majesty the Queen)和纳尔逊·曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)--这说明规格之高非同一般,也可能让人因此成为笑柄。(笑声)
我今天来到这里,再次肯定全世界有史以来最古老、最牢固的联盟关系之一。人们很早就说,美国和英国有着特殊的关系。而且,由于我们都有特别活跃的记者团,这种关系往往被分析来分析去,试图发现说明关系紧张和异样的极为微小的蛛丝马迹。
当然,所有的关系都有起有落。诚然,我们的关系出师不利,为了茶叶和税务撕破了一点脸皮。(笑声)当白宫在1812年战争期间被大火焚烧的时候,感情也可能受到一些伤害。(笑声)但幸运的是,从此以后就一帆风顺了。
建立这种亲密的友谊,原因并不仅仅因为我们有共同的历史、共同的传统;我们的语言和文化联系,甚至也包括我们政府之间牢固的伙伴关系。我们的关系是特殊的,因为有将我们世世代代的人民团结在一起的价值观和信仰。
几个世纪前,当国王、皇帝和军阀主宰世界大部分地区的时候,是英国人在《大宪章》(Magna Carta)里首先阐明了人的权利和自由。正是在这里,在这个大厅里,法治首建其功,法庭得以建立,纠纷获得解决,公民前来向他们的领导人请愿。
随着时间的推移,这个国家的人民发动了一场长期、有时血腥的斗争,以扩大和保证他们与王权抗争获得的自由。在启蒙运动(Enlightenment)的理想推动下,他们经过千辛万苦最终制定了英国《权利法案》(English Bill of Rights),把治理的权利交给了延续至今在此举行会议的民选议会。
在这个岛上开创的事业激励了整个欧洲大陆乃至全世界的亿万人民。但从这些自由的概念中获取了最大灵感的或许莫过于大西洋彼岸那些发动民众的英国殖民地居民。正如温斯顿·丘吉尔(Winston Churchill)所说,“...大宪章、权利法案、人身保护令(Habeas Corpus)、陪审团制度和英国普通法都可以在美国《独立宣言》(Declaration of Independence)中找到了最经典的表述。”
对我们两国来说,要实现庄严地载入这些建国文献中的理想有时是困难的,这历来是一个不断进步的过程。道路从来不可能总是平坦的通途。但是通过奴隶和移民、妇女和少数族裔、前殖民地和受迫害的各类宗教的艰苦奋斗,我们比大多数人都更了解,对自由和尊严的渴望并不专属于英国人或美国人或西方——这是举世皆然的要求,敲击着每一个人的心灵。也许这就是为什么没有哪一个国家能像美国和英国那样能以如此坚定的立场、如此洪亮的声音、如此艰苦奋斗的精神在全世界各地捍卫民主的价值。
我们是在奥马哈(Omaha)和戈尔德(Gold)滩头登陆的盟友,我们以献身的精神并肩战斗,从暴政的铁蹄下解救了整个大陆,帮助人们在战争的废墟上建设繁荣。随着北约的创立--根据英国的建议--我们联合成了一个跨大西洋联盟,半个多世纪以来确保了我们的安全。同我们的盟友一起,我们经历了冷战,缔造了持久和平。当铁幕被打破的时候,我们扩大了我们的联盟,纳入了东欧和中欧国家,建立了与俄罗斯和前苏联加盟共和国交往的新桥梁。在巴尔干地区燃起战火的时候,我们共同努力维持和平。
今天,在经历了从战争开始到以衰退为终点的艰难的10年后,我们两国又再次进入了一个关键时刻。曾经濒临萧条的全球经济现已趋于稳定并正在复苏。经过多年的战事,美国从伊拉克撤出了10万军队,英国也撤出了自己的军队,我们在伊拉克的作战任务已经结束。在阿富汗,我们遏阻了塔利班的扩张势头,不久将向由阿富汗主导的方向过渡。在 9.11 事件发生将近10年后,我们瓦解了恐怖主义网络,击毙了恐怖主义头子乌萨马∙本∙拉丹(Osama bin Laden),给予“基地”组织沉重的打击。
我们共同应对了重大的挑战。但在我们掀开两国共同历史这一新篇章的时刻,各种严峻的挑战展现在我们的面前。
在一个各国的繁荣已不可分割地紧密相连的世界,必须开创合作的新时代确保全球经济的增长和稳定。随着新的威胁跨越国界和海洋四处蔓延,我们必须摧毁恐怖主义网络,制止核武器扩散;应对气候变化,抗击饥饿和疾病。当革命浪潮席卷中东和北非各国的街头之时,这一代人渴望自己决定命运的呼声与全世界息息相关。
这些挑战产生于一个新世纪的国际秩序已被重新塑造的时期。中国、印度和巴西等国家正在突飞猛进地发展。我们应该欢迎这一发展,因为它使全球亿万人民摆脱了贫困,并为我们自己的国家开拓了新市场和新机会。
然而,随着快速变化的发生,在某些地方出现了一些已成为时髦的质疑,声称伴随着这些国家崛起,美欧在全世界影响力是否会走向衰落。这种论点认为,也许这些国家代表着未来,我们发挥领导作用的时代已经过去。
但这种论点是错误的。现在正是我们发挥领导作用的时候。正是美国、英国和我们的民主同盟国家塑造了新兴国家得以崛起和个人得以发展的世界。即便在更多国家能够承担全球领导责任之时,为了使这个世纪实现更和平、更繁荣和更公正的目标,我们的同盟依然必不可少。
在威胁与挑战要求各国必须携手努力,相互协调之时,我们依然是全球行动最大的推动力量。在一个以商务和信息的迅速流通为特征的时代,我们的自由市场传统、我们的开放性,同时我们承诺保障我们公民的基本安全,以此作为坚强的后盾,为强大的共同繁荣创造了最好的机会。由于亿万人民因他们的身份、他们的信仰或统治他们的政府的属性而被剥夺了基本人权,我们这些国家最积极地要求维护有助于实现和平与尊严的包容和自决的价值观。
这不意味着我们可以停步不前。我们的领导作用的性质需顺应时代的要求。如我首次作为总统前来伦敦出席20国集团(G20)峰会时所说,罗斯福(Roosevelt)和丘吉尔(Churchill)可以坐在房间里喝着白兰地解决世界上存在的问题,这个时代已经过去——尽管我想卡梅伦(Cameron)首相一定会同意,什么时候我们也可以来点烈性酒。在这个世纪,我们的共同领导作用将要求我们建立新的伙伴关系,适应新的情况,为符合新时代的要求调整我们自己。首先谈谈我们在经济领域的领导作用。
亚当·斯密(Adam Smith)的核心见解在今天仍然是正确的:一个能够全部发挥男性和女性的个人潜能的自由企业制度是带来财富和创新的最有力的引擎。正是它引发了在曼彻斯特(Manchester)的工厂中兴起的工业革命(Industrial Revolution)。正是它催发了从硅谷(Silicon Valley)的办公园区开始的信息时代的黎明。中国、印度和巴西等国正在如此迅猛地发展的原因恰恰在于,他们时断时续地在向美国和英国一贯推行的以市场为导向的原则迈进。
换言之,我们现在的全球经济基本上是由我们自己所为。今天,思想自由、向前看的国家在竞争最好的工作和产业时处于有利地位,这些国家拥有最具创造力、创新性和创业精神的公民。
这使美国和英国等国享有一种内在的优势。因为我们以我们对科学和尖端研究、对开发新药和新技术的全力投入引领世界:从牛顿(Newton)和达尔文(Darwin)到爱迪生(Edison)和爱因斯坦(Einstein),从阿兰·图灵(Alan Turing)到史蒂夫·乔布斯(Steve Jobs)。我们在地球上最好的高等院校中让我们的公民受到教育,让我们的劳动者得到培训。但要在一个竞争日益激烈的世界里保持这种优势,我们必须加倍投资于科学和工程领域,并重新推动国家培训劳动大军的努力。
我们也在最近几年中再次认识到,市场有时会失灵。上个世纪,我们两国都建立了应对这类市场失灵的框架——例如,在大萧条(Great Depression)过后建立的保护银行系统的保障措施,以及1970年代确立的保护我们的空气和水不受污染的监管措施。
但在当今的经济形势下,上述威胁已不可能被遏制在任何一国的国境之内。市场失灵的情况可能波及全球并迅速蔓延,必须采取国际性举措予以应对。从华尔街开始的金融危机波及几乎各大洲,因此,我们必须通过G20这样的论坛继续努力,确立全球性的通行规则,以防今后再出现过度行为和滥用现象。没有任何一个国家能够躲过碳污染之害,因此,我们必须巩固在哥本哈根(Copenhagen)和坎昆(Cancun)取得的成果,让我们的子孙拥有一个更安全、更清洁的星球。
此外,即使是在自由市场正常运转的时候,我们两国也都认识到,不论我们在生活中多么认真尽责,任何人都可能遇到困境或不幸,都可能被疾病缠身或遭到解雇。因此,我们的一个共同传统体现在这样一个信念之中:每位公民都应享有基本的安全保障——生病时有医疗服务,失业时有失业保险,在毕生辛勤工作后有体面的退休生活。我们对公民的这一承诺也是我们能在全世界发挥领导作用的原因之一。
现在,在经历了严重的经济衰退后,我们今天的挑战是履行这些义务,同时确保我们的消费不会导致债务缠身,以致可能削弱我们的经济力量与活力。这将需要我们做出艰难的抉择并要求我们两国都采取不同的路线。但是我们过去曾面对过这样的挑战,并始终能够兼顾财政责任的需要与我们相互承担的责任。
我认为,我们能够再次这么做。在这样做的时候,我们自身成功与失败的经历能够成为新兴经济体的借鉴——实现增长而不造成污染是可能的;持久的繁荣并非来自于一个国家的消费,而是来自于它的产出,来自于它对自己的人民和基础建设进行的投资。
正如我们必须为我们公民的繁荣发展发挥领导作用一样,我们也必须为他们提供保障。
我们两国都懂得与世上邪恶作斗争的意味。如果不是我们在海滩和登陆点、在田野或街巷与希特勒的军队作战,他们是不会停止杀戮的。我们绝不能忘记我们在那场可怕的战争中获胜并非必然——胜利是靠我们人民的勇气和品格才赢得的。
恰恰因为我们愿意承担战争的重负,我们因此深知战争的代价。正因为如此,我们建立了足以捍卫这个大陆并同时遏制我们的敌人的强大联盟。建立北约(NATO)的核心基础是第五条款(Article Five)的简明理念:任何北约国家都无需孤立自卫;所有盟国将始终互相支持。历经60年,北约是人一直类历史上最成功的联盟。
今天,我们要抗击一个不同的敌人。恐怖主义分子在纽约和伦敦夺去了我们公民的生命。虽然“基地”组织谋求与西方展开一场宗教战争,但我们必须记住,他们在全球各地杀害了数以千计的穆斯林——男子、妇女和儿童。我们两国并没有、也绝不会同伊斯兰教交战。我们作战的重点是击败基地组织及其极端主义同伙。在这场努力中,我们绝不会手软,正如本·拉丹及其追随者已经看到的那样。在我们打击无视战争法则的敌人之时,我们将继续以更高的标准要求自己——坚持我们的价值观和法治以及我们如此坚决维护的正当程序。
近十年来,阿富汗一直是这些努力的一道中心战线。这些年里,你们,英国人民,同许多与我们并肩战斗的人一道,始终是忠实坚定的盟友。让我们共同向过去几年来所有奉献服务和付出牺牲的我们的男女志士致敬,因为他们都是前仆后继为我们的自由而承担起最沉重的责任的英雄。由于有他们,我们遏制了塔利班的势头。由于有他们,我们建设起阿富汗安全部队的能力。由于有他们,我们现在正准备在阿富汗实现转折,完成由阿富汗发挥领导作用的过渡。在此过渡阶段,我们将与脱离了“基地”组织而且尊重阿富汗宪法并放下武器的人谋求持久的和平。我们还将确保,阿富汗绝不再是恐怖分子的藏匿所,而是一个强大的、享有主权的、能够自立的国家。的确,在这个新生的世纪,我们的努力为北约提出了新概念,这将赋予我们必须的能力抗击新出现的威胁:诸如恐怖主义和海盗、网络攻击和弹道导弹等威胁。但是,重振的北约将继续遵循其创始人最初的设想,让我们齐心协力采取集体行动,保卫我们的人民,同时传承罗斯福和丘吉尔的博大信念,即所有的国家都拥有权利与责任,所有的国家在维护和平的国际架构中拥有共同利益。
我们在制止核武器扩散问题上也具有共同利益。放眼全球,各国在严加保护自己的核材料,不让它们落入坏人之手。由于我们发挥了领导作用,从北韩到伊朗,我们都已对其发出信息,如拒不履行自己的义务,必将面临后果——这就是为什么美国和欧洲联盟最近刚刚加强了对伊朗的制裁,这在很大程度上是由于英国和美国的领导作用。我们在要求别人负责的同时,我们将履行自己对《不扩散核武器条约》(Non-Proliferation Treaty)承担的义务,为实现无核武器的世界而努力。
我们在解决冲突的领域也存在共同利益,那些冲突造成持续的人间苦难并有可能使整个地区四分五裂。在苏丹,多年的战争已造成数千人死亡,我们呼吁南北双方从暴力的边缘撤回,选择和平的道路。在中东,我们团结一致,支持一个安全的以色列和享有主权的巴勒斯坦。
我们在有助于促进尊严与安全的发展问题上拥有共同利益。为了取得成功,我们必须抛开冲动,不再视世界贫穷地区为从事慈善事业的场所。相反,我们应该发挥曾经帮助我们本国人民实现繁荣的同样的力量——我们应该帮助饥饿的人们养活自己,帮助照顾病人的医生们;我们应该支持反腐败的国家,欢迎本国人民的创新;我们应该传播这样一个真理,即只有让妇女和女孩充分发挥其潜力的国家才能繁荣。
我们从事这些工作,因为我们不仅仅相信国家的权利,而且相信公民的权利。这是一盏指路明灯,曾经指引我们打击法西斯主义,指引我们与共产主义决战,迎来黎明的曙光。今天,这个信念正在中东和北非接受考验。在一个又一个的国家,人们动员起来,要求摆脱铁碗统治。虽然这些要求变革的运动只有六个月之久,但我们曾亲眼目睹他们的声势——从东欧到美洲;从南非到东南亚。
历史告诉我们,民主并非易事。这些革命需要多年才能取得结果,过程中将会遇到艰辛险阻。权力的割舍极少不经过斗争,在具有部落和宗派分裂的地区更是如此。我们也知道,民粹主义可能发生危险的转化──从利用民主来否决少数族群权利的极端主义,到20世纪在这块大陆上留下许多伤痕的民族主义。可是不要误解:我们过去和当前在德黑兰(Tehran)、突尼斯(Tunis)和解放广场(Tahrir Square)看到的景象,是人民渴望我们在自己家园视为理所当然的同样自由。它反驳了认为世界上某些地区的人民不需要自由或者需要将民主强加于他们的观点,也驳斥了“基地”组织扼杀个人权利、使人们永远深陷贫穷和暴力的世界观。这一点不容置疑:美国和英国坚定地站在渴望自由者的旁边。
现在我们必须将言词化为行动。这意味着为正在转向民主的国家的未来做出投资,从突尼西斯和埃及开始──通过加深贸易与商业的纽带;通过帮助他们证明自由会带来繁荣。这也意味着支持普世权利──通过制裁实施压制的人、强化公民社会,以及支持少数族群的权利。
我们这样做时深知,西方世界必须克服中东和北非许多人的怀疑和不信任──这种不信任源于艰难的历史。多年来,我们一再面临那些听到我们拥护自由但他们无法享受自由的人指责我们虚伪。因此,我们必须对他们坦然承认,我们对该地区具有持久的利益──与或许不总是十分理想的伙伴共同打击恐怖主义和防止世界能源供应受到干扰。但是我们也必须坚持表明,我们认为那种只能在自身的利益和理想之间,在稳定和民主之间作出选择的观点是谬误的。因为我们的理想主义是基于历史的真情──镇压只会提供稳定的假象;公民自由的社会更为成功;民主体制是我们最密切的同盟。
正是这种真理指引着我们在利比亚的行动。在利比亚实施镇压之初我们本可轻易地说,此事与我们无关,一国的主权比其境内公民遭到屠杀来得重要。一些人确实信从这种论点。可是我们不然。我们接受更广泛的责任。虽然我们无法制止每一种不义,但是有些情况要求我们不能谨小慎微──当一个领导人扬言屠杀自己的人民,国际社会在呼吁采取行动之时。那就是为什么我们制止了利比亚的大屠杀。在利比亚的人民受到保护、暴政的阴影消散之前,我们不会松懈。
我们会以虚怀继续前进,并且知道我们不可能主导国外的每一种结局。最终,自由必须由人们自己来争取,而不是从外部强加。但是我们可以,也必须和那些如此奋斗的人站在一起。因为我们一贯相信──从诺曼底(Normandy)到巴尔干(Balkans)到班加西(Benghazi)──如果其他人的子孙更富足自由,我们自己的子孙也会有更美好的未来。那就是我们的利益和理想。如果我们无法实现那份责任,谁能取而代之?我们将会传下什么样的世界? 我们的行动──我们的领导作用──对于人类尊严的事业至关重要。因此我们必须采取行动——并且发挥领导作用——怀着对我们的理想的信心以及对今天让我们来到此地的我们人民的品格的信心。
因为我认为有一个最终的特质使美国和英国在这一历史时刻责无旁贷。那就是我们对自己国家的定义。
不同于世界上多数国家,我们不是以种族或族裔来界定公民身份。做美国人或英国人不意味着属于某个团体,而是意味着相信一套理念──个人权利,以及法治。这就是我们两国境内人口如此多元的原因。这就是为什么世界上现在有些人相信如果他们来到美国,如果他们来到纽约,如果他们来到伦敦,勤奋工作,就能宣誓效忠我们的国旗,称自己为美国人。也有人相信如果他们来到英国开始新生活,他们可以像其他公民一样高唱《天佑女王》(God Save the Queen)。
确实,我们的多元化有可能引发矛盾。在我们两国历史上都曾发生过关于移民和同化的激烈争论。但即便有这种可能非常艰难的争论,我们从根本上认识到,我们百衲而成的传统是一种巨大的力量——在这个只会变得越来越小、相互联系越来越紧密的世界里,我们两个国家的例子表明,人们能够被理想连接在一起,而不是被差异所分隔;人心可以改变,旧仇能够消除;昔日殖民地的儿女能作为这个伟大议会的成员在这里占有席位;一个曾在英国军队当过厨师的肯尼亚人的孙子能作为美国总统站在你们面前。(掌声)这就是我们的特征。这就是为什么在大马士革和开罗街头的男女青年即使有时不同意我们的政策却仍然在争取我国公民所享有的权利。跻身于历史最强大的国家之列,我们两国必须永远牢记:我们影响力的真正来源不仅是因为我们的经济规模,我们的军事能力,或我们所拥有的土地。它来源于我们在全世界必须毫不动摇地捍卫的价值观——所有人都被赋予某些无法剥夺的权利。
这就是在战火中铸造了我们紧密关系的理念——这种紧密关系体现为我们两国最伟大的两位领导人丘吉尔和罗斯福之间的友谊。丘吉尔和罗斯福两人各有不同。如果说他们并不总是清楚自己的盲点和缺点,他们却都能敏锐地观察到对方的问题,他们对自己重塑世界的能力都有清醒的头脑。但在那特殊的历史时刻将这两人的命运联系在一起的并不仅仅是在战场上取胜的共同利益,也因为他们对人类自由与尊严必将取得最后胜利的共同信念——坚信我们对这一段历史的结局有发言权。
今天,两国人民继承了这一信念。我们面临的挑战是巨大的,摆在我们面前的工作是艰巨的。但我们已经历了困难的10年,无论前面的考验和磨难有多么巨大、多么繁多,让我们学习他们的榜样,牢记丘吉尔在欧洲获得自由的那一天讲的话:
“在未来的岁月里,不仅是这个岛国的人民,而且……还有全世界,无论何处只要自由之鸟在人类心底啼鸣,回顾我们所做的一切,他们会说:„不要绝望,不要屈服……奋勇向前‟。”
让我们在争取全世界更和平、更繁荣、更正义的事业中,作为永恒的盟友,勇敢坚定、谦恭谨慎、满怀希望、坚定对未来前途的信心,共同奋勇向前。非常感谢诸位。(掌声)结束 英国夏令时间下午4:12(完)
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第五篇:奥巴马总统在埃及开罗大学讲话全文
奥巴马总统在埃及开罗大学讲话全文
美国总统巴拉克·奥巴马6月4日在埃及开罗大学发表讲话,阐明美国致力于寻求与穆斯林国家关系的新开端。以下是讲话文字记录中译文,由美国国际信息局(IIP)翻译。
—————–(讲话文字记录开始)白宫新闻秘书办公室(埃及开罗)2009年6月4日 奥巴马总统谈新的开端
(Remarks by the President on A New Beginning)埃及开罗大学(Cairo University)2009年6月4日
当地时间下午1时10分
奥巴马总统:非常感谢你们。下午好。我荣幸地来到永恒的开罗古城,荣幸地受到两所著名学府的邀请。爱资哈尔(Al-Azhar)一千多年来一直是一座伊斯兰 学术的灯塔,开罗大学(Cairo University)一百多年来一直是埃及发展的源泉。你们并肩而立,象征着传统与进步的和谐共进。我对你们的盛情邀请,对埃及人民的盛情邀请表示感 谢。我也自豪地带来美国人民的友好情谊,带来我国穆斯林民众的平安问候: “Assalaamu alaykum.”(”愿你平安。”)
我 们相聚在美国和穆斯林世界之间关系十分紧张的时期──这种紧张关系的历史根源远远超出了当前的任何政策辩论。伊斯兰教与西方世界之间的关系史既包括好几个 世纪的共存与合作,也包括冲突和宗教战争。在近代,剥夺众多穆斯林权利和机会的殖民主义,以及穆斯林占主体的国家往往被视为傀儡、对其自身意愿鲜有顾及的 冷战,加剧了这种紧张。此外,现代化和全球化带来的巨大变化致使很多穆斯林将西方视为伊斯兰传统的敌人。暴力极端主义分子利用这种 紧张关系煽动穆斯林世界为数不多但很有影响的少数派。9.11袭击事件以及这些极端主义分子不断对平民百姓采用暴力的行径使得我们国家中的一些人认为,伊斯兰教注定不仅与美国和西方国家,而且与人权为敌。所有这一切导致滋生出更多的恐惧,更多的不信任。
只要我们之间的关系定位于我们的分歧,我们就会让那些播种仇恨而不是和平,宣扬冲突而不是合作的人得势,而合作会帮助将正义与繁荣带给所有人。我们必须打破这种怀疑与不和的恶性循环。
我来到这里是要在美国和穆斯林世界之间寻求一种以共同利益和相互尊重为基点的新开端──基于美国和伊斯兰教并不相互排斥、不必相互竞争的真情。不仅如此,它们相互重合,拥有一些共同原则──公正与进步的原则;容忍与全人类都有尊严的原则。
我 认识到,变化不会发生于一夜之间。一次讲话不可能排除多年来的不信任,我也不可能在我有限的时间里回答迄今摆到我们面前的所有复杂问题。但是我深信,为了 向前推进,我们必须公开说出内心深处的话,但我们往往关起门来才说这些话。这必须成为相互倾听、相互学习、相互尊重并寻求共同之处的持久努力。《古兰经》(Holy Koran)教诲我们:”明记真主,永吐真言。”这就是我将在今天努力做到的──尽最大努力说实话,兢兢业业面对使命,坚信我们同为人类的共同利益远比给 我们造成隔阂的力量强大得多。
这种信念一部分来源于我个人的经历。我是基督教徒。我父亲来自肯尼亚一个数代穆斯林家庭。我小时候在印度尼西亚生活过几年,听到过宣礼塔在破晓和日落时刻的召唤。我年轻时在芝加哥的社区工作,那里有很多人从他们的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊严与安宁。
作为一个研读历史的人,我还知道伊斯兰教对文明的重大贡献。正是伊斯兰教──在爱资哈尔这样的地方──让学术之光照亮了一个又一个世纪,为欧洲的文艺复兴和 启蒙运动铺平了道路。穆斯林群体不断创新,发明了代数学;磁性罗盘仪和导航工具;掌握了书写与印刷术;使我们了解了疾病的传播与治疗方式。伊斯兰文化为我 们创造了雄伟的拱顶和高耸的尖塔;永恒的诗篇和美妙的音乐;遒劲的书法和瞑思静想之所。纵观历史,伊斯兰教以言词和行动揭示了宗教容忍与种族平等的可能。
我也知道,伊斯兰教一直是美国历程的一个组成部分。第一个承认我的国家的是摩洛哥。我国第二任总统约翰·亚当斯(John Adams)在1796年签署《的黎波里条约》(Treaty of Tripoli)时写道,”美国自身对穆斯林的法律、宗教或安宁 1
绝无任何敌意”。自我国建国以来,美国穆斯林使美国丰富多姿。他们为国作战,担任公职,为民权奋斗,创办企业,在高等院校任教,在体育场上出类拔萃,赢得诺贝尔奖,建造我 国最高建筑,点燃奥林匹克火炬。当第一位当选国会议员的美国穆斯林在宣誓捍卫我国宪法时,他手抚的是来自我国建国先父之一──托马斯·杰斐逊(Thomas Jefferson)──私人图书馆藏书中的那本《古兰经》。
因此,在来到伊斯兰教的最初降示之地以前,我已经在三大洲了解了伊斯兰教。这段经历使我确信不疑,美国和伊斯兰教的伙伴关系必须基于真实的伊斯兰教,而不是那些不实之词。身为美国总统,我认为我的职责之一是随时驳斥对伊斯兰教的消极成见。
然 而,同样的原则也必须适用于穆斯林对美国的态度。就像穆斯林不是一个模子里刻出来的一样,美国也不能被用妄自尊大的帝国模子定型。美国是世界历来所知的最 伟大的发展源泉之一。我的国家是在反抗一个帝国的斗争中诞生的。我们的建国理念是人人平等。几个世纪以来,我们不惜流血奋斗,实现那些话的含义──在我国 国内,以及在世界各地。我们受到来自地球四面八方的各种文化的影响,但笃信一个简单的理念:合众为一(E pluribus unum)。对 一个名叫巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马的非洲裔美国人能够当选美国总统这一点已经议论繁多。但我的个人经历并不是那么独特。虽然人人都有机会的这个理想还没有在 美国每一个人身上实现,但对于登陆我国的所有人来说,这个希望是存在的──其中包括属于我国今天80多个族裔群体的近700万美国穆斯林。实际上,美国穆 斯林的收入及教育水平超过了我国的平均线。
而且,美国的自由与信奉宗教的自由密不可分。这就是为什么清真寺遍及我们合众国的每个州,在我们境内有着1200多座清真寺。这就是为什么美国政府为保护妇女和女童戴头巾的权利和为了惩罚那些想剥夺这项权利的人而诉诸司法手段。所以,毋庸置疑:伊斯兰是美国的一部分。我认为美国自身坚信这样一个真理:我们大家,无论种族、宗教或生活地位,都有着共同的理想──和平安全地生活;受教育和有尊严地工作;热爱我们的家庭、我们的社区、我们的神主。这些是我们共享的东西。它是全人类的希望。
当然,认识到我们共同的人性还只是我们使命的开始。仅凭言语无法满足我们人民的需要。要做到满足这些需要,我们必须在今后的年月里大胆行动,我们必须理解,全世界人民面临的种种挑战是共同的,不能应对这些挑战将使我们所有人受害。
我们已经懂得,当一个国家的金融体系衰弱时,世界各地的繁荣都受损害。当一种新流感感染了一个人时,对所有人都有威胁。当一个国家寻求核武器时,所有国家都 面临核袭击的更大危险。当暴力极端分子在一个山区活动时,大洋彼岸的人受到威胁。当波斯尼亚和达尔富尔无辜的人民遭屠杀时,它给我们大家的良心留下污点。这就是在21世纪共享世界的含义。这就是我们作为人类相互具有的责任。
这是一项艰难的责任;人类的历史常常是国家、部落甚至宗教为自身利益征服他方的历史。然而,在这个新时代,那种心态是自我消损。任何旨在让某一国家或某一群体提高地位的世界秩序都将注定失败。因此,无论我们如何看待过 去,我们绝不成为它的俘虏。我们的种种问题必须通过合作方式来处理,我们必须分享进步。
这并不意味着我们应忽视紧张关系的来源。恰恰相反,它需要我们必须严正面对。本着这一精神,请让我尽力明确和直率地谈谈某些我认为我们最终必须共同面对的具体问题。我们必须面对的第一个问题是一切形式的极端主义。
我在安卡拉明确表示,美国并非──也绝不会──与伊斯兰教交战。但我们会无情抗击对我国安全构成严重威胁的暴力极端主义分子。因为我们绝不接受所有宗教的信众都会拒绝的同样的行为:杀害无辜的男子、妇女和儿童。保护美国人民的安全是我作为总统的首要职责。
阿 富汗的形势既说明了美国的目标,也说明我们必须进行合作。7年多前,美国在广泛的国际支持下追剿“基地”组织和塔利班。我们毫无选择的余地,因为我们必须 这样做。我知道,有人仍对9.11事件有疑问或为其找借口。但我们必须清楚地认识到:2001年9月11日,“基地”组织杀害了将近3000人,受害者是 美国和许多其他国家的无辜男子、妇女和儿童,他们未曾伤害任何人。他们与“基地”组织政治上的嫌怨或仇恨意识形态毫不相干。然而,“基地”组织蓄意残忍地 杀害了这些人,声称这一袭击行动系其所为,并一再表明打算再次进行大规模屠杀的狼子野心。他们在很多国家都有同伙,并企图扩大他们的影响。这些都不是可以 辩论的看法问题,而是必须正视的事实。
不要有任何误解:我们不希望保持在阿富汗的驻军。我们不在阿富汗寻求军事基地。失去我国青年男女的生命是美国十分痛苦的事。继续这场冲突要付出昂贵的代价,在政治上也是困难的决定。一旦我们可以确定在阿富汗和巴基斯坦已经 2
不存在要尽可能多地杀害美国 人的丧心病狂的暴力极端主义分子,我们会很高兴地撤回每一名美军士兵。但目前还不是这种情况。
因此我们在与46个国家结成合作联盟。尽管需要付出代价,美国的决心不会减弱。的确,我们任何人都不应容忍这些极端主义分子。他们在很多国家杀人。他们杀害了持有各种宗教信仰的人──杀害最多的是穆斯林。他们的行为与人类的权利、国家的进步和伊斯兰教的教义是不相容的。《古兰经》教导说,谁杀害一个无辜者就好比杀害了整个人类;《古兰经》还说,谁拯救了一个人就好比拯救了整个人类。有超过10亿人口的这一永恒信仰之宏大是一小撮人狭隘的仇恨之心无法比拟的。我知道,在打击暴力极端主义的斗争中,伊斯兰教并不是一个问题──伊斯兰教必须是解决问题的途径之一。
我们也知道,仅凭军事力量无法解决阿富汗和巴基斯坦的问题。正是因为这个原因,我们打算在今后5年内每年投入15亿美元,与巴基斯坦合作建造学校、医院、道路和企业,另投资1.7亿美元帮助流离失所的人。也正是因为这个原 因,我们提供超过28亿美元帮助阿富汗人发展经济和提供人民赖以生存的服务。
我再来谈谈伊拉克问题。不同于阿富汗的是,伊拉克战争是一 场可以选择不打的战争,在美国国内和国际上引起了巨大分歧。虽然我相信没有萨达姆·侯赛因的暴虐政权,伊拉克人民最终会获益良多,但我也相信,伊拉克发生 的事件提醒我们,有必要通过外交手段和建立国际共识解决我们的问题。确实,我们可以回想一下托马斯·杰斐逊曾经说过的话:“我希望我们的智慧会随我们的力 量而增长,并告诫我们,我们的力量使用得越少,它就越有力。”
今天,美国承担着双重责任:帮助伊拉克人打造更美好的未来,同时要将伊拉 克交给伊拉克人。我明确地向伊拉克人民表示,我们不寻求基地,对领土或资源没有要求。伊拉克的主权属于伊拉克自己。正是出于这个原因,我已下令在明年8月 前撤出我们的作战部队。也正是出于这个原因,我们将履行与伊拉克民选政府达成的协议,在7月前从伊拉克城市撤出作战部队,在2012年年底前将所有的部队 撤出伊拉克。我们将帮助伊拉克训练安全部队和发展经济。但我们是以伙伴的身份,而绝不是以保护人的身份支持伊拉克的安全与统一。
最后,美国绝不能容忍极端主义分子的暴力,同样我们也绝不能改变或忘记我们的原则。9.11事件给我国造成了巨大的创伤。这一事件引起的忧惧和愤怒是可以理解 的,但在某些情况下,这一事件也使我们采取了与我们的传统和理想相悖的行动。我们正在采取具体行动改变路线。我明确禁止美国使用酷刑,我已下令明年初关闭 关塔纳摩湾监狱。
因此,美国将进行自卫,同时尊重其他国家的主权和法治。我们在这样做的时候,将与同样受到威胁的穆斯林社区结成伙伴。早一天使极端主义分子在穆斯林社区受到孤立和丧失人心,我们就能早一天获得更大的安全。我将讨论的紧张关系的第二大根源是以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯世界之间的局势。
美国与以色列之间的牢固关系众所周知。这种关系坚不可摧。它基于文化和历史的纽带以及这样一个认识:对犹太家园的渴望有着一个悲哀的历史源头,这个历史是无可否认的。
犹 太人在世界各地经受了很多世纪的迫害,反犹太主义被前所未有的大屠杀推到顶峰。明天,我将参观布痕瓦尔德,那里曾是犹太人遭受纳粹奴役、折磨、杀害和被毒 气致死的集中营之一。600万犹太人惨遭杀害──这超过了今天以色列的全部犹太人口。否认这一事实是站不住脚的,无知的,仇视性的。威胁毁灭以色列──或 不断重复有关犹太人的恶意成见──是极其错误的,而且只会在以色列人心目中唤起这一最痛苦的记忆,同时阻碍这个地区人民应得的和平。然 而,同样不能否认的是,巴勒斯坦人民──穆斯林和基督徒──在寻找家园的过程中历经苦难。60多年以来,他们承受了流离失所的痛苦。许多人在西岸、加沙以 及邻国土地的难民营里等待着他们从不曾过上的和平与稳定的生活。他们每天忍受着由占领带来的大大小小的羞辱。所以,毋庸置疑:巴勒斯坦人民的境况是不能容忍的。美国对巴勒斯坦人追求尊严、机会和自身国家的合理抱负不会置之不理。
几十年来,一直存在着一种僵持局面:有着合理追求的两族人民,因各自的痛苦历史而使妥协可望不可及。相互指责并不难——巴勒斯坦人指责由以色列建国而造成的流离失所,以色列人指责贯穿其全部历史的来自境内外的敌 意和袭击。然而,如果我们仅仅从一方或另一方来看待这一冲突,我们将无视事实:实现双方愿望的惟一出路是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人和平安全共存的两国解决方 案。这符合以色列的利益,符合巴勒斯坦的利益,符合美国的利益,符合世界的利益。因此我将亲自致力于取得这一结果。各方根据“路线图”已同意承担的义务是 明确的。为了实现和平,现在是他们──以及我们各方──应该履行自己职责的时候了。
巴勒斯坦人必须放弃暴力。暴力抵抗和屠杀不能达到目 的。在几个世纪里,美国黑人奴隶遭鞭打,受种族隔离的凌辱。然而,最终导致获得全面平等权利的不是暴力,而是对美国建国核心理想的和平与执著的坚持。同样 的经历也可在从南 3
非到南亚,从东欧到印度尼西亚的其他国家人民的历史中看到。这个经历揭示了一个简单的真理:暴力是死路一条。向睡梦中的以色列儿童发射火 箭炮或炸死公共汽车上的老妪,既非胆识也非力量的表现。它不是在申明道义权威,而是在丧失道义权威。
现在是巴勒斯坦人致力于如何进行建设的时候了。巴勒斯坦权力机构必须发展治理能力,建立为人民的需求服务的机制。“哈马斯”确实在一些巴勒斯坦人中拥有支持,但他们也有责任。要为实现巴勒 斯坦的抱负而发挥作用,“哈马斯”就必须停止过去的暴力,遵守过去的协议,承认以色列的生存权。
与此同时,以色列人必须意识到,正如以色列的生存权不能被剥夺一样,巴勒斯坦的生存权也不能被剥夺。美国不接受以色列继续建造定居点的合法性。这一做法违反了过去的协议,有损实现和平的努力。现在是停止这些定居点的时候了。以色列也必须履行其义务,确保巴勒斯坦人能够生活、工作、建设其社会。正如摧毁巴勒斯坦人的家庭一样,加沙持续的人道危机无益于以色列的安全,西岸缺乏机会也同样如此。巴勒斯坦人民日常生活的改善必须是通向和平之路的一个关键部分。
最 后,阿拉伯国家必须认识到,阿拉伯和平倡议(Arab Peace Initiative)是一个重要的开端,而不是责任的终止。阿-以冲突决不应再被用来转移阿拉伯国家人民对其他问题的视线。相反,它应成为一个行动的号 召,帮助巴勒斯坦人民发展维系国家的机制;承认以色列的合法性;选择进步,而不是自我消耗地向后看。
美国将使我们的政策与追求和平者的 政策协调一致。无论在公开场合还是非公开场合,我们将对以色列人、巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯人说同样的话。我们不能把和平强加于人。但是,在非公开场合,许多穆 斯林承认以色列不会消失。同样,许多以色列人也承认建立巴勒斯坦国的必要性。时不我待,我们必须基于人所共知的事实行动起来。
眼泪已流 得太久;鲜血已洒得太多。我们大家都有责任为这样一天的到来而奋斗,那就是:以色列和巴勒斯坦的母亲能够看到自己的孩子毫无恐惧地长大,三大信仰的圣地(Holy Land)成为天意属望的和平之地,耶路撒冷是犹太人、基督徒和穆斯林的安全和永久的家园,并像伊斯拉(ISRA)故事中摩西、耶稣和穆罕默德(颂安)共 同祈祷那样,成为亚伯拉罕所有子孙和平相处的地方。
第三个造成紧张关系的原因涉及国家在核武器问题上的权利和责任,对此,我们必须达成共识。
这 个问题是美国与伊朗伊斯兰共和国之间关系紧张的一个根源。多年来,伊朗在某种程度上用它与我的国家的对立来给其自身定位。伊朗与美国之间确实有着坎坷的历 史。在冷战期间,美国对伊朗的民选政府被推翻起了作用。自伊斯兰革命以来,伊朗在劫持人质和对美军及平民发动的暴力事件中扮演了角色。这一历史众所周知。我没有选择自陷于过去,我已经向伊朗领导人和伊朗人民表明,我国已做好向前迈步的准备。对于伊朗而言,现在的问题不在于反对什么,而在于它希望建设什么样的未来。
消除数十年的不信任决非易事,但是我们有勇气、有正气、有决心向前迈进。我们两国之间有许多问题有待商讨,我们愿意在没有先决 条件的情况下基于相互尊重向前迈进。但是,有关各方都很清楚,在核武器方面我们已经处在一个决定性关头。它所关系到的不单纯是美国的利益,而是为了阻止一 场可能会使中东地区和全世界走上一条极其危险的道路的核武器竞赛。
我理解有些人针对一些国家拥有核武器而其他国家没有核武器而提出的抗议。任何一个国家都不应挑选哪些国家可以拥有核武器。因此,我坚决重申,美国承诺争取建立一个任何国家都不拥有核武器的世界。任何一个国家——包括伊朗 ——如果它履行对《不扩散核武器条约》(Non-Proliferation Treaty)承担的责任,就应当有权获取用于和平目的的核能源。这一承诺是这项条约的核心,应为条约各方全面遵守。我希望这个地区的所有国家都支持这一 目标。我要讲的第四个题目是民主。
我知道,近几年来在推进民主方面存在争议,而且许多争议与伊拉克战争有关。所以,我要明确表示:没有任何一种政府体制能够或应该被一个国家强加给另一个国家。
但是,我并不因此而减少我对代表人民意愿的政府的承诺。每个国家以植根于本国人民传统的各自方式给这一原则赋予生命力。美国并不自认知道什么是对所有人最为有益的做法,正如我们不会主观选择和平选举的结果一样。但是我确实坚信,某些东西是所有人都渴望的:能够畅所欲言并对自己被管理的方式有发言权;对法治和 司法公正有信心;政府施政透明,不盗窃人民财富;以及有自由按自己选择的方式生活等。这些不是美国人的发明,这些是人的权利,因此美国在各地都支持这些权 利。
实现这一诺言没有直线可循,但是有一点是明确的:保护这些权利的政府最终会更稳定、更成功、更安全。压制思想决不会让这些思想消 失。美国尊重世界各地一切和平、守法人士的发言权,即使我们与他们意见不一。我们将欢迎所有民选的和平政府——只要这些政府在施政时尊重本国人民。
最后一点很重要,因为有些人只是在不当政时呼吁民主,一旦大权在握,他们就残暴压制他人的权利。无论植根于何处,民有和民治的政府为所有当权者设定了一个标 准:你必须通过人民的许可保持权力,而不是采用强迫手段;你必须尊重少数派的权利,本着宽容和妥协的精神参与;你必须把人民的利益以及合法的政治程序至于自己的政党利益之上。没有这些要素,单凭选举无法实现真正的民主。
我们必须共同解决的第五个问题是宗教自由问题。
伊 斯兰教拥有值得自豪的宽容的传统。这一点我们在宗教法庭时期安达鲁西亚(Andalusia)和科尔多瓦(Cordoba)的历史上看得很清楚。我童年时 在印度尼西亚亲眼所见,在这个穆斯林占人口绝大多数的国家,虔诚的基督教徒可以自由地从事礼拜活动。这种精神是我们今天所需要的。每一个国家的人民都应能 听从自己的思想、感情和灵魂的驱使,自由地选择宗教信仰和过自己的宗教生活──无论他们选择的是何种宗教。这种宽容精神对宗教的兴旺是必不可少的,但现在 受到了来自多方面的挑战。
在某些穆斯林中,有一种令人不安的倾向:通过排斥他人的信仰来显示对自己的信仰之忠诚。丰富的宗教多样性必须 得到维护──无论是黎巴嫩的马龙派教徒(Maronites)还是埃及的科普特教会成员(Copts)。另外,如果我们能够诚实地对待这个问题,穆斯林内 部的裂隙也必须弥合,因为逊尼派和什叶派的分歧在某些地方已导致悲惨的暴力,特别是在伊拉克。
宗教自由对各族人民能否和睦相处至关重要。我们必须经常认真地考虑我们保护宗教自由的方式。例如,在美国,有关慈善捐款的规定加大了穆斯林履行宗教捐助义务的难度。为此,我承诺与美国穆斯林共同努力,以确保他们能够施行天课(zakat)。
同样,西方国家必须避免妨碍穆斯林公民按照自己的意愿从事宗教活动—例如,不能对穆斯林妇女的着装进行强制规定。我们不能以自由主义为幌子敌视任何宗教。的 确,信仰应有助于我们休戚与共。因此,我们正在美国制订一些新的服务计划,使基督徒、穆斯林和犹太人共同参与。因此,我们欢迎阿卜杜拉国王倡导的宗教间对 话和土耳其在文明联盟(Alliance of Civilizations)中发挥的领导作用。在全世界各地,我们可以使宗教间对话发展成宗教间服务,通过各种连接各族人民的桥梁促使我们采取行动推进 共同的人道精神──不论是在非洲抗击疟疾, 还是在自然灾害后提供救援。我要谈的第六个问题是妇女的权利。
我知道在这个问题上存在着争论,在座的各位就是例证。西方某些人认为一位妇女选择遮盖自己的头发即说明不那么平等,我反对这种看法。但我确实认为剥夺妇女的教育权利就是剥夺了妇女的平等权利。妇女受到良好教育的国家有极大的可能实现繁荣,这种情况决非偶然。
我希望明确表示:妇女的平等权利绝不仅仅是伊斯兰教的问题。在土耳其、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国和印度尼西亚,我们看到这些穆斯林人口占多数的国家选举了妇女领导人。与此同时,在美国社会生活的许多方面以及在世界上其他国家,争取妇女平等的斗争仍在持续。
我 深信,我们的女儿们也能像我们的儿子们一样为社会作出很大贡献。让全人类—包括男人和女人—充分发挥其潜力将促进我们的共同繁荣。我并不认为,妇女为了获 得平等必须作出与男人相同的选择,我尊重在生活中选择承担传统角色的妇女。但是,这应当是她们自己的选择。因此,美国愿意与任何一个以穆斯林为主体的国家 进行合作,支持提高女童识字率,并通过小型信贷帮助年轻妇女创业,实现自己的梦想。我要谈的最后一个问题是经济发展和经济机会。
我 知道对许多人来说,全球化的景象充满着矛盾。因特网和电视能传播知识和信息,但同时也会展示露骨的性行为和肆无忌惮的暴力。贸易可以带来新的财富和机会,但也会造成巨大的分化和社区的演变。在所有的国家──其中也包括美国──这种变化可以引起恐惧,担心现代化会意味着我们失去对自己的经济选择、对政治,最 重要的是对自身特征的控制──那些我们挚爱的有关我们的社区、我们的家庭和我们的宗教信仰的方方面面。
但我知道,人类的进步不可阻挡。发展与传统并不矛盾。日本和韩国等国家在保持自己特有文化的同时发展了经济。在从吉隆坡到迪拜的穆斯林占主体的国家内,也出现了同样惊人的经济进步。无论在古代还是现代,穆斯林社区都站在创新和教育的前列。
这一点十分重要,因为发展战略绝不能仅仅建立在地下资源的基础之上,在年轻人失业的情况下,发展也不可能持续。很多海湾国家因丰富的石油资源而享有富足的生 活,其中有些国家已开始专注于更广泛的发展。但是,我们大家都必须认识到,教育和创新将成为21世纪的资本,而太多穆斯林社区对这些领域投资不足。我正在 我的国家强调这一点。过去,美国特别重视这一地区的石油和天然气资源,如今,我们将寻求更广泛的接触。
在教育领域,我们将扩大交流项目,增加奖学金,就像我父亲,当年就是靠奖学金有机会去美国的。与此同时,我们将鼓励更多的美国人到穆斯林地区学习。我们将安排有前途的穆斯林学生到美国 实习,为世界各地的教师与儿童投资发展在线教学,创造新的在线网络,让堪萨斯的青少年能够即时与开罗的青少年进行网上沟通。
谈到经济发展,我们将建立新的商务志愿队,与穆斯林为主体的国家中的同行结成伙伴。我将在今年主持一次创业峰会(Summit on Entrepreneurship),以确定我们如何能够深化美国与全世界穆斯林社区中的工商领导人、基金会及社会企业家之间的关系。
在 科学技术领域,我们将发起一项新的基金以支持穆斯林为主体的国家中的技术发展,帮助将创意投入市场,以创造更多就业机会。我们将在非洲、中东及东南亚地区 开设促进科学事业中心,并任命新的科学事务特使,就有关计划进行合作,以开发新型能源、创造有利环保的工作机会、使档案数字化、使水资源洁净化,并种植新 型作物。今天我宣布与伊斯兰会议组织(Organization of the Islamic Conference)的一项新合作,旨在根除小儿麻痹症。我们还将谋求扩大与穆斯林社区的合作关系,以促进儿童和妇女健康。
所有这一切必须通过合作关系来实现。美国人已准备与各国政府及公民、社区组织、宗教领袖及穆斯林社区的公司企业携手努力,帮助人们追求更好的生活。
我 所谈到的这些问题并不能轻易解决。然而,我们有责任携手努力建设一个我们所追求的世界——一个极端主义分子不再威胁我们的人民、美国军队返回家园的世界; 一个巴勒斯坦人和以色列人在各自国家中和平安全、核能仅用于和平目的世界;一个政府服务于人民、上天所有子民的权利都得到尊重的世界。这些是共同的利益。这是我们所追求的世界,但我们只有携手共进才能如愿以偿。
我知道有很多人──穆斯林和非穆斯林──怀疑我们是否能创造这个新的开端。有 些人急于煽风点火制造隔阂,成为前进路上的绊脚石。有些人认为不值得付出这样的努力──他们说我们注定要有分歧,文明的冲突在劫难逃。还有很多人只是对变 化是否真能发生疑虑重重。有太多的恐惧感,太多的不信任。但我们若甘于被过去束缚,就永远无法前进。我特别要对各国各个信仰的年轻人说——你们,比任何人 都有能力重建这个世界。
我们所有人都不过是这个世界的匆匆过客。问题在于,我们是把这段时间花在导致我们分裂的东西上,还是全心致力于一种努力──一种持久努力──以寻求共同之处,以我们争取为子孙后代创造的未来为重,并尊重全人类的尊严。结束战争比发动战争要难。看到与别人的共同之处比看到不同之处要难。我们应该选择正确的道路,而不只是容易的道路。而这正是信仰给我们指明的方向。所有宗教 都有同一个核心原则──已所不欲,勿施于人。这条真理超越国家与民族──这一信念不是新出现的;不是黑色的、白色的或棕色的;也不代表基督教、伊斯兰教或 犹太教。这种信仰孕育于文明的摇篮,至今跳动在亿万民众的心间。它是对他人的信任,它是促使我今天来到这里的原因。
我们有能力把世界变成我们所希望的那样,但前提是我们必须勇于开创新的开端,同时谨记经文的训导。《古兰经》告诉我们:“人类!我们创造了你男人和一个女人;我们让你们成为国家和部落以便彼此相识。” 《塔木德经》(Talmud)告诉我们:“全部《托拉》(Torah)都是为倡导和平。”
《圣经》(Holy Bible)告诉我们:“使人和睦的人有福了,因为他们必称为神的儿子。” 世界人民能够和平共处。我们知道这是主的旨意。现在,这必须是我们在地球上的使命。谢谢你们,愿主赐予各位平安。非常感谢你们。谢谢你们。(完)当地时间下午2时05分
Good afternoon.I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.For over a thousand years, Al—Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning;and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement.And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world — tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate.The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars.More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim—majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims.The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights.All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity.And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.Instead, they overlap, and share common principles — principles of justice and progress;tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors.There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other;to learn from each other;to respect one another;and to seek common ground.As the Holy Koran tells us, “Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.” That is what I will try to do today — to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience.I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims.As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam.It was Islam — at places like Al-Azhar — that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment.It was innovation in Muslim communities — it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra;our magnetic compass and tools of navigation;our mastery of pens and printing;our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires;timeless poetry and cherished music;elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation.And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story.The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco.In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, “The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims.” And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States.They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've
excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch.And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers — Thomas Jefferson — kept in his personal library.So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed.That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't.And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire.The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known.We were born out of revolution against an empire.We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words — within our borders, and around the world.We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum — “Out of many, one.” Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President.But my personal story is not so unique.The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores — and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America.And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations — to live in peace and security;to get an education and to work with dignity;to love our families, our communities, and our God.These things we share.This is the hope of all humanity.Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people.These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead;and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean.When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century.That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace.For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes — and, yes, religions — subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating.Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail.So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it.Our problems must be dealt with through partnership;our progress must be shared.Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension.Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely.And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.In Ankara, I made clear that America is not — and never will be — at war with Islam.We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security — because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children.And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together.Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support.We did not go by choice;we went because of necessity.I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11.But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody.And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale.They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.These are not opinions to be debated;these are facts to be dealt with.Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan.We see no military — we seek no military bases there.It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women.It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can.But that is not yet the case.And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists.They have killed in many countries.They have killed people of different faiths — but more than any other, they have killed Muslims.Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as — it is as if he has killed all mankind.And the Holy Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism — it is an important part of promoting peace.Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.Let me also address the issue of Iraq.Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: “I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be.” Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future — and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources.Iraq's sovereignty is its own.And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August.That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy.But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles.Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country.The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.We are taking concrete actions to change course.I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.This bond is unbreakable.It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.Six million Jews were killed — more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today.Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful.Threatening Israel with destruction — or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews —is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people — Muslims and Christians — have suffered in pursuit of a homeland.For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation.Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead.They endure the daily humiliations — large and small — that come with occupation.So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.It's easy to point fingers — for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond.But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires.The obligations — the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear.For peace to come, it is time for them — and all of us — to live up to our responsibilities.Palestinians must abandon violence.Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed.For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.But it was not violence that won full and equal rights.It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia;from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end.It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.That's not how moral authority is claimed;that's how it is surrendered.Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people.Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities.To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.10
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.It is time for these settlements to stop.And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society.Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security;neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.The Arab—Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.We cannot impose peace.But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.Too many tears have been shed.Too much blood has been shed.All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be;when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran.For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us.In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government.Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage—taking and violence against U.S.troops and civilians.This history is well known.Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward.The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve.There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point.This is not simply about America's interests.It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons.And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.And any nation — including Iran — should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.11
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people.America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed;confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice;government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people;the freedom to live as you choose.These are not just American ideas;they are human rights.And that is why we will support them everywhere.Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise.But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them.And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments — provided they govern with respect for all their people.This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power;once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion;you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance.We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition.I saw it first-hand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.That is the spirit we need today.People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith.The richness of religious diversity must be upheld — whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit — for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear.We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.In fact, faith should bring us together.And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews.That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations.Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action — whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.I know, I know — and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue.I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a 12
woman who is denied an education is denied equality.And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam.In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim—majority countries elect a woman to lead.Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity — men and women — to reach their full potential.I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles.But it should be their choice.And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim—majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro—financing that helps people live their dreams.Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home.Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities.In all nations – including America – this change can bring fear.Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.There need not be contradiction between development and tradition.Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures.The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim—majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development.But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas.I am emphasizing such investment within my country.And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to his part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America.At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities.And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America;invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world;and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim—majority countries.And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim—majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs.We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops.Today, I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio.And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.13
All these things must be done in partnership.Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments, community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home;a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes;a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.Those are mutual interests.That is the world we seek.But we can only achieve it together.I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning.Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress.Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash.Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur.There is so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years.But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward.And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.It's easier to start wars than to end them.It's easier to blame others than to look inward.It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new;that isn't black or white or brown;that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew.It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world.It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.The Holy Quran tells us, “O mankind!We have created you male and a female;and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.” The Talmud tells us: “The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.” The Holy Bible tells us, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.” The people of the world can live together in peace.We know that is God's vision.Now, that must be our work here on Earth.Thank you.And may God's peace be upon you.Thank you very much.Thank you.