第一篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲稿：老兵不死(中英文)
麦克阿瑟告别演讲稿：老兵不死（中英文）
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死（英文版）
Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we--as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter
destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.” And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死（中文版）总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们： 我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。这是世界金融尖端转变的必然结果，就像整个世界事物的中心正循环着回到它的起始点。在这种形势之下，我们用基本发展的状况使自己国家和东方国家在政策上保持和谐而不是一味追求不明现实的路线，因为殖民时代已经过去且亚洲人正为实现他们自由的命运而垂延。他们当今寻求的是友好的指引、协议、和支持——而不是专横的引导——是平等尊严而不是耻辱地屈从。他们战前的生活标准低得令人同情，现在又因战争所带来的破坏而变得更加无限的低。世界的意识形态几乎不把亚洲考虑在内，不给予他们体谅。那儿的人民为之拼命的只是为了能得到更多一点食物来填饱肚子，有稍好一点的衣物来遮背，盖结实些的屋顶在他们的头上，和普通国民们渴望政治自由的意识。这些政治社会性的条件为国内安全给予了间接的保障，不过要对慎重考虑过的现时方案建立背景来决定我们是否要避免不切实际的意外事件。能直系和快速地稳固住国内安全的是过去太平洋战争路线战略上的改变。先前的美国西面战略部署是美国原本线路，附和着暴露的岛屿夏威夷、中途岛、关岛通向菲律宾。这种战线证明了不是敌方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱点使敌人有机可乘太平洋地区是个令任何强国都虎视眈眈谋求发展和扩张领土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋战争的胜利改变了，我们那具有战略意义的边界才成为我们所拥有的整个太平洋，只要我们能够抓住它便能使其成为巨大的护城河。千真万确，它充当的是所有美国乃至整个太平洋自由领土的护盾。我们控制亚洲成弧形链状海岸线的岛屿从琉球到马尼拉都受我们和盟军控制。由这诸些岛屿我们能支配从海参葳到新加坡亚洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所说的——从海参葳到新加坡——保护并抵御太平洋上不友好的动机。在亚洲任何凶狠的进攻都必须具备两股力量。无任何两种力量能在没有海洋和空中的掌控权之下在推进道路上取得成功。有了海军、重要的空军和适度的陆军来保卫基地，任何对亚洲大陆的以及我们和我们在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻击都必将逃不了失败的厄运。在如此状况下，太平洋代表的不仅仅是预想中的侵略者的一种威胁。假定那里是个友好的和平湖畔，我们的防御路线就十分自然而且可花费最小的军事代价来维持。想象没有任何袭击，也用不着为突袭性的攻击而设置堡垒，只要适当维护，这将是抵制侵略的不可战胜的防御。在西太平洋上想拥有这种防御力因此要依赖各个部分，因为不友好的力量导致的任何线路破裂都会遭来每个部分在有预谋的攻击下变得十分脆弱。这是我仍在寻找的要接替我的军事领头者应当持有的军事评估。因为这个原因，我过去强烈地推荐自己，成为一个至关重要的军事代理，没有稳固的经济基础台湾就只能在共产主义的掌控下。这样一个世界有可能立刻就威胁到菲律宾和失败后的日本的自由，也会迫使我们西方的防守边界退到加利福尼亚沿岸、奥勒岗和华盛顿。要了解中国大陆所发生的变化，就必须知道50年来中国体制和文化的变化。中国，50年前是完全没有团结意识，分裂成很多团体互相争斗。经过过去的五十年中国人开始有了武装的概念和理想。如今他们组成了拥有胜任的参谋长和司令的优秀士兵团体。这就在亚洲诞生了一股新的统治力量，为了实现自己的目标，他们与观念方法都成了具帝国主义的苏联结盟，同时他们也带着扩张领土、增强实力的渴望趋向帝国主义。他们都使用精力来扭曲我的职位。结果我被说成了是个好战分子。没有事物能够越加远离真理。我明白现在活着的人当中几乎没多少能真正了解战争，没有比这更令我心情不悦的了。因为对朋友和敌人带来的破坏已经致使一系列国际上的争论都毫无用处，我倡导这项废除令很久了。事实上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本国在密苏里号战舰上投降后，我正式警告如下： “人类从一开始就寻求和平。不同的时代各式各样的方法都被用来设计国际性的进程，来平息和解国与国之间的争论。有许多可行性的方法是被个别的公民发掘的，但是在一个巨大的国际范围中，技术工人用单一的手段还从未成功过。军事的联盟，实力的平衡，国家的结盟，轮流着失败，留下这唯一的路径来当作战争的严酷考验。战争带来的整个破坏现在产生了二选一。我们只有最后的机会。如果我们我们不能设计出一些更好更公平的制度，大决战将近在咫尺。问题是神奇的，它涉及到一种精神的再生和人类性格的改进，将与我们在科学、艺术、文学及所有物质文化2000年来的发展近乎史无前例的同步进展。如果我们要保存肉体就必须有精神作支撑。” 但是一旦战争逼迫着我们发生，那就没有选择的尽力使战争尽快结束。战争的目的是为了胜利，而不是为了无休止的延长。战争中没有东西能代替胜利。有一些人因为各种原因要安慰红色中国。他们无视历史的教训，因为历史无庸质疑地强调了抚慰只能招致更血性的战争。就像敲诈勒索，它爆发于连续不断的新的需求，在威胁中，暴力成为了仅存的另外选择。“为什么？”我的士兵问我，“难道要我们在战场上放弃对敌人的优势？”我无言以对。有人会说：和中国携手进行一次全力以赴的战争来避免冲突的传播；另外，要避免苏联的干涉。似乎没有一种解释是有效的，因为中国已经表明有了最大限度的影响力，且苏联不会迎合我们的步伐。就如一条眼镜蛇，当新的敌人感到军事上的相互依存或者别的遍及世界的潜在诱惑，他们就很可能会发动进攻。事实使韩国的悲剧更为加深了，军事行动缩小了他们的国界。那个我们要拯救的国家、他们要饱受整个海军和空军毁灭性的对抗，然而敌人的地盘却在如此的攻击和破坏之下全全得到保护，这是受到谴责的。在世界上所有的国家中，韩国是仅存的唯一冒险反对共产主义的国家。韩国人民巨大的勇气和刚毅拒绝描述。比起奴隶身份他们情愿选择了拼死。他们对我留下的最后一句话是：“决不能逃离太平洋！”我只为你们留下了英勇善战的儿子们。他们在那遇到了各种各样的考验，我会毫无保留地向你们汇报他们在每个方面都很出色。我持久地尽我所能去保护他们光荣地结束这场野蛮的冲突，并且要花费最少的时间，付出最小的牺牲。那些日趋增长的杀戮给我带来了极度的痛苦和忧虑。那些勇敢的人们永久地留在我的脑海中以及我的祈祷文里。我即将结束我52年的戎马生涯了。还在本世纪开始前当我加入陆军时，我孩提时代所有的希望和梦想便实现了。自从我在西点广场上虔诚地宣誓以来，世界已几经倾覆，希望和梦想也早已消失，但我仍记得那时最流行的一首军歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布： “老兵永远不死，他们只是悄然隐去。” 像那首歌中的老兵一样，我作为一名在上帝的光辉下尽心尽职的老兵，现在结束我的军事生涯，悄然隐去。再见。
第二篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”中英文
英文全文如下: Old soldiers never die, they just fade away
Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
“Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system，Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.”
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!”
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文
总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们： 我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。
我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。
说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。
集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。这是世界金融尖端转变的必然结果，就像整个世界事物的中心正循环着回到它的起始点。
在这种形势之下，我们用基本发展的状况使自己国家和东方国家在政策上保持和谐而不是一味追求不明现实的路线，因为殖民时代已经过去且亚洲人正为实现他们自由的命运而垂延。他们当今寻求的是友好的指引、协议、和支持——而不是专横的引导——是平等尊严而不是耻辱地屈从。他们战前的生活标准低得令人同情，现在又因战争所带来的破坏而变得更加无限的低。世界的意识形态几乎不把亚洲考虑在内，不给予他们体谅。那儿的人民为之拼命的只是为了能得到更多一点食物来填饱肚子，有稍好一点的衣物来遮背，盖结实些的屋顶在他们的头上，和普通国民们渴望政治自由的意识。这些政治社会性的条件为国内安全给予了间接的保障，不过要对慎重考虑过的现时方案建立背景来决定我们是否要避免不切实际的意外事件。
能直系和快速地稳固住国内安全的是过去太平洋战争路线战略上的改变。先前的美国西面战略部署是美国原本线路，附和着暴露的岛屿夏威夷、中途岛、关岛通向菲律宾。这种战线证明了不是敌方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱点使敌人有机可乘太平洋地区是个令任何强国都虎视眈眈谋求发展和扩张领土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋战争的胜利改变了，我们那具有战略意义的边界才成为我们所拥有的整个太平洋，只要我们能够抓住它便能使其成为巨大的护城河。千真万确，它充当的是所有美国乃至整个太平洋自由领土的护盾。我们控制亚洲成弧形链状海岸线的岛屿从琉球到马尼拉都受我们和盟军控制。由这诸些岛屿我们能支配从海参葳到新加坡亚洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所说的——从海参葳到新加坡——保护并抵御太平洋上不友好的动机。
在亚洲任何凶狠的进攻都必须具备两股力量。无任何两种力量能在没有海洋和空中的掌控权之下在推进道路上取得成功。有了海军、重要的空军和适度的陆军来保卫基地，任何对亚洲大陆的以及我们和我们在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻击都必将逃不了失败的厄运。
在如此状况下，太平洋代表的不仅仅是预想中的侵略者的一种威胁。假定那里是个友好的和平湖畔，我们的防御路线就十分自然而且可花费最小的军事代价来维持。想象没有任何袭击，也用不着为突袭性的攻击而设置堡垒，只要适当维护，这将是抵制侵略的不可战胜的防御。
在西太平洋上想拥有这种防御力因此要依赖各个部分，因为不友好的力量导致的任何线路破裂都会遭来每个部分在有预谋的攻击下变得十分脆弱。
这是我仍在寻找的要接替我的军事领头者应当持有的军事评估。因为这个原因，我过去强烈地推荐自己，成为一个至关重要的军事代理，没有稳固的经济基础台湾就只能在共产主义的掌控下。这样一个世界有可能立刻就威胁到菲律宾和失败后的日本的自由，也会迫使我们西方的防守边界退到加利福尼亚沿岸、奥勒岗和华盛顿。
要了解中国大陆所发生的变化，就必须知道50年来中国体制和文化的变化。中国，50年前是完全没有团结意识，分裂成很多团体互相争斗。经过过去的五十年中国人开始有了武装的概念和理想。如今他们组成了拥有胜任的参谋长和司令的优秀士兵团体。这就在亚洲诞生了一股新的统治力量，为了实现自己的目标，他们与观念方法都成了具帝国主义的苏联结盟，同时他们也带着扩张领土、增强实力的渴望趋向帝国主义。
他们都使用精力来扭曲我的职位。结果我被说成了是个好战分子。没有事物能够越加远离真理。我明白现在活着的人当中几乎没多少能真正了解战争，没有比这更令我心情不悦的了。因为对朋友和敌人带来的破坏已经致使一系列国际上的争论都毫无用处，我倡导这项废除令很久了。事实上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本国在密苏里号战舰上投降后，我正式警告如下：
“人类从一开始就寻求和平。不同的时代各式各样的方法都被用来设计国际性的进程，来平息和解国与国之间的争论。有许多可行性的方法是被个别的公民发掘的，但是在一个巨大的国际范围中，技术工人用单一的手段还从未成功过。军事的联盟，实力的平衡，国家的结盟，轮流着失败，留下这唯一的路径来当作战争的严酷考验。战争带来的整个破坏现在产生了二选一。我们只有最后的机会。如果我们我们不能设计出一些更好更公平的制度，大决战将近在咫尺。问题是神奇的，它涉及到一种精神的再生和人类性格的改进，将与我们在科学、艺术、文学及所有物质文化2000年来的发展近乎史无前例的同步进展。如果我们要保存肉体就必须有精神作支撑。”
但是一旦战争逼迫着我们发生，那就没有选择的尽力使战争尽快结束。战争的目的是为了胜利，而不是为了无休止的延长。战争中没有东西能代替胜利。有一些人因为各种原因要安慰红色中国。他们无视历史的教训，因为历史无庸质疑地强调了抚慰只能招致更血性的战争。就像敲诈勒索，它爆发于连续不断的新的需求，在威胁中，暴力成为了仅存的另外选择。“为什么？”我的士兵问我，“难道要我们在战场上放弃对敌人的优势？”我无言以对。
有人会说：和中国携手进行一次全力以赴的战争来避免冲突的传播；另外，要避免苏联的干涉。似乎没有一种解释是有效的，因为中国已经表明有了最大限度的影响力，且苏联不会迎合我们的步伐。就如一条眼镜蛇，当新的敌人感到军事上的相互依存或者别的遍及世界的潜在诱惑，他们就很可能会发动进攻。
事实使韩国的悲剧更为加深了，军事行动缩小了他们的国界。那个我们要拯救的国家、他们要饱受整个海军和空军毁灭性的对抗，然而敌人的地盘却在如此的攻击和破坏之下全全得到保护，这是受到谴责的。在世界上所有的国家中，韩国是仅存的唯一冒险反对共产主义的国家。韩国人民巨大的勇气和刚毅拒绝描述。比起奴隶身份他们情愿选择了拼死。他们对我留下的最后一句话是：“决不能逃离太平洋！”我只为你们留下了英勇善战的儿子们。他们在那遇到了各种各样的考验，我会毫无保留地向你们汇报他们在每个方面都很出色。
我持久地尽我所能去保护他们光荣地结束这场野蛮的冲突，并且要花费最少的时间，付出最小的牺牲。那些日趋增长的杀戮给我带来了极度的痛苦和忧虑。那些勇敢的人们永久地留在我的脑海中以及我的祈祷文里。
我即将结束我52年的戎马生涯了。还在本世纪开始前当我加入陆军时，我孩提时代所有的希望和梦想便实现了。自从我在西点广场上虔诚地宣誓以来，世界已几经倾覆，希望和梦想也早已消失，但我仍记得那时最流行的一首军歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布：
“老兵永远不死，他们只是悄然隐去。”
像那首歌中的老兵一样，我作为一名在上帝的光辉下尽心尽职的老兵，现在结束我的军事生涯，悄然隐去。再见。
第三篇：高中生演讲稿：老兵不死
高中生演讲稿：老兵不死
高中生演讲稿：老兵不死
同学们：
在这里，我想用这自习前短短的时间与大家聊几句，用一次演讲的形式，占用大家的时间的确不好意思，但就本次半期考试的种种事情，我认为或许我能恳请大家暂时放下手中的事情，把我的此番演讲听完，我相信在听完这次演讲之后我们都能有所收获。
说起来，我也好久没这样站在台上发表过演讲了，记得高一的时候我特别嗜好这个，不知怎的到了后来就消沉了下去，就像我对学习的热情一样，似乎再也找不到那股愿意滔滔不绝述说的冲动了。但这次，我似乎又惊喜的发现了，那份好久没在脑中浮现过的想法。话不多说，我们切入正题。
过了两天的清闲周末，再来重提这个伤心的话题的确有些揭大家伤疤的意思，对此我也感到很是过意不去，但作为十六班的一员，我与你们其实并没有什么太大的不同，伤心，失落和遗憾，这些感情大家也都是有的，所以也并没有什么不能说的，我们要去面对的是我们自己的问题，这些问题不属于其他任何人，根本上都是我们自己要面对的问题。
回忆起周五下午放学时的情景，我想大家都颇有感触，我也看了一些大家的情感抒发，从QQ空间里，我收集并摘录了一些同学们的感言：有伤怀的，有致歉的，有立誓的，总之，惨败后的能有的思想感情似乎都齐全了。其中，谭琳娜同学的一条说说给我留下了深刻的印象，或许看过的同学都还会有些印象，她的原文是这样写的：好对不起菊仙姐姐，好对不起程老师，好对不起王老师，好对不起海军，好对不起吴嬢嬢„„说到这里，并没有说完，我暂且先卖个关子，不知道大家的心中是否都有过这样的歉意，陈老师哭了，许老师哭了，程老师叹气了，王老师也叹气了，杨老师失望了，吴老师的晚自习时间分配或许也会变动了„„我们似乎一下子就辜负了那么多的人，就对不起了那么多的人，这些沉重的感觉压在心里让我们每个人都感到很不舒服。但不知道在座的各位是否有曾有过这样的感受，觉得十分的委屈和无奈，泪水，似乎我们都已经不曾有权利去拥有它了，老师们伤心了，老师们失望了，可我们呢？这些东西本不应该是我们才有的吗？这些情感本不应该是我们才能深切的体会到的吗？不知从什么时候开始，家长和老师们总是认为我们从来不会为自己的学习而烦恼，觉得我们从没体会过什么痛苦，便一味的向我们重复着他们的痛苦，希望有一天我们能看清楚我们所处的世界，所要面临的竞争。但谁又是没有痛苦的呢，每个人都有自己的痛苦，只有当此时此刻真实体会过别人的痛苦的时候，人与人之间，才能真正的互相理解。考差了，失败了，我们自己也是非常难受的，比其他任何人都要难受，这是不容置疑的，因为说到底，考试不是老师的事情，是我们自己的事情，我们的人生终归是我们自己的，就该由我们自己来面对这条道路上的一切，我们是有权利悲伤，有权利哭泣。
我的这番话并不是要指责老师的霸道，抱怨他们将我们伤心流泪的权利都夺去了，事实却是恰恰相反的。让我们转回刚刚还没有说完的那句话，谭琳娜同学最后是这样写的：更重要的是对不起自己。我不知道大家现在再来看这句话会有什么样的感受，对不起自己，是的，我们在这样的环境中似乎都忘了原来我们最重要的是要对得起自己。自从我们踏入学校的那一天开始，我们就好像一直是在为了别人生活，按照别人的想法去做，以别人的欢乐为欢乐，为别人的伤心与失望而道歉。日复一日，年复一年，我们可曾静静的反思过自己内心，我们自己在我们心中又处在怎样的位置。意识不到自我的人是长不大的，在青春热血的冲动下所发下的誓言也是苍白无力的，那些豪壮的言辞也只会随着时间慢慢淡去，留下的不过是愧疚与空虚。直白的说，我不看好什么“十六班fighting”“愿那年六月，十六班君临天下”之类的话语，在我看来，这些都显得苍白无力，不过是用来安慰自己，让自己暂时忘记痛苦的托词罢了，倒不如一句“要对得起自己”来得真实有力。
这样说，或许大家会不满，但在生气前不妨听听我的想法。我是个从初中开始就励志学文的人，我的心中有文人的豪情，也有多愁善感的细腻，但却不仅是这些，我更相信的是摆在眼前的冷冰冰的现实，痛苦总是比快乐来得真切，让人容易铭记。所以我不想提什么宏伟的明日展望，我要说的是现实。
我的话很直，也很难听，但我仍然要说，我是不会为任何的眼泪而动摇的，我不会安慰任何人，也不奢求任何人的安慰，付出了不一定会有回报，这一点对任何人来说都适用，我们如此，老师也一样，所以我不想理睬老师们拿我们与以往创造过辉煌的班级对比，那我们与隔壁那支凯旋了的胜利之师相比，也不想为老师们的伤心难过，沮丧失望买单，因为那不是我的事情。我也不会跟任何人道歉，因为我没有对不起任何人，除了我自己。请老师们不要对此想太多，我敢在此将这些话说出来，自然有我的考虑，我也会为此负责，但那都不重要。我想向大家传达的，无非也就一句话：人生是我们自己的，而且仅是我们自己的，不要为身边事情过多的牵绊，而忘记了生命与生活的本质。我们不是在为其他任何人过活，我们是在为自己拼搏和奋斗。只有明白了这一点，我们才能真正立下有力量能长久的誓言，而不仅仅是那随着时间便会褪色的垃圾话语。因为你所说的每一句话，不应该是为别人而说或者说个别人听的，而都是为了我们自己，都是应铭刻在自己心中的。
但联系具有普遍性，客观性和多样性。这句话大家再熟悉不过了，也省的我做过多的解释。我们是为自己而活，但同时也一定会对身边的人产生这样或那样的影响，反之，别人也会影响我们的人生。陈老师，平日我们更喜欢叫她菊仙，一来是因为这名字乖巧，二来，其实也是因为大家在心里都很清楚，虽然陈老师平日里快人快语，待学生严厉，说话也不算好听，但她是为了我们好的，所以从心里我们是信任她亲近她的，就像她信任我们亲近我们一样。作为家里的独生子女，并且已经到了快要成年的我们，应该或多或少会有所体会，一个母亲的辛苦，虽然并未真正为人父母，但总是见过自己父母操劳的。然而，老师是个特殊的职业，他们有自己的孩子，但更重要的是，他们必须去与另外的，别人的孩子相处，并一起年复一年的付出。这对一个有责任心的老师，和一个同样有责任心的母亲来说是极为矛盾和痛苦的。家里有一个等着她回去相伴而眠的亲密的骨肉，教室里有五十个在人生冲刺期的学生，这样的取舍，相信是谁都会为难，然而，老师的责任感竟是能强大到压过母性的，更多的时候，陈老师选择了陪我们，而不是自己的孩子。真要说我有对不起别人的话，我认为我对不起那位小弟弟，是我们夺走了她的母亲，要知道，在这个年龄的男孩儿，是难离开母亲，也是不应该离开母亲的。说这里是愧疚，而下面我要说的是感动。当一个人为了别人而倾力付出的时候，她的血汗总是充满了苦涩与辛酸，同样，也会让看到的人为之震动。我是个不喜欢把情感挂在嘴上的人，但这并不代表我是麻木的。为了让我们能更优秀，陈老师真的做了很多，虽然总是在抱怨一天数学题怎么做也做不完，虽然这次考试自己的数学又是那个老样子，但我真的非常感谢陈老师所做的一切，每天不辞辛苦的给我们复印精心准备的题单，为了让其他科任老师能多为我们答疑辅导，总是奔波劝说，为了让我们不失去信心，自己拦下了所有的压力，年级的，科任老师的，她甚至没有把具体的成绩发回去，看到手机上那没有一个数字的短消息，我真的非常感动，这是怎样的一种呵护和决断啊。或许有的同学会认为，真是好运，可以借此逃过一劫，而为此非常的感激陈老师。但如果仅仅是那样的话，就太过于肤浅了，根本没有领会此举背后所蕴含的巨大力量，更没有意识到，我们自己的弱小。陈老师替我们所挡下的每一颗子弹，本应该真真切切的嵌入我们的身体，若是我们仅是看着她流血负伤的身影来庆幸自己的好运的话，就太过无耻了。
弱小，是的，我们为什么这样的弱小，弱小到只能永远蜷缩在别人身后，只能永远哀求别人的善良，渴求着别人的帮助，而且甚至因此而产生了苟且度日的想法，这真是极大的可悲。回想起自己走过的道路，自己做过的选择，自己为什么要坐在这个教室里，自己为什么要选择做一名文科学生，并不仅是因为这里有轻松舒适的环境，浓郁的人文气息和一群能与自己看似志同道合的人。文人，总是被人看做软弱，无用，只会一味的耍嘴皮子，而不被人看得起。虽然自己也是一名文科生，但我却不得不说，这些鄙夷是有道理的。文字所承载的世界是美好的，文学，哲学，历史，天文，地理，经济学，法学等等，似乎都是洞悉了世界的本质，而学这些的我们，仿佛自然就比人高了一个档次，也因此有了一股子的傲气。这是文人的特质，也是文人致命的缺点，特别是当代的文人，特别是中国社会的文人。骄傲能换来的只能是撞在墙上时那深切的眩晕。文字承载的世界给了我们太多的美好，我们沉迷其中，而忘了这个世界本来的样子。特别是作为文人的男人们，女人学了文，可以说是百益而无一害，但男人学了文，却是有诸多流弊的。在座的男生们，包括我，一共12名，不妨一起好好的思索一番，这个世界真的是像文字中所架构的那样吗？我们总是看不起对面的理科生，可是却只能绕着他们走，因为他们比我们强壮，有力，而且不讲理，说得更直接些，你打不过他们，听了这个，你或许会觉得好笑，还打人，这个世界还有没有王法了。但我只能告诉你，请你翻到政治书的唯物论部分，看看第一个内容我们学的什么，世界是物质的，那什么是物质呢？客观实在吗？这个概念对于我们的生活来说显然没有什么现实意义，那我告诉你什么叫做物质——再有人要伤害你的时候，你能比他伤害你更有力的伤害他，保得你自己和你想保护的人的安全，那就是物质，直接点儿，你打赢了。你或许又会觉得好笑了，哪来那么多的伤害？我不想再过多的赘述了，面对着比你强壮的男人，你心中有没有畏惧你自己心里清楚。理科生们是高效的，他们没有那么多的情思需要抒发，他们更能有目的的去做，并且做好一些事情，如，理科生们能在运动会时团结一致用自己的汗水为班级拼搏，而我们，报个名都像求爹爹告奶奶一般。我不想夸耀什么光辉事迹，运动会赛程期间，我一个人参加了篮球，足球，排球，乒乓球的团体项目，并在排球比赛前崴伤了脚，但我打完了整个比赛，并且参加了穿梭接力，但我的这只左脚，到现在都还在痛着。再比如，足球比赛马上要来了，我看到的是我们班的女同学们在雨中排练啦啦操，而我们班的男同学们，又有几人是在真正的为了比赛而练习。你或许会说我不会足球，那我告诉你，我也不会，但我愿意为了我的班级而尽我的全力，也为能代表我的班级参赛而感到荣幸。我们有12个男生，足球比赛只要求9个，我数学不好，你们帮我看看，是12大还是9大，如果够数了，请告诉我。
理科生们可以很轻松的融入新的班级，并将现在的班级当作自己新的家，为之贡献为之奋斗，而我们呢？我已经不止一次的听到过取消我们班的元旦晚会以及回自己原来的班上参加晚会之类的言论了，说实话，对此我非常的鄙夷。借用我们班某知名同学的话说，我很想狠狠的打在说这些话人的脸上。你若这么看不上十六班，又何苦背一个十六班学生的头衔到处做着自我介绍。我理解怀念原来班级的想法，怀念曾经的融洽团结，在一起的舒心安然，怀念曾经贴满奖状的辉煌，还念全班闭着眼睛都能保持在年纪前五十的盛况。但无论你过去的班级有多么优秀，3班也好，5班也好，无论是五月勿悦也好，五月不爽也罢，无论过去的你又是怎样的辉煌和高高在上，无论你的心气有多高，无论你与原来的班级感情有多深厚，无论你是因为怎样的原因，又抱着怎样的愿望来到这个班级，那么就请尊重你全新的身份——你是16班的同学，不是其他任何班级的。总是活在过去的影子里的人永远也无法看到新的美好。
文人不应该是自私的，文人也不应该是柔弱的，我们应该是凝聚的，团结的。但事实我们又做了些什么？我说过我是来说现实的。体育比赛和文艺生活如此，学习和考试又何尝不是，纵然我很不愿意拿21班来做什么比较，我不了解他们，一点儿也不了解，我唯一知道的就是，他们比我们更强大，运动会，我们输了，半期，我们也输了，输给21班了，这就是我知道的关于21班的全部，其他的我不想了解，我不想知道他们的班主任是学校某知名的老师，不想知道他们的同学高一的成绩又是多么的优异，那些跟我都没有关系，我只想知道我应该怎么让自己变得强大起来，让自己有一天能不再像一个奶孩子一样躲在老师的背后，要知道，再强大的老师也有倒下的一天，到时候我不想被像日本兵在大屠杀里用刺刀穿小孩儿葫芦串儿一样被干掉。我们总是要去面对社会的，我们总是要去面对现实的。我们拿什么东西去在社会中立足呢？你或许会说，我有钱，可以买下它，但那终究不是你的钱，你的父母给不了你终生的幸福，就算可以，那也只是你哀求来的善良罢了。与父母不同，社会是一个真实的战场，一个和文字中的构架很不一样的战场，这里没有重生，没有复活，没有加血，有的一枪一个弹孔的真实杀戮，谁能抢得赢面包，谁就能活下去。世界，是残酷的。
说成这样，似乎也有些过了，但把问题考虑得坏些也是有好处的，悲观的人能活得更长，相信大家在英语阅读里都已经读到过这句话了。那么我们就来看看该怎么去走接下来的路吧。记得我高一的语文老师曾经在与我的谈心中告诉我，困境，不管你想不想克服，你都得去克服，而且你最后总会克服，因为不克服，生活就没法继续了。现在想来，这句平淡的话语背后，有着极深厚的智慧。生活总是要继续的，我们也不必有任何过多的忧虑，说出来让大家见笑了，我是个从来就没考好过数学的人，虽然我一直在努力着，尽自己的全力想要去考好，但每每到了考数学的时候，握笔的手就会不停的抖。我这辈子没怕过什么东西，不怕老师不怕家长，不怕混混耍流氓，但要说有的话也就是死亡和数学了。我很难想象自己有一天能够达到老师们所说的那种样子，我其实很佩服能考得好数学的人，在那样短的时间里，他们总能找到解决问题的办法，并且正确的得到答案，还有，居然可以每一次都得到那样多的正确答案，留给我的却总是无奈。这次半期也同样，要说学生不怕考差，那只能说明说这句话的人不是学生，哪个学生不想取得好的成绩呢。在我漫成的数学血泪史中，我一次一次的受伤，痊愈了又再次受伤，一次次的被打趴下，又总是厚着脸皮心怀荣誉的冲上去乱战一番，最后又被打趴下，一次又一次，到现在也还没有中断。我都不得不为自己的屌丝精神而感动了，我之所以说自己是个纯正的屌丝，其原因也在这里，对于数学这位可望不可即的女神，我这个屌丝却始终相信着逆袭。说到乱战一通，相信大家都很容易想到堂吉诃德，那也是个屌丝。但屌丝在我看来却并不是一个贬义词，它很大程度上与另一个词相等，而这个词就显得文雅多了——战士。没错，我们都是一名战士，一位始终在重复着跌倒，爬起来战斗，再跌倒的战士。摔多了也就不怕痛了，摔多了也就该摔出经验来了，怎么样才能让下次被坑的时候不再摔了。而战士的精神与伟大也就在于此，打不倒，并在困境中不断的变得强大，走向成熟，特别是那些失败了的战士们。痛苦与困境带给我们的将是强大的意志，加之以冷静的分析，理性的钻研，每一次我们都会变得更强，或许下次我们还会被打败，但我们依旧会再站起来，再冲锋上去，一次又一次，我们的生命也就因此变得厚重了，我们的拳头也会因此变得有力。强大，便是在这永不停息的战斗之间。
我们是文人，但却要抱着一颗战士的心，用战士的标准来要求自己，强健自己的体魄，坚定自己的意志，凝聚身边的战友，并做好自己手边的每一件细微的事情，勿要太过于多愁善感，若是我们把想事情的时间都用在做事情上，我们或许会得到巨大的收获。我们已经不能再差了，那还有什么好顾忌的呢，不用太过忧虑，至少有我给你们垫背不是吗？我都不怕，你们有什么好怕的。生活总是要继续的，数学总是还要刷的，语文总还是不能被歧视的，英语也还总是要继续被虐的，历史也总是要背的，政治也总还会有第二本辅导资料的，地理总也不会像想象的那么简单的。足球比赛也还是要上的，元旦晚会也必须是要在一起的。不管怎么样，我们都会一起走完这剩下的一年多的时间，好与坏，都得度过。
我们都是战士，我们会一起战斗，直到最后的胜利，我们问心无愧的告诉自己，我已经尽力了。
最后送大家一句话结束今天的演讲——承得起黑暗，才托得起光明，老兵不死，希望永在。
第四篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲译文
麦克阿瑟告别演讲
Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.总统先生，议长先生，尊敬的国会议员们：
我站在主席台前，感到深深的惶恐和无比的骄傲。惶恐的是在我之前已经有很多美国历史的伟大建筑师们站到了这里给我的压力；骄傲的是这个立法辩论的圣地代表的人类创造的最纯的自由的彰显。整个人类的信仰、热望和希望都汇集于此。我不想作为任何党派事业的倡导站在这里，因为这些问题举足轻重、意义深远非政党考虑所能涵盖。如果我们的事业要保持健全，我们的未来要有保证，那么这些问题必须在国家利益的高度解决。因此，我希望你们能公正地接受我作为一个美国公民提出的肺腑之言。
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.我的讲话里既没有因烈士暮年而充满积怨，也没有尖酸刻薄，有的是一颗赤胆忠心：报效国家。这些问题是全球性的，如此错综复杂，以至于考虑一个领域的各种问题，明显地对其它领域的问题，是不折不扣的引火烧身。当亚洲被公认为欧洲的门口时，欧洲同样被认为是亚洲的门口，对一方的广泛影响，不可能不是对另一方的影响。一些人声称我们的实力不足以应对两条战线，我们要反击这种观点。共产主义的威胁是全球性的。它在一个领域的成功有摧毁其它任何领域的威胁。你无法在亚洲讨好或投降共产主义而不动摇在欧洲阻止共产主义的努力。
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.除了指出这些不言自明的事，我想把讨论局限于亚洲。任何人在有意研究那里目前的局面之前，他应该深刻了解亚洲的过去和她走向当今的进程在里程碑式的革命性变革。长期受到所谓的殖民主义国家的剥削，几乎没有获得任何程度的社会公正和个人尊严或高生活水平的机会，这些是我们在菲律宾的高尚管理的指南，亚洲各国人民发现他们打破殖民主义桎楛的机会在战争中失去，他们看到了新机会的曙光，迄今还没有感觉到的尊严和政治自由的自尊。
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.拥有世界一半的人口和60%的自然资源，这些人们正在快速的形成道义和自然意义上的新势力，他们用这个力量提高生活水平和把现代进步的理念融入他们的独特的文化环境。不管谁固守殖民主义的思潮与否，这是亚洲进步的方向，任何人都无法阻挡。这是世界经济前沿转变的必然结果。当今国际事务的中心就是世界经济的前沿又一次回到它的出发点。In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.在这种情况下，使我们国家的政策与这种基本的演变形势相一致而不是对殖民地现在已经成为过去，亚洲各个民族都在追求打造自己的自主命运的权力这个事实视而不见。他们现在追求的是友好的指导、理解和帮助—而不是飞扬跋扈的命令—平等的尊严而不是征服的耻辱。他们在战前的生活标准十分悲惨，现在在战争留下的废墟中更加雪上加霜。国际意识形态在亚洲人的思维里几乎不起作用，而且也不被理解。各个民族追求的只不过是肚子里多一点点食物的几乎，身上穿着好一点的衣服，头顶上更加坚固的屋顶以及普通民族主义者的政治自由的愿望可以实现。这些政治的-社会的形势只不过间接地影响我国的安全，但是如果我们要躲过非现实主义的陷阱，我们就不得不认真考虑他们构成的当前计划的背景。Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.直接和当下就影响我们的国家安全的是形成战后太平洋战略潜力的各种变化。美国的西部战略前沿位于美洲的多边边界，和在此之外延伸到夏威夷、中途岛、关岛直到菲律宾群岛的一个岛链。事实证明这个突出的岛链不是坚固的前哨，而是敌人能够也曾经沿着此攻击的防守薄弱的通道。
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.太平洋曾经是企图攻击沿岸国家的侵略成性的国家的必争之地。我们在太平洋的胜利改变了一切。我们的战略前沿也从此转移的了整个太平洋，只要我们控制了太平洋，它就成了我们的无边的护城河。的确，它起着所有美洲国家和太平洋沿岸自由国家防卫之盾的作用。我们与我们的自由世界盟友通过一个从阿留申群岛到马里亚纳群岛的岛链控制着直到太平洋与亚洲海岸相接的广漠水域。由这个岛链我们通过海、空军遏制着从海参崴到新加坡的所有港口—如我所说，每个港口—从海参崴到新加坡—防止任何敌对势力进入太平洋。
*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.*任何来自亚洲的侵略性攻击只能是两栖作战。*没有任何两栖作战能够在没有进攻路线上的制海权和制空权的前提下成功。我们有海、空军的绝对优势和足够的地面作战力量保卫所有基地，任何来自亚洲大陆的对我们或我们的盟友的重点进攻都将以失败告终。
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.在这样的条件下，太平洋不再是未来的敌人进攻我们的危险的通衢。恰恰相反，成了充满友谊的内湖。有了这个天然的防线我们的军事努力和开支就可以降到最低水平。这里没有针对任何一方的进攻，也不会为任何进攻行动提供必需的堡垒，有的是适度维系的抵御任何进攻的固若金汤的防线。掌握这个西太平洋的多边防线完全取决于掌握各个防线；因为任何一段防线被一个不友好的势力突破将使任何其它主要防线受到攻击的危险。
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.这个军事评估我一直在等待一个军事领导人提出异议。因此我过去极力强调一个特急军事情况，就是无论如何情况下，台湾都不能落入共产党人的手里。这个不测事件一旦发生将立刻威胁到菲律宾的自由和日本的丧失，并且可能迫使我们把西部防线撤退到加利福尼亚州、俄勒冈州和华盛顿州海岸。
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.为了理解中国大陆现在发生的巨变，你必须理解在过去的五十年里中国人的秉性和文化发生的巨变。中国，直到五十年前，还是彻头彻尾的一盘散沙，被互相争斗的军阀们各自割据。对外发动战争的倾向几乎没有，因为他们仍然信奉孔夫子的“和为贵”教义。在世纪之交，在张作霖的统治下，进一步统一国家的运动促成了民族主义者的壮大。在蒋介石的领导下这种统一取得了巨大的成功，导致的最大的后果就是在当今的政府领导下演变成了一种颇具统治和侵略倾向的民族主义秉性。
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.在过去的五十年里，中国人民的观念和理想都军事化了。他们现在组成了拥有出色的指挥和参谋人员和最精锐的士兵的军队。这创造了亚洲的新的统治性的大国，它为了自己的利益与苏联结盟但坚持他们自己的观念和方法，已经成了侵略性的帝国。它的强军扩张的野心符合这类帝国主义。
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.无论这样还是那样看，在中国人的秉性里几乎没有任何意识形态观念。他们的生活水平极低，资本积累在战争中灰飞烟灭，广大民众因此奋不顾身地追随任何可能把他们解救出当地桎酷的领导。
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.我从开始就认为中国共产党人对北朝鲜的支持是占优的。他们在北朝鲜的利益在今天不亚于苏联。但是我认为他们最近显示的侵略性不仅在朝鲜而且还在印度支那和西藏，潜在的锋芒直指能南方，强力彰显了有史以来任何可能的征服者都具有的扩张国力的野心。
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.日本人民，自战争时起，一直开展历史上最伟大的改革。他们有令人啧啧称赞的学习的意志和热望，出色的理解力，在战争的废墟上，建立了一个给国民最大个体自由和人身尊严的大厦；随后他们有建立了真正的人民代表组成的政府，致力于政治道德的进步、经济实体的自由和社会的公平。Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.在政治、经济和社会上日本已经可以和地球上的很多自由国家比肩了，不会再次辜负国际社会的信任了。或许寄希望于日本在亚洲的事务中发挥深远的有益影响已经被日本人民在应对最近的战争、**和纠缠他们的来自外部和内部被控制的共产主义的困惑的挑战中没有丝毫放缓进步的步伐的惊人表现所证明了。我把我们的四个占领师全部投入韩国前线没有一点对造成日本军力真空的影响的担忧。这些结果完全证实了我的信念。我知道没有任何国家比日本更加沉着、守序和勤奋，也没有哪个国家能在人类的进步中怀有更高的未来建设性的服务的希望。Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.关于我们的庇护国菲律宾，我们满怀信心地期待当前的动荡得到平息，一个强大健康的国家摆脱战争的严重破坏的后续影响，发展起来。我们一定要耐心、理解而且永远不能辜负他们—如同在我们需要的时候，他们没有辜负我们一样。作为一个基督国家，菲律宾是一个基督精神在远东的坚强堡垒，它在亚洲的崇高道德领导能力不可限量。
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.在台湾，中华民国政府曾经有机会用行动驳斥大多数恶意的舆论，这些舆论侵蚀了国民党在中国大陆的领导力量。台湾人民将接受一个公正的开明的政府，这个政府具备政府的大多数功能，在政治、经济和社会上正在沿着健全和建设性的路线前进。
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.带着这个对周边地区的简要洞悉，我现在转到韩战。虽然总统做出旨在支持大韩民国的军事干预的决定并没有与我商量，从军事观点来看，这个决定是正确的，因为我们击退了入侵者，大量杀伤了他的部队。当红色中国以绝对优势的地面部队干预时，我们的胜利是彻底的，我们的目标已经达到。
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.这创造了一场全新的战争和彻头彻尾的新形势，一个我们的军队投身于抵御北韩侵略者时没有预料到的形势；一个在外交领域做出想决策以便赢得时间做出现实的军事战略调整的形势。这样的决策始终没有做出。
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.虽然没有一个头脑冷静的人会提出派我们的地面部队入侵中国大陆，甚至一点这样的念头都没有，但是如果我们的政治目的是如同我们过去击败老对手一样击败这个新敌人，新形势的确迫切地需要果断的战略规划修改。
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.在我看来，除了把鸭绿江以北的敌人的避难所中立化的军事需要，我觉得指挥一场战争的紧迫性必须：首先强化对中国的经济封锁；其次，部署海军对中国海岸进行封锁；第三，撤销对中国沿海地区和满洲里地区的空中侦察的限制；第四，撤销对在台湾的中华民国军队的限制，这只军队及其后勤支援可以有效地投入打击我们共同的敌人的军事行动。
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.因为维护所有这些观点，这些观点都是精心设计的旨在支持我们投入韩国的部队和结束敌对状态，而且延迟最少，可以挽救无数美国和盟国军人的生命，我一直受到严厉的批评，他们指责我到处画圈子，主要是在国外，尽管我对这些观点从军事角度的理解在过去事实上一直被任何关注韩战的军事领导人所赞同，包括参谋长联席会议。
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.我要求增援，都是得到的回答是无法增援。我阐明了如果不允许摧毁敌人在鸭绿江北的基地，如果不允许利用台湾的 600，000中国友军，不允许封锁中国的海岸防止红色中国得到他们没有的援助，如果主要的增援遥遥无期，从军事角度看，盟军司令部的地位就会封杀了胜利。
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.我可以通过持续的军事行动在我们的优势补给线与敌人的劣势补给线持平的地区附近控制韩国，但是我们可能最多只能取得一些微不足道的胜利，而一旦敌人倾注全力我们的部队就会卷入可怕的持久的消耗战。我一直在谋求彻底解决的政治决定。
Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: 很多人不遗余力的诋毁我的立场。他们说事实上我是一个战争贩子。事实胜于雄辩。几乎没有活着的人对战争的理解能达到我对战争的理解程度，我最痛恨的就是战争。我长期以来致力于彻底消除战争，因为只要诉诸战争，无论敌我双方都会遭到毁灭性打击，使它对解决国际争端毫无作用。的确，在一九四五年九月二日，日本国在密苏里号战舰上的投降仪式刚刚结束，我就正式提出下列忠告： “Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.” 自从盘古开天地，人类一直在追寻和平。多少个世纪以来，人们尝试了无数的方法构建一个国际程序防止和解决国与国之间的争端。从一开始人们就找到了可行的解决人与人之间关系的方法，但是借助国际范围的解决机制从来没有成功的。军事结盟，力量制衡，国家联盟相继失败，留下的唯一方法就是战争的考验。战争的极大破坏性勾勒了这个替代方法。我们还有最后一次机会。如果我们不能构建一些更加有力更加平等的系统，世界末日大决战必将到来。这个问题从根本上讲是神学性质的涉及精神和人类品性的改进，这个改进是与我们在科学、艺术、文学的近乎无与伦比的进步和过去2，000年来所有物质的和文化的进化同步的。如果我们要拯救血肉之躯，就必须具备这种精神。
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.但是一旦战争强加到我们的头上，除了用一切手段尽快结束它别无选择。战争的最高目标是夺取胜利，不是举棋不定。在战争中除了取胜别无选择。
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.一些人出于各种原因姑息红色中国。他们对清晰的历史教训视而不见，因为历史毋庸置疑地强调姑息绥靖只能是导致新的流血战争。历史上没有一个例子证明为了这个目的可以不择手段，所有的例子都是姑息绥靖导致的屈辱的和平。和敲诈勒索一样，它滋生新的欲壑难填的要求，如同敲诈勒索一样，直到动用唯一的另外选择—暴力。
“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.我的一个士兵问我：“为什么要把战场上的军事优势拱手让给一个敌人？”我无言以对。
有些人可能说：避免把冲突扩大为与中国的全面战争；另一些可能说避免苏联干预。没有一个解释成立，因为中国已经投入了他们的全部军力，苏联没必要和我们直接冲突。就像一条眼镜蛇，任何新的敌人极有可能在他认为他们在世界范围内有军事或其它潜在的优势时发动战争。
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.把军事行动限制在韩国领土进一步加剧了韩国的悲剧。全面的海空狂轰滥炸的摧枯拉朽的破坏力捣毁了我们要保护的国家，而我们的敌人的栖身之地却安然无恙。
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.在全世界所有的国家中，迄今为止只有韩国倾其举国之力抵御共产主义。韩国人民的勇气和坚毅是语言难以描述的。
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!” 他们选择了死亡而不是当奴隶。他们给我的最后一句话是：“不要放弃太平洋！” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.我把你们英勇善战的儿女们留住了韩国。他们在那里接受了所有的考验，我可以毫无保留地告诉你们，他们在任何方面都表现得灿烂辉煌。It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.我一直致力于保护他们，以最短的时间和最小的牺牲来体面地结束这场残酷的冲突。日益增长的流血牺牲令我痛苦不堪、寝食难安。
这些仗义豪爽的优秀儿女们时常萦绕在我的心头，我永远为他们祈祷。I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.” 我52年的军旅生涯即将结束。当我从军时，还没有到世纪之交，它是我全部儿时的梦想和希望的实现。自从我在西点军校的操场上庄严宣誓以来，世界已经发生了翻天覆地的变化，这些希望和梦想早已灰飞烟灭了，但是我仍然记得那时一首最流行的军营歌谣的副歌：“老兵永远不死；他们仅仅是淡出了。” And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.正如那首歌谣中的老兵，我现在结束我的军旅生涯并且淡出，因为上帝还给他光芒让他看见天职，这个老兵就试图履行了他的天职。再见。
第五篇：美国经典演讲 麦克阿瑟：《老兵不死》(英文原版及翻译)
美国经典演讲 麦克阿瑟：《老兵不死》（英文原版及翻译）
President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate
represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political
freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient
extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to
embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the
Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and
prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have
strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon
and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the
regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of
a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with
competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese
make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local
stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the
aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a
commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it
may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our
occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for
high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that
decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not
contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been
forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground
forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our
political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection
given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles，principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force
of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the
Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
“Men since the beginning of time have
sought peace.Various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes
between nations.From the very
start workable methods were found in so
far
as individual citizens were concerned，but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful.Military alliances，balances of power, Leagues of Nations，all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war.The
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative.We have had our last
chance.If we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system，Armageddon will be at our door.The
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that
will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh.”
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available
means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as
in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems
valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to
save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!”
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can
report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing
bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.中文翻译：
总统先生、议长先生和尊敬的国会议员们：
我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。
我谦卑，是因为在我之前，许多美国历史上伟大的建设者们都曾经在这里发过言；我骄傲，是因为今天我们的立法辩论代表了经深思的人类解放最纯粹形式。这是整个人类进程中的希望、热情和信仰的集中体现。我并不是作为任何一个党派的拥护者站在这里讲话的，因为这些问题太重要，以至都超越了党派的界线。如果要证实我们的动机是是正确的，如果要保障我们的将来，制定关于国家利益的最高纲领时就必须考虑到它们。我相信，当我说完我仅仅是为了陈述经深思熟虑而得出的一个普通美国公民的观点之后，你们会公平地接受它。在我生命将逝之年做这个告别演说，无仇无怨。在我心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国服务。
这些问题是全球性的，而且环环相扣，任何的顾此失彼做法都会使整体造成灾难。亚洲被普遍认为是通往欧洲的门户，同样的，欧洲也是通往亚洲的大门，二者是息息相关的。有人认为我们的力量不足以同时保住两个阵地，因为我们不能分散我们的力量。我想，这是我听到的最悲观的失败主义论调了。如果我们潜在的敌人能够把他的力量分在两条线上，那我们就必须与之抗衡……
除了指出这些一般常识外，我将把讨论集中在亚洲地区。在客观地估计那里的现状之前，我们必须了解亚洲的过去，了解导致她上升到今天这种局势的革命性的变化。长期遭受殖民主义势力的剥削而使亚洲人民没有机会获取任何程度的社会平等、个人尊严，也无法提高生活水平，就像被我们的菲律宾贵族政府所统治的那样。亚洲人民在战争中找到了机会，得以摆脱殖民主义的枷锁，而且现在有更多的新的契机摆在他们面前：政治独立带来的以前从未感受过的尊严和自重。亚洲有占世界一半的人口和百分之六十的自然资源，她的人民正迅速地加强一个新兴的力量，包括精神和物质两方面，藉此提高他们的生活水平，协调现代化的进步和他们特有的文化环境。不管你是不是坚持殖民主义的观点，这是亚洲前进的方向，她不会停步。这一点是世界经济防线转移、国际事务中心回归原点的必然结果。在这种情况下，我们国家在政治上必须与基本的革命形势一致，而不能无视殖民时代已经过时，且亚洲人民渴望开创自己的自由生活的现实，这一点十分重要。他们现在需要的是友好的指引、理解和支持，而不是专制的指挥。
我坚持保全他们，并希望能用最少的时间、最小的牺牲体面地结束这场野蛮的冲突。越来越多的流血让我感到深深的痛苦和焦虑。那些勇敢的人的形象在我的脑海中挥之不去，我将永远为他们祈祷。
我将结束我五十二年的军旅生涯。我在世纪之交之前就已加入军队，它满足了我孩童时所有的希望和梦想。自从我在西点的草坪上宣读誓言以来，这个世界已经经历了多次转变，童年的希望和梦想早已消失得无影无踪。但我依然记得当年那首流行的军歌中骄傲的叠句：一个老兵永不死亡，他只是淡出舞台。就像歌中的老兵一样，我结束我的军旅生涯，只是淡出了人生舞台。一个力图像上帝指引的那样完成他的责任的老兵。再见
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