林肯总统的就职演讲

第一篇：林肯总统的就职演讲

林肯总统的就职演讲

First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln

MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861

Fellow-Citizens of the United States:

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.“

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that--

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor.The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:

No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves;and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause ”shall be delivered up“ their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that ”the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States“?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was ”to form a more perfect Union.“

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not.Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution;certainly would if such right were a vital one.But such is not our case.All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them.But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions.Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say.May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities.If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease.There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other.If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority.For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?

Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people.Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism.Unanimity is impossible.The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible;so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government.And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice.At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges.It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended.This is the only substantial dispute.The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself.The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each.This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before.The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.Physically speaking, we can not separate.We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them.A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this.They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always;and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended.While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself;and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it.I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service.To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States.The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it.His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals.While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject.Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time;but no good object can be frustrated by it.Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it;while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either.If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action.Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war.The Government will not assail you.You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to ”preserve, protect, and defend it."

I am loath to close.We are not enemies, but friends.We must not be enemies.Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.【中文译文】：

永久联邦与总统权力

亚伯拉罕-林肯

第一次就职演讲

星期一,1861年3月4日

我今天正式宣誓时，并没有保留意见，也无意以任何苛刻的标准来解释宪法和法律，尽管我不想具体指明国会通过的哪些法案是适合施行的•但我确实要建议，所有的人，不论处于官方还是私人的地位，都得遵守那些未被废止的法令，这比泰然自若地认为其中某个法案是违背宪法的而去触犯它，要稳当得多。

自从第一任总统根据我国宪法就职以来已经72年了。在此期间，有15位十分杰出的公民相继主持了政府的行政部门。他们在许多艰难险阻中履行职责，大致说来都很成功。然而，虽有这样的先例，我现在开始担任这个按宪法规定任期只有短暂4年的同一职务时，却处在巨大而特殊的困难之下。联邦的分裂，在此以前只是一种威胁，现在却已成为可怕的行动。

从一般法律和宪法角度来考虑，我认为由各州组成的联邦是永久性的。在合国政府的根本法中，永久性即使没有明确规定，也是不盲而喻的。我们有把握说，从来没有哪个正规政府在自己的组织法中列入一项要结束自己执政的条款。继续执行我国宪法明文规定的条款，联邦就将永远存在，毁灭联邦是办不到的，除非采取宪法本身未予规定的某种行动。再者：假如合众国不是名副其实的政府，而只是具有契约性质的各州的联盟，那么，作为一种契约，这个联盟能够毫无争议地由纬约各方中的少数加以取消吗？缔约的一方可以违约——也可以说毁约——但是，合法地废止契约难道不需要缔约各方全都同意吗？从这些一般原则在下推，我们认为，从法律上来说，联邦是永久性的这一主张已经为联邦本身的历史所证实。联邦的历史比宪法长久得多。事实上，它在1774年就根据《联合条款》组成了。1776年，《独立宣言》使它臻子成熟并持续下来。1778年《邦联条款》使联邦愈趋成熟，当时的13个州都信誓旦旦地明确保证联邦应该永存，最后，1787年制定宪法时所宣市的日标之一就是“建设更完善的联邦”。

但是，如果联邦竟能由一个州或几个州按照法律加以取消的话，那么联邦就不如制宪前完善了，因为它丧失了永久性这个重要因素。

根据这些观点，任何一个州都不能只凭自己的动仪就能合法地脱离联邦；凡为此目的而作出的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的，任何一个州或几个州反对合众国当局的暴力行动都应根据憎况视为叛乱或革命。因此，我认为，根据宪法和法律，联邦是不容分裂的；我将按宪法本身明确授予我的权限，就自己能力所及，使联邦法律得以在各州忠实执行。我认为这仅仅是我份内的职责，我将以可行的方法去完成，除非我的合法主人——美国人民，不给予我必要的手段，或以权威的方式作出相反的指示，我相信大家下会把这看作是一种威胁，而只看作是联邦已宣布过的目标：它将按照宪法保卫和维护它自身。

以自然条件而言，我们是不能分开的，我们无法把各个地区彼此挪开，也无法在彼此之间筑起一堵无法逾越的墙垣。夫妻可以离婚，不再见面，互不接触，但是我们国家的各个地区就不可能那样做。它们仍得面对面地相处，它们之间还得有或者友好或者敌对的交往。那么，分开之后的交往是否可能比分开之前更有好处，更令人满意呢？外人之间订立条约难道还比朋友之间制定法律容易吗？外人之间执行条约难道还比朋友之间执行法律忠实吗？假定你们进行战争•你们不可能永远打下去；在双方损失惨重，任何一方都得不到好处之后，你们就会停止战斗，那时你们还会遇到诸如交往条件之类的老问题。

总统的一切权力来自人民，但人民没有授权给他为各州的分离规定条件。如果人民有此意愿，那他们可以这样做，而作为总统来说，则不可能这样做。他的责任是管理交给他的这一届政府，井将它完整地移交给他的继任者。

为什么我们不能对人民所具有的最高的公正抱有坚韧的信念呢？世界上还有比这更好或一样好的希望吗？在我何日前的分歧中，难道双方都缺乏相信自己正确的信心吗？如果万国全能的主宰以其永恒的真理和正义支持你北方这一边，或者支持你南方这一边，那么，那种真理和那种正义必将通过美国人民这个伟大法庭的裁决而取得胜利。

就是这些美国人民，通过我们现有的政府结构，明智地只给他们的公仆很小的权力，使他们不能力害作恶，并且同样明智地每隔很短的时间就把那小小的权力收回到自己手中。只要人民保持其力量和警惕，无论怎样作恶和愚蠢的执政人员都不能在短短4年的任期内十分严重地损害政府。我的同胞们，大家平静而认真地思考整个这一问题吧。任何宝贵的东西都下会因为从容对待而丧失，假使有一个目标火急地催促你们中随便哪一位采取一个措施，而你决不能不慌不忙，那么那个目标会因从容对待而落空；但是，任何好的目标是不会因为从容对待而落空的，你们现在感到不满意的人仍然有着原来的、完好元损的宪法，而且，在敏感问题上，你们有着自己根据这部宪法制定的各项法律；而新的一届政府即使想改变这两种情况，也没有直接的权力那样做。那些不满意的人在这场争论中即使被承认是站在正确的一边，也没有一点正当理由采取鲁莽的行动。理智、爱国精神、基行教义以及对从不抛弃这片幸福土地的上帝的信仰，这些仍然能以最好的方式来解决我们目前的一切困难。不满意的同胞们，内战这个重大问题的关键掌握在你们手中，而不掌握在我手中，政府不会对你们发动攻击。你们不当挑衅者，就下会面临冲突。你们没有对天发誓要毁灭政府，而我却要立下最庄严的誓言：“坚守、维护和捍卫合众国宪法。”我不愿意就此结束演说。我们不是敌人，而是朋友。我们一定不要成为敌人。尽管情绪紧张，也决不应割断我们之间的感情纽带。记忆的神秘琴弦，从每一个战场和爱国志上的坟墓伸向这片广阔土地上的每一颗跳动的心和家庭，必将再度被我们善良的夭性所拨响，那时就会高奏起联邦大团结的乐章。

第二篇：林肯就职演讲（定稿）

一根根不可思议的回忆之弦，从每个战场和每个爱国志士的坟墓，伸展到这片辽阔土地上每一颗充满活力的心房和每一个家庭，只要我们本性中的善念再度，而且一定会，加以拨动，它们终会重新奏出响亮的联邦协奏曲。

在1860年的总统选举中，民主党内的南北分裂，为林肯和共和党的胜利扫清了道路。虽然林肯被挑选出来作候选人，部分是由于他有温和主义者的名声，但是南方人还是警告说，如果林肯获胜，他们将脱离联邦。无论在南方还是北方，林肯的当选都被看作是对奴隶制和奴隶主政治权力的排斥。就在林肯当选之后，美国七个州(南卡罗来纳、密西西比、佛罗里达、亚拉巴马、乔治亚、路易斯安那、得克萨斯)脱离了联邦，并于1861年2月4日，在亚拉巴马州的蒙哥马利组成美国南部邦联。几 周后，国会提出了一项在美国禁止奴隶制的宪法修正案。(这项修正案于1865年被批准为第十三修正案。)

1861年3月4日，林肯在华盛顿特区国会大厦前的台阶上宣誓就职时，向处于分裂和内战边沿的国民发表演说。他呼吁理智和冷静。他的演说是为维护联邦和避免战争所作的最后一次努力。不过，林肯明确表示，联邦将保卫自己，脱离联邦是不合法的，以暴力反对联邦政府将被看作是叛乱。林肯的祈求没有人听。南方邦联的军队于1861年4月12日炮击南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿的萨姆特堡，内战由此开始。在萨姆特堡陷落之后，维吉尼亚州、阿肯色州、北卡罗来纳州和田纳西州都加入了美国南部邦联。

„„在南方各州的人民中似乎存在着一种忧虑，即由共和党执政，他们的财产、安定的生活和个人安全将会遭到危险。这种忧虑从来就没有任何理由。说实在的，无须忧虑的最充足的证据一直都是客观存在的，而且公开接受他们检查。这可以在这位现在向你们致辞的人的几乎所有发表过的演讲里找到。我现在仅引用那些演说辞中的一篇来声明：

我无意直接或间接地在有蓄奴制的州里干预蓄奴制度。我相信我没有这样做的合法权利，而且我也没有这样做的意愿。„„

自从一位总统依照国家宪法第一次就职以来已经过了72年。72年里，15位出类拔萃的公民相继管理了这个政府的行政部门。他们领导这个政府经历了许多危险，而且一般都取得很大成功。可是。尽管有这种先例，我却是在巨大而特别困难的情况下，担负起同样的任务，履行短暂的四年总统任期。分裂联邦，以前还只是一种威胁，现在却已变成令人生畏的行动。

考虑到一般的法律和我们的宪法，我认为这些州所组成的联邦是永久性的。在所有国家政府的基本大法中，即使没有明文规定其永久性，也总是含有此意的。我们可以断言，没有一个正式政府曾经在其组织法中，规定一个使自己寿终正寝的条款。只要我们继续执行国家宪法中所有的明文规定，这个联邦就会永久存在，——除非采取宪法法规以外的某种行动，我们是无法摧毁联邦的。

再说，即使合众国不是一个正式的政府，而仅是各州之间一种契约性的组合，那麽，作为一份契约，难道就可以由少数人而不是全体订约人，不经争执，心

安理得地予以取消吗?契约的一方可以违反它——或者说是破坏它，但难道不需要通过全体订约人就能合法地解除它吗?„„

从这些观点可以推定，任何州均不得仅由自己动议，即可合法脱离联邦；有关这方面的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的；对于任何一州或数州境内反抗美国政府的暴动，应依据情况来确定其为叛乱还是革命。

因此，我认为依照宪法与法律，联邦是不可分裂的；我将尽我所能，务使联邦法律在所有各州得到忠实贯彻，这是宪法本身明文规定责成我这样做的。我认为这样做仅是我本身的一种责任；而且我将在可行的范围内去履行这责任，除非我的合法主人，即美国人民，制止使用这些必要的手段，或者通过某种权威性方式，作出相反的指示。我相信这种说法应该不会被认为是一种威胁，而只是把它看作是联邦所明确宣布的目标，即它要依照宪法保护和维系自身。

要这样做，就必须没有流血和暴力发生，而且只要不是强加于国家权威头上的，哪怕有一点都不行。所赋予我的权力将用来保存、占领和掌握属于政府的财产和地盘，并征集税收和关税，但是，超出为达到这些目标所必需的手段，就不能去侵犯任何地方的人民，不能使用武力反对任何地方的人民，或在任何地方的人民中使用武力„„

据说在这个或那个地区里，有一些人千方百计地企图摧毁联邦，甚至不惜利用一切借口非达此目的不可。对此，我不加肯定也不给予否定。但若事情果真如此，我无须对这帮人致辞。可是，对于那些真正热爱联邦的人们，我难道能够缄默不言吗?

在事情还没严重到破坏我们的国家组织，连同它的一切利益，全部历史和所有希望之前，把我们这样做的意图准确地弄清楚，难道不是明智的吗?如果你们要躲避的灾难可能实际上并不存在，在这种情况下，你们难道还要铤而走险吗?如果你即将遇到的灾难比你们想逃避的所有实际的灾难更为深重，难道你们还要冒险赴难，铸成可怕的错误吗?

如果宪法规定的一切权利能够得到维护，则人人都会以身在联邦而感到满足的。那麽，宪法里明文规定的权利究竟有哪一项真的被否定了?我认为没有„„

迄今还不曾有过一部根本大法，对于一切实际行政管理中可能出现的任何问题都有专门条款来规范；没有先知可以预见会发生什麽，也没有任何繁简适度的文件所明文规定的条款足以应付一切可能发生的问题。联邦和州政府要交出逃亡的奴隶吗?宪法中没有明文规定。国会可以在准州地区禁止奴隶制度吗?宪法里没有明文规定。国会必须在准州地区维护奴隶制度吗？宪法也没有明文规定。

就从这类问题中触发出我们一切有关宪法的争论，我们可把争论者分为多数派和少数派。即使少数派不愿支持政府，多数派也必须支持，否则政府就必须停止工作。其它的替代办法是没有的；要使政府继续存在下去，必须得有一方的支持。在这种情况下，如果有一个少数派不支持政府而要脱离联邦，那麽他们

就开了一个先例，这必然会导致他们内部分裂并毁了他们，因为他们自己内部的多数派拒受这种少数派控制时，这个少数派又会脱离他们。举例来说，正如目前联邦中的一些州宣布脱离联邦那样，一两年后南部新邦联中的一部分难道就不会蛮横地再行脱离吗?一切醉心于分裂的人们目前所接受的正是这种思想。

在这些要组成新联邦的州之间，难道真的具有完全一致的利益，足以使彼此和睦共处，并避免重新分裂吗?

显然，脱离联邦的核心思想正是无政府状态的实质所在。一个被宪法的强制力和规范所约束，并能顺应公众舆论和公众感情的审慎的变化而变化的多数派，才是自由人民唯一真正的治理者。谁否认它，谁就必然走向无政府或专制。完全一致是不可能的。少数人的统治，作为一项永久性的安排，是完全不能接受的。因此，如果否认多数原则，剩下来的仅有某种形式的无政府状态或专制而已„„

我国有一部分人相信奴隶制是对的，应当予以延续，而另外一部分人则相信它是错的，不应予以延续。这是唯一的实质性争执„„

从地理环境上说，我们是无法分离的。我们不能把各地区从彼此的位置上挪开，也不能在它们之间筑起不可逾越的城墙。夫妻可以离婚，以后彼此不相见，也无法找到对方，但是，我国的不同地区之间不能这麽做。它们不得不面面相对，彼此往来，不管是友好的还是敌对的，这情形一定会在它们之间继续下去。那麽，分裂以后是否有可能使彼此来往比以前更有利或者更令人满意呢?与外人签约会比与朋友共订法律更容易吗?条约在异邦人之间会比法律在朋友之间得到更忠实的执行吗?假如你们要打仗，你们也不能一直打下去，在双方都伤亡惨重，谁也没有收获之后，你们停止作战时，关于交往条件的一些与以前完全相同的老问题又会摆在你们面前„„

为什麽不能满怀信心，耐心等待人民的最终裁决呢?难道还有更好的或能与此相匹的希望吗?在我们目前的分歧中，难道双方都没有信心认为自己是站在正确的一边吗?如果代表永恒真理和正义的万能上帝站在你们北方一边或者站在你们南方一边，那麽经过美国人民这个大法庭的裁决，真理和正义定将普照天下。

从管理我们的政府的组织结构来看，聪明的人民没有给他们的公仆多少权力去胡闹，而且他们还以同样的智慧为在短期内将那一点点权力收回到他们自己手中作了准备。只要人民保持他们的道德和警惕，任何行政管理人员，不管他们是多麽邪恶或多麽愚蠢，都不可能在短短四年内给这个政府造成严重伤害。

同胞们，你们每个人都应冷静地好好思考这整个问题。花点时间是不会使任何有价值的东西遭到损失的。如果真有一件东西驱使你们之中任何一个人十万火急地去采取一个你们在审慎沉着的情况下所决不会采取的步骤，那麽花点时间去思考就可以挫败这东西。任何好的东西是不会因为你这样做而遭到挫败的。就好像你们现在都心怀不满，可你们还有一部未受损害的老宪法可依，在敏感问题上，你们还有你们自己根据宪法所制定的法律可依，而新的行政当局即便

想，也没有改变宪法或这些法律的直接权力。就算大家公认你们这些心怀不满的人是站在争执的正确一边，那也没有任何充足的理由去采取草率的行动。以我们的聪明才智、爱国精神、基督教信仰以及对至今从未据弃过这片沐浴圣恩的土地的上帝的坚定信赖，我们还是有足够的能力用最好的方武来解决我们目前所遇到的一切困难。

各位心怀不满的同胞们，内战这一重大问题，不系于我的手里，而系于你们的手里。政府不会攻击你们。只要你们自己不当侵略者，你们就不会遇到冲突。你们没有对天发誓要摧毁政府，但我们却要立下最庄严的誓言来“保存、保护和保卫它”。

我真不愿结束我的演讲。我们不是敌人。我们之间感情的纽带，或会因情绪激动而绷紧，但决不可折断。那一根根不可思议的回忆之弦，从每个战场和爱国志士的坟墓，伸展到这片辽阔土地上每一颗充满活力的心房和每一个家庭，只要我们本性中的善念再度，而且一定会，加以拨动，它们终会重新奏出响亮的联邦协奏曲。

第三篇：林肯第二次就职演讲

在我现在第二次来到这里宣誓就任总统职位的时候，就不十分必要像第一次就职时那样作长篇演说了。那时，一篇关于我将采取的方针的比较详尽的说明，似乎是比较合适和理所当然 的。可是现在，四年任期刚刚结束，在这期间，关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意，消耗着全民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节，随时都有公告发奉，现在也实在再没有多少新东西可讲了。关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——，公众也了解得和我本人一样清楚；而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的。既

然对未来充满了希望，那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了。

也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合，所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安。所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生。而当我在这里发表就职演说，决定不惜采用一 切力量，但不用战争，拯救联邦的时候，叛乱分子的代理人却在全城到处活动，力求不用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦，分裂国家。——双方都声称反对战争；但可是他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去；另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼看着

国家灭亡。于是战争便打起来了。

在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并非遍布在全国各地，而是大部分集中在我国南方。这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益。大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因。为了达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的，叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦；而政府方面，只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域。双方谁也没有料想到，战争竟会达到现在已出现了这种规模，或持续这么久。双方谁也不曾料到，冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结束而结束，或甚至在冲突本身结束之前，便已终止；每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利，战争的结果也不那么带有根本性和惊人。双方都读着同一部《圣经》，祈祷于同一个上帝；每一方都求上帝帮助他们一方，而反对另一方。这看来也许有些不可思议，怎么可能有人公然敢于祈求公正的上帝帮助他从别人的血汗中榨取面包；不过，我们且不要论断别人，以免自 己遭到论断吧。双方的祈祷都不可能得到回应；任何一方的祈祷也没有得到充分的回应。全能的上帝另有他自己的目标。“由于种种罪过，世界受难了!因为这些罪过是不可避免的；但是，让那引来罪过的人去受罪吧。”*如果我们假定美国的奴隶制是这里所说的罪恶之一，它按上帝的意旨是不可避免的，而现在在经过了上帝规定的时限之后，他决心要消灭它，再假定上帝使得南北双方进行了这场可怕的战争，以作为那些犯下罪过的人应该遭受到的苦难，那么我们从中能看出有什么地方有悖于信仰上帝的信徒们总是赋于永远存在的上帝的那种神性吗?我们衷心地希望——热情地祈祷——但愿这可怕的战争灾祸能迅速过去。然而，如果上帝一定要让它继续下去，一直到奴隶们通过二百五十年的无偿劳动所堆积起来的财富烟消云散，一直到，如三千年前人们所说的那样，用鞭子抽出的每一滴血都要用刀剑刺 出的另一滴血来偿还，而到那时，我们也仍然得说，“主的审判是完全公正无误的”。** 我们对任何人也不怀恶意，我们对所有的人都宽大为怀，坚持正义；上帝既使我们认识正义，让我们继续努力向前，完成我们正在进行的事业；包扎起国家的创伤，关心那些为战争作出牺牲的人，关心他们的遗孀和孤儿——尽一切力量，以求在我们自己之间，以及我们和所有

的国家之间实现并维护一个公正和持久的和平。篇二：林肯第二次就职演讲(英文)at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.篇三：林肯第二次就职演讲 second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it;all sought to avert it.while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation.both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern part of it.their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other.which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.林肯第二次就职演说

（1865年3月4日）一八**年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时，美国仍为内战所分裂。当时战争的结果仍不能确定，而林肯的再度当选，成为北方人民决心作战到底争取最后胜利的一个令人振奋的表现。一八六五年三月四日当林肯宣誓就职时，局势清楚显示北方即将战胜，战争行将结束。在这篇就职演讲词中，林肯致力于讨论战后美国人民将面临的重大课题。林肯希望避免一切过错与惩罚的问题。当他准备实施这项政策时，一个刺客的枪弹葬送了他的崇高理想。

各位同胞：

在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大部分力量——都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说，竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦，并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存，另一方则宁可接受这场战争，而不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并非遍布整个联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围，持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前

而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方，人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家，免得别人判断我们。

我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难，因为罪恶总是要来的；然而那个作恶的人，要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一，而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免，但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在便要消除这些罪恶；假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上，作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚，难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着，我们热忱地祈祷着，希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有，并像三千年前所说的那样，等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血，被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消，那么我们仍然只能说，「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。」

我们对任何人都不怀恶意，我们对任何人都抱好感，上帝让我们看到正确的事，我们就坚定地信那正确的事，让我们继续奋斗，以完成我们正在进行的工作，去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀，尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。篇四：林肯第二次就职演说

林肯第二次就职演说 second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865 fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it;all sought to avert it.while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation.both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern p art of it.their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other.fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that thi——ighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmans two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.林肯第二次就职演说

（1865年3月4日）一八88年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时，美国仍为内战所分裂。当时战争的结果仍不能确定，而林肯的再度当选，成为北方人民决心作战到底争取最后胜利的一个令人振奋的表现。一八六五年三月四日当林肯宣誓就职时，局势清楚显示北方即将战胜，战争行将结束。在这篇就职演讲词中，林肯致力于讨论战后美国人民将面临的重大课题。林肯希望避免一切过错与惩罚的问题。当他准备实施这项政策时，一个刺客的枪弹葬送了他的崇高理想。

各位同胞：

在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大部分力量——都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说，竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦，并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存，另一方则宁可接受这场战争，而不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并非遍布整个联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围，持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方，人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家，免得别人判断我们。

我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难，因为罪恶总是要来的；然而那个作恶的人，要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一，而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免，但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在便要消除这些罪恶；假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上，作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚，难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着，我们热忱地祈祷着，希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有，并像三千年前所说的那样，等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血，被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消，那么我们仍然只能说，「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。」

我们对任何人都不怀恶意，我们对任何人都抱好感，上帝让我们看到正确的事，我们就坚定地信那正确的事，让我们继续奋斗，以完成我们正在进行的工作，去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀，尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。篇五：林肯就职演讲 the gettysburg address gettysburg, pennsylvania november 19, 1863 fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.but, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。abraham lincoln 亚伯拉罕．林肯（1809－1865），美国第十六任总统（1861－1865）。他自修法律，以反对奴隶制的纲领当选为总统，导致南方诸州脱离联邦。在由此引起的南北战争（1861－1865）中，他作为总统，发挥了美国历史上最有效、最鼓舞人心的领导作用，以其坚定的信念、深远的眼光和完美无缺的政治手腕，成功地引导一个处于分裂的国家度过了其历史上流血最多的内战，从而换救了联邦。他致力于推进全人类的民主、自由和平等，以最雄辩的语言阐述了人道主义的思想，不失时机地发表《解放黑奴宣言》，因而被后人尊称为“伟大的解放者”。林肯不仅是一个伟大的总统，更是一个伟人。他出生于社会低层，具有勤劳简朴、谦虚和诚恳的美德。在美国历届总统中，林肯堪称是最平易近人的一位。林肯的著作主要是演讲词和书信，以朴素庄严、观点明确、思想丰富、表达灵活、适应对象并具有特殊的美国风味见称。此篇演讲是美国文学中最漂亮、最富有诗意的文章之一。虽然这是一篇庆祝军事胜利的演说，但它没有好战之气。相反，这是一篇感人肺腑的颂辞，赞美那些作出最后牺牲的人们，以及他们为之献身的那些理想。其中“政府应为民有、民治、民享”的名言被人们广为传颂。

第四篇：林肯就职演讲经典句子

1、我主要关心的，不是你是不是失败了，而是你对失败是不是甘心。

2、法律是显露的道德，道德是隐藏的法律。

3、卓越的天才不屑走一条人家走过的路。他寻找迄今没有开拓过的地区。

4、我们关心的，不是你是否失败了，而是你对失败能否无怨。

5、凡是不给别人自由的人，他们自己就不应该得到自由，而且在公正的上帝统治下，他们也是不能够长远地保持住自由的。

6、给别人自由和维护自己的自由，两者同样是崇高的事业。

7、人生最美好的东西，就是他同别人的友谊。

8、好学的人必成大器。

9、意志来自道德感和自身利益这两个因素。

10、事实上教育便是一种早期的习惯。

11、一个人过了四十岁，应当为自己的长相负责。

（当一位友人询问林肯为何回拒他所推荐的阁员人选时）

12、一滴蜂密比一加仑胆汁招引的苍蝇还要多。

13、你可以一时欺骗所有人,也可以永远欺骗某些人,但不可能永远欺骗所有人。you can fool all the people some of the time, some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time.14、勿以怨恨对待任何人，请以慈爱加给所有的人!

15、最勇敢的男人是怕老婆的男人。

16、最重要的是，在关键的时刻能够坚持原则。

17、恪尽职守的精神比个人的声望更重要。

18、世界上极需这种人才，他们在任何情况下都能克服种种阻力完成任务

19、我们要做的是让纪律看守西点，而不是教官时刻监视学员。20、“魔鬼”隐藏在细节中，永远不要忽视任何细节。

21、千万不要纵容自己，给自己找借口。

22、哪怕是对自己的一点小的克制，也会使人变得强而有力。

23、为了赢得胜利，也许你不得不干一些自己不想干的事。

24、学会忍受不公平，学会恪尽职责。

25、只要充分相信自己，没有什么困难可以足够持久。

26、等待比做事要难得多。

27、要有信心，把握住自己的未来。

28、不要沉沦，在任何环境中你都可以选择奋起。

29、有耐心的人无往而不利。

30、确信无法突破的时候，首先要选择的是等待。

31、如果你没有选择的话，那么就勇敢地迎上去。

32、责任、荣誉、国家！

33、要培养各方面的能力，包括承受悲惨命运的能力。

34、冲动，绝不是真正英雄的性格。

35、适应环境，而不是让环境适应你！

36、历经严酷的训练是完善自我的必由之路。

37、速度决定成败。

38、不要怕有疯狂的想法，只要你肯努力。

39、首先要建立起自信心。40、胜利，是属于最坚韧的人。

41、要敢于战胜一切恐惧！

42、要感谢生活中的逆境和磨难！

43、主动锻炼自己，培养果决的性格。

44、要立即行动，不要拖延。

45、现实中的恐怖，远比不上想象中的恐怖那么可怕。

46、目标要明确，信念要坚定。

47、只有自己去做，才可能知道能否成功。

48、做一个真正勇敢无畏的人。

49、要战胜恐惧，而不是退缩。

50、失败者任其失败，成功者创造成功。

51、要敢于“硬干”，不要怀疑自己。

52、没有什么不可能——“没有办法”或“不可能”常常是庸人和懒人的托辞。

53、成功始于觉醒，心态决定命运！

54、任何个人，在危机来临时，都要想到打破常规。

55、我不一定会胜利，但一定会真诚行事。我不一定成功，但会抱持一贯的信念。

56、我会与任何正直持平的人并肩而立。他对的时候，我会给予支持；他错的时候，我不求必胜，但矢志真诚。我不一定求成功，但定必言行如一，贯彻始终。

57、我必将与正人君子并肩，是其所是，非其所非。

58、我未必稳操胜算，却始终以诚处世。我未必马到成功，却不忘心中真理。

59、我当与天下正直之士并肩而立，知其是而拥护之，知其非而离弃之。60、为真理而战，死也光荣。61、狼和羊都没有资格谈论自由。

62、民主主义就是人民的，通过人民，为人民的政治。63、正像我不想做奴隶一样，我也不愿做主人.。64、今天能够着手进行的事情绝不拖到明天。

65、各行各业的对一个人的指导原则就是勤奋，今天能够着手进行的事情不拖到明天。66、只要充分相信自己，没有什么困难可以足够持久。67、要有信心，把握住自己的未来。

68、预测未来最好的方法就是去创造未来。

69、与其跟一只狗争路，不如让它先行一步；如果被它咬了一口，你即使把它打死，也不能治好你的伤口。

70、品格如同树木，名声如同树阴。我们常常考虑的是树阴，却不知树木才是根本。71、民有、民治、民享。

of the people, by the people, for the people。72、如果我有第二张脸，我还需要用现在这张吗？（林肯的政敌批评林肯有“两面三刀”时的幽默回应。因为就政治人物而言，林肯的长相极不讨喜，像个野猴。）73、想了解一个人的个性，那就赋予他权力。

74、我之所有，我之所能，都归功于我天使般的母亲。75、我这个人走得很慢，但是我从不后退。76、一个好的目标决不会因为慢慢来而落空。

77、我的生活经验使我深信，没有缺点的人往往优点也很少。

78、黄金诚然是宝贵的，但是生气勃勃、勇敢的爱国者却比黄金更为宝贵。79、法律是显露的道德，道德是隐藏的法律。80、何谓保守？就是过于恐惧而不敢战。81、世上没有卑贱的职业，只有卑贱的人。82、好汉不怕出身低。83、豆腐爱厚，脸皮爱薄。

84、喷泉的高度不会超过它的源头；一个人的事业也是这样，他的成就决不会超过自己的信念。

85、我们要想涵养公正的品德，就应养成一种“不苟”的优良习惯。86、何谓保守？不就是因循守旧，反对新生事物吗？

87、凡是不给别人自由的人，他们自己就不应该得到自由，而且在公正的上帝统治下，他们也是不能够长远地保持住自由的。

88、为了赢得胜利，也许你不得不干一些自己不想干的事。89、现实中的恐怖，远比不上想象中的恐怖那么可怕。90、主动锻炼自己，培养果决的性格。91、要感谢生活中的逆境和磨难！

92、历经严酷的训练是完善自我的必由之路。

93、要培养各方面的能力，包括承受悲惨命运的能力。94、有耐心的人无往而不利。

95、不要以怨恨相对，应以慈悲为怀，让我们共同奋斗来完成我们正在从事的工作。96、胜利，是属于最坚韧的人。

97、我尽量用最好的方法去做，尽我所能去做，我打算一直这样把事情做完。如果结果证明我是对的，那么人家怎么说我，就无关紧要了；如果结果证明我是错的，那么

即使花十倍的力气来说我是对的，那也是没用的。

98、我不知道我的祖父是谁，我更加关心的是他的孙子将成为什么样的人。99、如果你没有选择的话，那么就勇敢地迎上去。100、选票比子弹更有力量。101、如果一个目的是正当而必须做的，则达到这个目的的必要手段也是正当而必须采取的。

102、记住，当人生的道路陡峭的时候，要保持沉着。103、恪尽职守的精神比个人的声望更重要。

104、对任何人不怀恶意，对一切人心存宽厚，按上帝的指引坚持正义。篇二：林肯就职演说原文1 林肯的第二任总统就职演说

这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是：

at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper.now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented.the progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself;and it is，i trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it--all sought to avert it.while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation.both parties deprecated war;but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive;and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.and the war came.one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it.these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war.to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union，even by war;while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease.each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god;and each invokes his aid against the other.it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods assistance in wringing their bread from with malice toward none;with charity for all;with firmness in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in;to bind up the nations wounds;to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations.最后两段译文：

(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经，向同一位上帝祷告，求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到面包；但是，不要让我们论断，如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答，任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界！因着必来之罪；祸哉此人，罪因其而来。”如果我们假设，美国奴隶制度乃是众罪之一，此罪到了期限，神便定意除去这个制度，引发这一场可怖的南北战争，因为灾降于那些罪因其而来的人身上，如同以往圣徒所描写的神的属性，神的作为难道会有任何偏差吗？我们热切地盼望--恒切地祷告--这场惩罚性的战争得以迅速地远离我们而去。然而，如果神定意让战争持续下去，直到我们从所有奴隶在两百五十年间没有报酬、困苦劳动之下所累积的财富毁去，及直到每一滴皮鞭上的血迹被报之以刀下每一条冤魂，就如同我们在三千年前所说，而今天仍要再说的那样：“主的审判信实，合乎公义。”

不以恶待人，而以仁爱相处。当神开启我们的眼，得见公义时，我们必须持守公义。让我们全力以赴，完成我们手中的工作，医治国家的创伤；并照料在战场上承受苦痛的人，和那些寡妇、孤儿，不忘记关怀他们-让我们竭尽全力，达成在我们中间，及众民族之间的永久的公义和和平。

简单统计：

? 讲演总字数：699 ? 提到上帝次数：10(god: 6;the almighty: 1;lord: 1;he: 2)? 提到祷告次数：3 ? 提到圣经次数：1 ? 引用圣经次数：2 所以只要读一下这篇讲演，就会知道林肯是怎样一位敬畏上帝，祈求上帝带领的人了！就如林肯传记《公民林肯》(lincoln the citizen)的作者惠特尼(hey whitney)所总结的：“(这篇演讲是)一串向神连绵不断的祈求，求祂对我们这个如火如荼的国家伸出援手。”

这篇讲演发生在1865年3月4号上午，当时在现场的记者noah brooks写到：“just at that moment the sun，which had been obscured all day，burst forth in its unclouded meridian splendor，and flooded the spectacle with glory and with light??was already standing in the shadow of death.”(林肯登台的一瞬间，阳光冲出了已盘踞了一整天的云层，放射出惊人的景象，荣耀和光辉如洪水般涌来??而此时，林肯已经站在了死亡的阴影之中。)--仅仅40天后，即同年4月15号，林肯在剧院里被谋杀了。

其实早年的林肯是一个无神论者，作为政治家，认为财富和权力更为重要。然而，随着美国内战战局的发展，林肯越来越感受到上帝的主权和公义，越来越依靠神，承认自己和人的无能为力，开始把国家的命运交托在神的手里。

例如，在1862年9月，在一个本来看似乐观的形势下，北方军却经历了在bull run的第二次战役的彻底失败，林肯开始认真的反思这次战争，并且考虑解放黑奴的具体计划。这时，他写下了“meditation on the divine will”(对神旨意的思想)的文章。英文原文是：“the will of god prevails.in great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of god.both may be，and one must be，wrong.god can not be for and against the same thing at the same time.in the present civil war it is quite possible that gods purpose is something different from the purpose of either party-and yet the human instrumentalities，working just as they do，are of the best adaptation to affect his purpose.”翻译是：“上帝的旨意必成就。在内战中，双方都认为自己所行的符合上帝的旨意，但至少有一方是错的，因为上帝不可能自相矛盾。上帝的旨意不同于我们的目标，但是上帝使用我们作为器皿成就祂的旨意。”

在林肯将被谋杀的最后时刻，据d.james kennedy的《what if the bible had never been written》一书，林肯坐在戏院里，对妻子玛丽说的最后的话是：“你知道我现在想做什么吗？我想带你到中东去旅行。”“我们要去祂(主耶稣)诞生的伯利恒。我们要拜访伯大尼，随着那条圣洁脚踪所行过的路途走。然后我们上耶路(耶路撒冷)??”篇三：林肯的就职演讲稿

林肯的就职演讲稿(中英文版)2007年07月15日 星期日 下午 12:10the gettysburg address gettysburg, pennsylvania november 19, 1863 fourscore(80年 and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent（大陆a new nation,conceived（设想 and dedicated（奉献的to the proposition（主题that all men are created equal.now we are egaged in a great civil（民族间的 war,testing whether that nation or any but, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate(奉献,we can not consecrate（神圣的,we can not hallow（视什么为神圣的 this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated（被奉为神 it far above our power to add or detract（减损.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure（尺寸 of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish（死亡from the earth.主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士

们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

第五篇：亚伯拉罕 林肯 就职演讲

亚伯拉罕 林肯--连任就职演说

（1865年3月14日）

同胞们：

在这第二次宣誓就任总统时，我不必像第一次那样发表长篇演说。对于将要执行的方针稍作详尽的说明似乎是恰当而适宜的。现在，4年任期已满，对于这场仍然吸引着全国关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面，这4年间已不断地发布公告，因此我没有什么新情况可以奉告。我们军队的进展是其他一切的主要依靠，公众和我一样都清楚地了解军队的情况，我深信，大家对此都是感到满意和鼓舞的。我们对未来抱有极大的希望，但却不敢作出任何预测。

4年前我就任总统时，同胞们的思想都焦急地集中在日益迫近的内战上。大家都害怕内战，都想避免内战。当我在这个地方就职演说，竭尽全力想不经过战争来拯救联邦时，叛乱分子却在这个城市里图谋不经过战争来毁灭联邦——企图以谈判方式解放邦并分割财产。双方都表示反对战争，但一方宁愿发动战争也不愿让国家生存，而一方则宁可接受战争也不肯让国家灭亡，于是战争就爆发了。

我国全部人口的八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并不是遍布于联邦各地，而是集中在联邦南部。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊的、重大的利益。大家都知道，这种利益由于某种原因竟成了这次战争的根源。叛乱者的目的是加强，永保和扩大这种利益，为此他们不惜用战争来分裂联邦，而政府却只是宣布有权限制这种利益的地区和扩大。双方都没有料到战争 竟会达到如此规模，历时如此长久。双方也没有预期冲突的根源会随着冲突本身而消除，甚至会提前消除。各方都期望赢得轻松些，期望结局不至于那么涉及根本，那么惊人。双方同读一本《圣经》，向同一个上帝祈祷，而且都乞求上帝的帮助来与对方为敌。看来十分奇怪，居然有人敢要求公正的上帝帮助他们从黑人脸上的汗水中榨取面包，但是我们且勿评论别人，以免被人评论。双方的祷告不可能都应验。也没有一方的祷告全部得到应验。全能的上帝有他自己的意旨。“这世界有祸了，因为将绊倒，绊倒人的事是免不了的，但那绊倒人的有祸了。”如果我们设想美国的奴隶制按照天意必然来到的罪恶之一，并且在上帝规定的时间内继续存在，而现在上帝要予以铲除，于是他就把这场可怕的战争作为犯罪者应受的灾难降临南北双方，那么，我们能看出其中有任何违背天意之处吗？相信上帝永存的人总是把天意归于上帝的。我们深情地期望，虔诚的祷告，这场巨大的战争灾祸能够很快地过去，但是如果上帝要它继续下去，直至奴隶们250年来无偿劳动所积聚的财富全部毁灭，或如人们在三千年前说过的，直至鞭子下流出的每一滴血都要用剑下流出的每一滴血来偿还，那么今天我们还得说：“主的审判是完全正确和公正的。”

对任何人不怀恶意，对一切人心存宽厚，坚持正义，因为上帝使我们看到了正义，让我们继续努力完成正在从事的事业，包扎好国家的创伤，关心那些肩负战争重任的人，照顾他们的遗孀孤儿，去做能在我们自己中间和与一切国家之间缔造并保持公正持久和平的一切事情。赏析

亚伯拉罕 林肯在1860年就任美国总统期间，他作为新兴工业资产阶级的政治领袖，领导并平定了南部奴隶主的武装叛乱，颂布了解放奴隶的宣言，胜利地进行了一场影响学会的资产阶级革命，由于他的卓绝政绩，1864年他再次当选总统，第二年春天，他在华盛顿发表了第二次就职演说。在他的演说中，感情激烈却不逾越理智的范畴，听众一方面在情感上受感染，另一方面却不过于被情绪所牵制，这样更明确了演讲的要旨。林肯的演说能给人以力量和希望，而语言朴实无华，浅显易懂，更缩短了同人民的距离。由于它情理交融，充满了演讲者把南北战争进行到底的决心和信心，曾使站立于寒风中的听众激动得热泪盈眶。