第一篇：奥巴马就职演讲文体分析
奥巴马连任就职演讲词的文体学分析 作者：陈晓庆
来源：《中小企业管理与科技·中旬刊》2014年第03期
摘要：本文运用文体学的理论对2013年1月奥巴马在美国国会山发表的连任就职演说进行分析。通过对此演讲稿的词汇和句法两个方面的分析，以力求了解本文的文体特征，更好的从难词、人称代词、情态动词、句长和被动语态几个方面体现政治演讲的特点。
关键词：文体学 演讲 词汇 语法 1 概述
文体学是用语言方法研究文体风格的学问。它以语言学的方法为工具对文学语篇进行描述和解释[1]。文体是指说话或写作的格调，它随时变化，由具体情景、对象、地点、话题等因素而定[2]。对文体的定义有很多种，简单可靠的定义是：文体是一个语篇的语言特征。任何实际可行的文体分析都必须选择一些语言特征，同时放弃其他语言特征。要分析的语言特征是那些被称为文体标记（style marker）的突出文体特征。一般来说文体特征分四类：词汇类、语法类、修辞手段、衔接和语境[3]。
根据演讲活动的性质和特点的不同，演讲从内容上分为：政治、经济、学术、道德、法律、宗教和军事演讲等。本文主要分析政治演讲。政治演讲，是指各阶段、政党或个人对国家内政事务和对外关系，表明立场，阐明观点、宣扬主张的一种演讲。如竞选演讲、施政演讲、政治集会演讲等。政治演讲的特点为：①观点鲜明；②逻辑严谨；③鼓动性强。本文选取2013年奥巴马连任就职的演讲词作为分析对象，主要从词汇和句法两个方面进行文体分析。以力求了解本文的文体特征，更好地理解政治演讲的特点。2 文体学分析 2.1 词汇层面
按照二元论的分析方法，分析词汇主要是看词汇是否正式，词汇的难易程度，单音节与多音节的数量，抽象名词与具体名词的数量，词汇中描述动作的动词与渲染性的形容词的数量等等。然后再计算这些词汇的出现频率。
第一个词汇特征是此文难度指数属于容易类。由于书面语是演讲的特征之一，因此，一般来说其词汇相对较复杂，在奥巴马的演讲词中，全文的总字数是2103个，其中难词有8个，即三个音节以上的词（不含专有名词和因语态、时态和数而演变来的派生词），只占全文总词汇的0.38%，其原因是要让来自各个阶层，有着不同文化程度的听众都能听懂、理解。虽然难词不多，其语言仍能显示出正式和庄重；本文运用the gunning fog index指数公式，来计算文章语言内容的难度指数，公式为（fog index）=0.4（h+l）其中，l=句子的平均长度；h=难懂的词的百分比。得出本演讲的难度指数=0.4（8/2103+23.8）=9.52。由迷雾指数原理得出难度指数在10左右的语篇属于容易类。所以，尽管本文语篇较长，但就其难度指数为9.52 另一个词汇特征是本文使用了大量的第一人称代词。此演讲中三种人称代词都有所涉及，但第一人称代词的使用相对较多，其人称代词的使用情况如表1。
表1 ■
在这篇演讲中，奥巴马主要运用了第一人称代词，主要是为了方便于表达自己的观点和整体的概念。所用的169个第一人称代词中we（67个）、our（75个）、us（20个）、i（3个）、my（3个）、ourselves（1个）。在此文中奥巴马多次运用we和our增强了对美国国民集体身份的反复强化，加深了全民的共识，同时，演讲者通过带有倾向性或暗示性的语句向听众施加某种信仰和情感来激起感情并最终促使他们产生行动，演讲中的感情示现增进了美国民众对奥巴马政府的信赖，旨在为奥巴马政府争取更多的民意支持，实现了民族感情的集体共鸣。这种对感情的诉诸表达了作者对美国未来的憧憬之情和对美国历史的缅怀之意，号召美国同胞拥抱与生俱来的永恒权利，珍爱未知的自由未来，激起美国公众同舟共济、珍惜自由之心，让全国人民以更大的决心取得永恒的胜利。
在这篇演讲词中，奥巴马大量的使用了情态动词，如表2所示：
表2 ■
表3对出现较多的情态动词进行分析：
由表3可以看出，本文多使用情态动词will、would（与will属同类）和must占情态动词总数的67.8%。奥巴马多次使用语气较为温和、态度较为客观的will和would，主要是为了能够在表达自我政治主张的主观意志和意愿时获得听众的接受与支持。奥巴马多次使用语气坚定的must，是为了表达对自己过去政绩的自信和对自己威信的把握，同时也表明了他在施政策略方面坚定的态度和果敢的手段。2.2 句法层面
句子长度及结构
依据句子长度，句子有长句和短句两种，短句是使用词语少，形体短，结构简单的句子，其特点是表意灵活，简洁明快，节奏感强；长句则与短句相反，表意严密，内容丰富，精确细致。英语中平均句子长度为18.6个单词，该演讲的句长如表4：
由表4可以看出：第一，该演讲词句子较长，平均句长23.8个单词高出了为数18.6个单词的英语平均句。第二，该演讲词主要使用了长句表达，即大于17.6个单词的句子比例超过了一半。长句因其用词较多，表达的内容较为丰富，也使文体效果显得庄重。
句子类型分析
按句子的功能特点，可以讲其分为陈述句、疑问句、祈使句和感叹句四种。奥巴马的演讲中共有87个句子，陈述句有85句，比例是97.7%，几乎全部使用陈述句来表达。他以平衡的语调陈述了事实，表达了观点，同时奥巴马使用陈述句表达了美国的政治、经济及外交方面的观点。
句子语态分析
英语中句子可分为主动语态和被动语态两种，被动语态的构成为be+动词的过去分词。被动语态用于：①不知道或者没必要提到动作的执行者时；②强调或者突出动作的承受者时；③调整句子结构时[4]。奥巴马此篇演讲的语态使用中有15个被动态，分别为： ①all men are created equal.②they are endowed by their creator.③freedom must be secured by his people.④through blood drawn by lash and drawn by sword.⑤all society’s ills can be cured through government alone is the fiction.⑥this generation of americans has been tested by crises.⑦we are made for this moment.⑧twilight years were spent in poverty.⑨we don’t believe that freedom is reserved for the lucky.⑩that all of us are created equal.■our gay are treated like anyone else under the law.■we are truly created equal.■no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote.■bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce.■our children are cared for and cherished.奥巴马在演讲的87个句子中巧妙的运用了15个具有独特语法功能的被动语态。由以上被动态总结，我们可将①、②、③、⑦、⑩、■归为一类，都是美国传统中不言而明的事物理论，如上帝创造人类，故而属于被动语态的第一种情况，不用特意强调动作的执行者。剩下的④、⑤、⑥、⑧、⑨、■、■、■、■归为一类，用来形容美国过去的遭遇、未来法案的确立方向和切实可行的计划，属于被动语态的第二种情况，强调所受遭遇的主人公和确立法案所需保护的对象，突出动作的承受者。强调了施政方针，树立了作为连任总统的个人的决断力与执政力，是总统诉诸人格权威的有效手段。3 总结
该演讲时长为18分44秒，掌声和欢呼不断响起，是因为他的演讲内容贴合了民众的实情，并做出了切实可行的计划。总之奥巴马的连任演说词能够做到鼓动民众之心，完成对自己决心的表决，回顾美国的历史，展望美国的未来，计划美国的当下，作为政治演说达到了与听众建立良好人际关系，具有说服力、吸引力和鼓动性的目的。
参考文献：
[1]刘世生，朱瑞青.第二次印刷《文体学概论》[m].北京大学出版社.2007年6月.[2]王宗炎.英汉教学语言学词典[m].湖南教育出版社.1990.[3]成亚君.林肯葛底斯堡演讲词文体分析[j].外语教学理论与实践，2011（4）.[4]徐贺艳，成亚君.比尔盖茨在清华大学的演讲文体分析[j].金华职业技术学院学报，2012年4月第12卷第2期.[5]史菲菲，周晓凤.奥巴马连任就职演说的公众交际性分析[j].长春师范学院学报，2013（5）.基金项目：
本文系锦州市2013年社会科学重点研究课题《基于西方修辞学辩论理论的英语议论文话语策略分析》的部分研究成果。
作者简介：
陈晓庆（1991-），女，蒙古族，青海海北人，渤海大学外国语学院10级本科生，研究方向：英语文体学。篇二：奥巴马就职演说的语言艺术分析
一、演说与修辞时下英语界一般将英语文体（或称语体）分为口头体和书面体两大类。但实践证明，这样的划分失之粗率。其弊病在于名实难符：口头体并不仅限于口语形式，而书面体也不仅限于书面形式。譬如，正式场合的演讲、报告，以及官方的谈话所用的文体就不能划入口语体，而应属于书面体。
演说活动自古以来就是人类社会的一项重要活动。演讲者通过宣传某种思想，让听众理解和接受自己的观点和主张，进而号召听众采取一致的行动。演讲者要达到预想的演讲效果必须研究演说词的语言表达艺术。演说词的修辞手法是演讲者最主要的语言技巧。修辞是从表达方式，表达效果的角度去研究语音、词汇、语法的运用。
美国总统的就职演说是一种在特定场合下的演说。现场听众可达百万之众，并且向国内外进行现场直播。美国民众及世界各国总是对新总统有着无限期待，总统的就职演说可谓是新政府向民众交出的第一份答卷。总统要在就职演说中抒发自己的治国理想，分析国家面临的困难和挑战，宣布自己的施政纲领以及如何实现民众的希望。各大媒体的调查表明，大多数美国民众对奥巴马的就职演说感到满意和非常满意。本文拟从语音、词汇和句法三个方面的修辞手段的使用情况对奥巴马的就职演说进行文体分析，探讨这篇演说词的语言艺术。
二、奥巴马演说词的修辞手段 1.音韵修辞格
（1）头韵（alliteration）是语音修辞手段之一。它是指两个以上紧邻单词首音（通常是辅音）相同。头韵的修辞作用是增强语言的节奏感，使语言产生音乐般的美感。头韵多用于诗歌和散文中，但人们也经常在演讲中运用头韵来增加语言的美感，加深听众的印象。同样尾韵（end rhyme）也有类似的修辞作用。
奥巴马就职演说中运用头韵的句子有： 1）with old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat?（对于老朋友和老对手，我们将不遗余力地继续削弱核威胁?）2）we are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this earth.（我们民族的成长受到许多语言和文化的影响，我们吸取了这个地球上任何一个角落的有益成分.）
运用尾韵的句子有： 1）homes have been lost;jobs shed;business shuttered.（我们的人民正失去家园，失去工作，企业要倒闭。）2）rather, it has been the risk–takers, the doers, the makers of things...(确实，这条路是勇于承担风险者之路，是实干家、创造者之路...）朗读上述句子，可以体会到使用头韵和尾韵给语言带来的节奏和韵律。2.词汇修辞格
在英语词汇中含有六个字母以上或三个音节以上的词通常被看成是大词。这些词往往来自于拉丁语，希腊语或法语，或者有着复杂的内部结构。大词在正式的书面体中出现频率较多。
在奥巴马的就职演说词中，总词汇量为2393个，其中六个字母以上的单词就有643个，占总数的26.8%，稍低于美国总统就职演说词中六个字母以上词的平均含词量：27.7%。从这一数据来看，奥氏的就职演说与往届的美国总统的就职演说一样，具有很明显的口语体特征。演讲者往往使用形容词来对某些言行进行绘声绘色的描述，以此表达自己的主观倾向，渲染感情色彩。在奥氏就职演说中有形容词137个，占总词数的5.7%，与小布什就职演说的5.6%相近，但远远少于美国总统就职演说词中形容词的平均含词量：7.4%。
在演说中大量使用第一人称复数是许多演讲者常用的语言技巧，目的是将听众拉到演讲者一边，将演讲者和听众放到同一立场上，让听众感受到“我们是相同”的认同感。奥氏在就职演说中使用“我们（we）”有55次，其变体“our”有61次，“us”有21次，三项合计有137次，而奥氏演讲全文中有129句，另加101 个从句和25个并列句，几乎是一开口必称“我们”。美国总统的就职演说为了使语言表达更为准确、具体、鲜明、生动、有力，常常会使用明喻、隐喻、拟人、夸张、借代等词汇修辞格帮助听众加深对事物的理解，加强演讲的现场气氛，提高演讲效果。
以下是奥巴马在就职演说中的使用情况。
（1）明喻（simile）：用另一种事物比喻所要说明的事物，达到更形象、更深刻说明事物的目的，通常用like或as连接。1）for us, they fought and died, in places like concord and gettysburg, normandy and khe sanh.（为了我们，他们奔赴像康科德城和葛底斯堡、诺曼底和克山这样的地方去征战并且牺牲。）2）they saw america as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions.（在他们看来，美国的强盛要比个人的雄心壮志重大得多.)（2）隐喻（metaphor）：不用like或as的隐藏的比喻。1）our journey has never been one of shortcuts or setting for less.(我们的民族之旅从未有过捷径或者妥协。)2）starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking america.(从今天开始，我们必须跌倒后自己爬起来，拍拍身上的泥土，然后重新开始工作，重塑美国。)（3）拟人（personification）：把事、物、观念拟作人，赋予它们以人的思想、感情与行为方式。
2）in the year of america’s birth?(在美国诞生的年代?)（4）夸张（hyperbole）：在真实的基础上有意言过其实以更好地反映事物的本质。
1）time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.（一次又一次，我们的先辈们奋斗着、牺牲着、操劳着，直至磨破双手，只是为了我们可以生活得更好。）2）the snow was stained with blood.(冬天的雪被鲜血染成了红色。)（5）借代或称转喻（metonymy）：不相类似的甲乙之间有着不可分离的关系，利用这种关系以乙事物的名称来代替甲事物。1）those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account——to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day.(掌管纳税人税金的人应当承担起责任，合理支出，摒弃陋习，在阳光下做事。用“阳光”代表“公开”、“透明”。)3.句法修辞格
句法修辞格是通过对句子结构的特定安排达到特别的修辞效果。
比如奥巴马在其就职演说中使用了下列句法修辞手段：
（1）排比（parallelism）：由三项或以上的词语或句子构成，其并列的结构相同或类似，意义相关，语气连贯。1）our nation is at war,?our economy is badly weakened,?our health care is too costly.（我们的国家正处在战争状态?我们的国家经济也受到严重的削弱，?我们的社会医疗过于昂贵。）2）for us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and travelled across oceans in search of anew life.for us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.for us, th ey fought and died, in places like concord and gettysburg, normandy and khesanh.(为了我们，先辈们带着微薄的家当，横渡大洋，寻找新生活；为了我们，先辈们在血汗工厂劳作，忍受皮鞭的抽打；为了我们，先辈们定居西部，在荒芜的土地辛勤耕作；为了我们，先辈们奔赴像康科德城和葛底斯堡，诺曼底和克山这样的地方去征战并且牺牲。)（2）反复（repetition）：不止一次地使用同一词语或句子。与排比的区别在于，反复着重于词语，排比着重于结构。1）so it has been.so it must be with this generation of americans.(前辈们如此。我们这一代美国人也要如此。)2）?these things are old.these things are true.(?这些东西历久弥新。这些东西真实可靠。)（3）对偶（antithesis）：工整匀称的并列结构，常把字数、结构相同或相近，意义彼此相关的两个词或并列结构对称地排列在一起，是表示对比关系的有效手段。1）where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.where the answer is no, program will end.（哪个方案的答案是肯定的，我们就推进哪个方案。哪个方案的答案是否定的，我们就选择终止。）
（4）倒装（inversion）：谓语置于主语之前，词序不同于正常语序的语法修辞手段，达到强调句子中某一成分的目的。1）they understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please（.他们明白单凭自己的力量我们无法保护自己，也无权做到随心所欲。）篇三：奥巴马就职演说的语言艺术分析 篇四：关于奥巴马就职演说词语言特色的分析 obama inaugural speech language features 关于奥巴马就职演说词语言特色的分析_句子结构 时间：2011-06-18 08:52:51 来源：句子结构 作者：秩名
论文导读:：这也正是政治演说通常带有明显的宗教色彩的原因。关于奥巴马就职演说词语言特色的分析。论文关键词：就职演说修辞手段，宗教色彩，句子结构
总统大多在美国历史上占有特殊地位，其演说亦各具特色。二百多年来，从乔治.华盛顿到巴洛克.奥巴马，总统们通过就职演说表达其美好希望和英雄梦想，展示其雄才大略和施政纲领。因此，很多的就职演说词不仅仅是总统个人忠诚与热情、风度与智慧的生动写照，更是美国民族社会与历史、经济与文化的壮丽画卷，值得鉴赏和学习。
作为美国的第四十四任总统句子结构，巴洛克.奥巴马就任之际正逢全国性的经济危机，其就职演说不可避免的也会起到表达这位新晋总统的政治思想和增加公众对于政府的信心的作用。本文将从修辞手段的运用，句子类型以及宗教特色等多方面就这篇就职演说词的语言特色进行分析。
一． 修辞特色
总统就职演说的主要目的是通过宣传本届政府的主要政策以唤起民众的热情，使民众认可新政府并加以支持。各类修辞手段的运用将会使得演说更加生动和具有说服力，以达到上述目的。
1.排比的运用 ? for us, they packed up their few worldly possessions „for us,they toiled in sweatshops„for us, they fought and died„ ?the capital was abandoned.the enemy was advancing.the snow wasstained with blood.2.反复的运用
在现代英语中，反复（repetition）通常被用来表达强烈的感受，展示压抑的情感或是强调某物的重要性（胡曙中，1993）。在奥巴马的就职演说词中，有多个词如“危机”等被反复使用。具体分析如下：
通过分析上表可以看出，总统在演说中多次提到我们以及表示危机、精神和奋斗等意义的词语。通过反复的强调，使整个国家的听众感受到总统战胜危机、继续推进国家发展的决心和信心。在演说词中，较之于对“threat”的轻蔑语气，奥巴马更青睐“work”一词，这也清楚而且强烈的表达出了他对于当前国家经济状况的政治态度和决心。与其他词相比，“we”是使用次数最多的一个单词。在这一个个的我们当中，听众感受到与演说者的一种强烈的亲密联系，整个国家仿佛一个紧密团结的整体，应当共同努力、共同奋斗以及共同前行。由此，演说的目的也就达到了。3.头韵的运用
有魅力的语言是一定是充满韵律的。头韵是英语语音修辞手段之一,它蕴含了语言的音乐美和整齐美,使得语言声情交融、音义一体,具有很强的表现力和感染力.它指的是在文句中有两个以上连结在一起的词或词组，其开头的音节有同样的字母或声音，以增强语言的节奏感（熊莉句子结构，2004）。
每种文体的写作都要考虑文字读起来是否流畅和有节奏，总统的演讲稿也不能例外。恰当的运用压头韵的修辞手段，将会是的演说词的语言抑扬顿挫、富有节奏感，从而起到感染气氛和增强效果的作用。
二．宗教特色
宗教是西方文化不可或缺的组成部分。在历次的就职演说中，总统们通常都会希望借助上帝的力量使得他们的演说更加充满吸引力和感染力。这也正是政治演说通常带有明显的宗教色彩的原因。奥巴马在他的就职演说中，多次直接引用圣经中的句子来表达其政治观点，目的在于使得本次演说更加具有说服力，鼓励民众树立对新政府迎战危机、重建更美好未来的信心。
the god-given promise that all are equal,all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure ofhappiness.? we are a nation of christians and muslims,jews and hindus-and non-believers...’ in this sentence, the presidents standis shown by mentioning most of the main religious believes in the usa , whichwould benefit the unity of the different religious believers and the lesseningof religious conflicts.?...with eyes fixed onthe horizon and god’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift offreedom and delivered it safely to future generations.在就职演说的最后，奥巴马总统祈求上帝的赐福，号召民众将上帝所赋予人类的自由之权世代相传，无所畏惧迎战一切困难。
三．句式结构
与日常会话、广告词和新闻报道等不同，总统就职演说在句式结构上也有独特的要求中国论文下载中心。在演讲中，陈述句居多，而一般很少使用疑问句，原因是虽然疑问句会使得演讲的语言生动，但同时也会削弱演说的严肃性句子结构，因而降低演说的信服力（熊莉，2004）。
恰当的运用祈使句可以使得演说具有极强的号召力。巴洛克.奥巴马就任之际恰逢美国身处经济危机的关键时刻，为达到鼓励民众为经济复兴而努力奋战的目的，很显然对于当前形势轻描淡写的描述肯定是不够的。在这种情况下，他的就职演说必须具备足够的吸引力和号召力，才能够挽回濒临对政府失去信任边缘的民众的心。
巴拉克.奥巴马总统是一位十分具有演说才能的总统，他的就职演说更是取得了巨大的成功。这篇就职演说无论在阐述观点还是文字修饰方面都颇具功力，具有很高的政治价值和文学价值。由于演说词庄重严肃的独特语境,虽然这篇演说是通过口头方式进行表达的,却具有较强的书面语特征。本文通过对其就职演说在修辞手法、宗教色彩和句子结构特点等语言特色方面的分析，意在指出修辞手段的熟练运用，对演说词的文体特征的准确把握以及此演说富有的浓郁的宗教色彩都使它成为英文政治演说中的成功之作,不仅具有很高的欣赏价值,而且顺利地达到了总统就职演说的政治目的。
参考文献
黄任，英语修辞与写作[m ]。上海:上海外语教育出版社 ,1996。
胡曙中，英汉修辞比较研究[m]。上海:上海外语教育出版社, 1993。
胡曙中，英语修辞学[m]。上海:上海外语教育出版社, 2001。
熊莉，从就职演说词看肯尼迪演说的文体风格[j]。西南民族大学学报:人文社科版, 2004,(6)。王佐良,丁旺道。英语文体学引论[m]。北京:外语教学与研究出版社, 1987。
徐振忠，英语政治演说词的宗教色彩[j]。《现代外语》,1995,(3)。
第二篇：奥巴马就职演讲文体学分析
英语文体学论文
—对美国总统奥巴马就职演说英语文体学分析
Speech is an art form of verbal expression, developing as the human being and social.The American presidential candidate’s campaign speech is an important way to promote his political views to win the public support.Hundred years, from George Washington to George Bush, the presidents show their wishes and dreams through the inauguration speech.The words are usually made by a number of most famous and talented writers.The speech is filled with fancy sentences and fragment of a beauty appreciation.Obama's inauguration speech drew all attention in the world.This paper tries to analyze Obama's inauguration speech in the level of English stylistic.By the use of analysis methods of English stylistic, you can help the audience understand more of this speech.1.Words
Compare to daily conversations, the public speech expression’s choice is more precise.There are 2043 words in Obama's inauguration speech.Many emotional words are used to achieve the desired results.Speech language using is decided by its particular context, with both oral and written language characters.Therefore, it is found this inauguration
speech is full of spoken words, mostly simple, in order to let the whole country to understand.(Eg: I stand here today humbled by the task before us.)In the English public speech, we need the attribution of abstract when talk about concepts and quality.In the meantime, the uses of abstract and complicated word are more precise and serious.In this speech paper, they use the abstract words such as enormity, spirit, patriotism to show the political color of the Obama’s politic views.2.The sentence features
In informal speech, the speaker use short sentences to enhance the speaker’s power of persuasion.There are 2043 words or 107 sentences in the Obama’s speech.The average sentences length is 19.1 words per sentence, which is more than the average English sentences length 17.6 words per sentence.In this official inauguration speech, there are a variety of the lengths of sentences, with the maximum sentence up to 49 words, but if coming along with appropriate pause, a long sentence is not difficult to understand.On the contrary, the shortest sentence is “Yes, we can!”.And it gains the most powerful audience response and becomes one of the most popular slogans.Using appropriate sentence length interchangeably in the speech can arouse audience's feeling.In addition, Obama chooses different types of sentences, such as statements, imperative clauses and rhetorical questions, etc.Obama uses a strong
imperative clause “This is our chance to answer that call.This is our moment.This is our time” to show a tough will.Obama repeatedly used “let us” guiding imperative clauses.Effective usages of imperative clauses in a short time can cheer up the audience's feelings to support the speaker's policies.In contrast, a question sentence is few in his speech, but if with felicitous usages, it will bring tremendous effects.For examples, “If„, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?”He is piloting the audiences to get his inspiration while thinking of these two questions.3.Rhetorical usage
(1)Parallel construction
In the speech language, the parallel construction is a common rhetoric usage(formed by a group of similar structures of the words, phrases and sentences).The use of this structure can enhance audience's attention and impression.It can make the speech more accurate ,contagious.For example:
1)It’s the answer 2)…It can’t happen …
(2)Phonetic figures of speech
A phonetic figure of speech is a kind of rhetorical usage based on pronounces of the words.In the paragraph, it appears some words with the same consonant to make the speech more convincible.For example: us to make that way things were.2)It can’t happen without you, without a new a new(3)Metaphor
Metaphor is the concept of understanding one thing in terms of another.A metaphor is a figure of speech that constructs an analogy between two things or ideas;the analogy is conveyed by the use of a metaphorical word in place of some other word.1)I would not be standing here without the unyielding support of my life, the nation’s next first lady Michelle Obama.In this sentence, Obama says his wife is like the cornerstone of his family to indicate his wife’s important role in his family.In this sentence, Obama uses lighthouse to indicate the future of American is bright.4.Conclusion
Obama's inauguration speech has fully demonstrated the usage of combination of public speaking and writing styles with a highly contagious and conviction.We students can learn a lot from reading and anglicizing this kind of classical article to make our writing and feeling of English culture better.
第三篇：奥巴马就职演讲
奥巴马演讲分析
——排比在英语演讲中的修辞作用
美国大选前许多人都评价：奥巴马的政见并不新颖甚至有点平庸；拥有的个人财富只有对手的几十分之一；相貌远逊于前辈肯尼迪和克林顿，而且还是非美国本土的外来黑哥......奥巴马唯一让人嫉妒的是他拥有最能鼓动人心的好口才，这是上帝给他最好的礼物和恩赐！不可否认，他超凡脱俗的演讲，为他竞选赢得胜利起到了至关重要的作用。奥巴马的演讲，无论是文稿的整体布局，还是演讲言辞的融情达意，或是激情澎湃的演讲表达，都可谓精深独到，不得不令人拍手称快。．据CNN报道。，有语言学家称，“总统当选人巴拉克·奥巴马当晚发表的获胜演说可与很多史上著名演讲相比．”奥巴马称得上是一位杰出的演说家，在多次演讲中，他都娴熟地运用了各种修辞技巧，可以说，“奥巴马的胜利是修辞学的胜利”(梁文道，2008)．其中，排比在奥巴马演讲中效果最为突出。鉴于排比在英语演讲中的重要性，我们试图以美国新当选总统奥巴马的获胜演讲为例，来探讨排比在这篇演讲中的修辞效果．本研究目的在于给英语演讲和修辞教学一些启示．同时也让学者通过领悟奥巴马的演讲技艺，学习、借鉴，来提高自身的演讲水平。
一，排比概念及其作用
“排比”在英语中的对应词为parallelism，是指为了达到修辞效果而循环出现的、句法相似的结构—“recurrent syntactical similarities introduced for rhetorical effect“(Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary,1977；831)．英语排比具有结构整齐，节奏鲜明，语言简练等特点．在英语演讲中运用排比旬，可以增加演讲词的节奏感和音韵美，突出演讲者雄辩口才和强烈感情，增强演讲语言的气势，提高演讲的说服力和欣赏性．
二，奥巴马获胜演讲个案排比分析
奥巴马于2008年11月4日当选为美国总统。并于当晚发表了获胜演讲．这次演讲富有很强的号召力和感染力，唤起了民众战胜金融危机的信心和勇气。现场的无数观众被感动得热泪盈眶．奥巴马在他的获胜演讲中熟练地运用了一系列的修辞方法，如捧比，对比，反复，对仗，引用等，其中排比的使用次数最多．下面我们就以排比结构在奥巴马获胜演讲(Barak Obama’s Victory Speech)中的置,选取了四个代表性的例子，来讨论其修辞效果。
（一）从句开头的排比
If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible，who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time，who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.这三个排比组合句是奥巴马获胜演讲的开场白。奥巴，美国民主制度的力量”的质疑．通过这三个排比旬，奥巴马言简意赅地表达了他获胜的意义：显示出“美国梦”的独特性和普遍价值，显示出他的能马用自己胜选的事实回答了某些人对“美国是否凡事都有可能，美国奠基者的梦想是否依然鲜活力，肯定了美国是一切皆有可能的地方，肯定他的获胜是对美国政治文化传统的继承而不是背离．开场耐人寻味的排比，便已打开了选民们的心声以及继续听下去的欲望。
（二）排比结构用在段首 It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen；By people who waited three hours and four hour...It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican，black，white, Hispanic，Asian，Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled...It’s the answer that led those who have been told...to put their hands Off the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day．
首先，在前两个位于段首的排比句群中，奥巴马强调他是“设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队”，是“等了三四个小时的选民”，是“所有美国人民”共同选举出来的总统。他重申了自己当选总统是合法的，是由美国人民通过民主方式选举出来的．第三个排比句群在意义上是对前两个排比句群的总结和升华。奥巴马呼吁美国人民要对美国的未来有信心，同时暗示作为新一任的总统，他会继承美国的历史传统，让“美国梦”延续。这三个排比句群的使用，增强了演讲的气势，有力地回击了那些对奥巴马获胜原因存在质疑的人，同时向听众做出了有力的保证，调动了听众的积极性，激发了听众的自信心．
（三）介词短语的排比
To those who would tear this world down, we will defeat you.To those who seek peace and security, we support you．And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright, tonight we proved once more that the strength of our nation comes...from the enduring power of our ideals :democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope．
介词短语To those的反复出现，明确了要击败和支持的对象，语气强烈，一针见血．这既是对恐怖分子敲警钟，又给予了爱好和平的人们奋斗的力量。同时，向那些怀疑美国能否继续照亮世界发展前景的人们证明。美国真正的力量来自于这个国家的理想：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。排比结构的出现突出了强调的内容，语言气势逼人，具有强大的震撼力。
（四）句型结构的排比
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg, Normand and Khe sahn.奥巴马在该语段中抚今追昔，以排比的结构，按时间的顺序回顾了影响美国历史进程的重大事件：建国之前的跨洋移民，建国之后的西进运动，独立战争，南北战争，第二次世界大战等等，以此鼓励美国公民勇敢地面对金融危机给当今美国经济带来的种种困难的挑战。该段重复了主谓句式结构，“for us” 和主语“they”，这种排比句式不仅使得上下文的意义紧密连接，衔接自然，同时也会是语篇的整体意义在听众的头脑中留下深刻的印象，使听众与奥巴马产生共鸣。
（五）段尾的排比
And tonight,...she’s seen...the heartache and the hope；the struggle and the progress...Yes we can．
At a time...she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.Yes we can．
When there was...she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal，new jobs and a new sense of common purpose.Yes we can．
When the bombs...she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved.Yes we can． She was there.Yes we Can．
A man...And this year, in this election..., she knows how America can change.Yes we can．
在这里奥巴马以一个106岁的老妇人参加投票为例，运用了一系列的排比来烘托现场气氛，具有很强的说服力和感染力。连续4个“她看到了···”(she’s seen，she lived to see，she saw, she was there to witness)和6个“是的，我们能”(Yes We can)，强调美国能达成正义和平等，能获得机遇和繁荣能治愈这个国家，能补救这个世界，强调美国能发生变革!这种以具体的人物、事例和具体的生活场景为主体构成的排比语段，真正达到了提高语言表现力的目。这几段出现在演讲末尾的排比具有排山倒海的气势，具有强大的煽动性，把整个演讲再次推向了高潮。
在整个获胜演讲当中，通过捧比，奥巴马将有魅力的句子集中，演讲节奏分明，气氛被一次次的推向的高潮，演讲大为增色。这些排比的运用，创造了演讲中的个个亮点，气势磅礴，使听众的情感受到一次次的震。．
三 结语
演讲是一门劝说的艺术。演讲者要达到劝说的目的，就必须讲究演讲词的语言表达技巧，这种技巧在语言层面的体现之一就是修辞手法的运用。排比是英语演讲中最常见的修辞手法。国内学者对于排比的修辞效果给予了充分的肯定。“排比是英语所有修辞格中最常使用的修辞格之一。任何学会使用并能驾驭排比及其变化的人都会发现排比可使演讲条理清楚，效果显著，具有难以衡量的价值”(张秀国．2005)奥巴马这篇获胜演讲中排比修辞手法的运用，成功的达到了说服听众的目的．
参考文献：（1）奥巴马获胜演讲英文原文网址：http://wenku.baidu.com/view/70d3d8d8d15abe23482f4d56.html（2）何晓勤 演讲·劝说·诉诸·语篇 外语与外语教学．2004．(11)（3）张秀田 《英语铬辞学》北京：青华大学出版杜．2005（4）梁文道 《奥巴马的胜利是修辞学的胜利 》 南方周末，2008(5)徐鹏 《英语辞格 》北京：商务印书馆，1977
第四篇：奥巴马就职演讲
mp.傻大个跳下水泵撞到垃圾堆里的喇叭上。
59.On my request the conqueror questioned the man who jumped the queue.根据我的请求,征服者质问了插队者.60.They are arguing about the document of the monumental instrument.他们在辩论关于那件不朽乐器的文献.61.However, Lever never fevers;nevertheless, he is clever forever.无论如何,杠杆从未发烧;尽管如此,他始终机灵。
62.I never mind your unkind reminding that my grindstone hinders your cylinder.我决不介意你不友善的提醒说我的磨刀石妨碍了你的汽缸。63.I feed the food to the bleeding man in the flood.我把食品喂给洪水中的那个流血的人.64.It's a treason terror of the seasonal oversea seafood is reasonable.认为季节性的海外海鲜的价格是合理的就是背叛。
65.The veteran in velvet found that the diameter of the thermometer was one metre.穿天鹅绒的老兵发现温度计的直径为一米.66.The cube in the tubular cup occupies one cubic meter.筒状杯中的立方体占有一个立方米(的体积).67.Put the spotless potatoes, tomatoes and tobacco atoms into the hot pot.把无斑点的土豆、番茄和烟草微粒放进热锅里。68.The preacher preached to the teacher's teacup.传教士对着老师的茶杯说教.69.“My behavior is on behalf of half zebras,” the algebra teacher said.“我的行为代表了一半斑马的利益,”代数老师说.70.Unlike my uncle, I likely like that bike(bicycle).我不像叔叔,我很可能喜欢那辆自行车.71.She likes nothing but things of clothing and cloth.除了衣物和布料之类的东西外,她什么也不喜欢.72.The doctor's doctrine undid one dollar and a dozen of collars.博士的学说毁掉了一美元和一打衣领。
73.On the bus the busy businessman did a business with the buyer.在公共汽车上,忙碌的商人与买主做了一笔生意.74.Vegetables and tablets on the stably established table show no instability.放在稳定设置的桌子上的蔬菜和药片没有显示不稳定性。
75.Primarily, the prime criminal's crime has nothing to do with lime and overtime.首犯的犯罪基本上与石灰和加班无关.76.The ring on the spring string rings during springtime.弹簧弦上的环在春天鸣响。
77.Shut in the hut, I'm puzzled how to cut down the output of nuts.关在茅棚里,我为削减坚果的产量犯难。78.It's better to put letters at the inlet and outlet.最好在进口和出口处标上字母.79.During this serious period, the superierrorries of questions about the supermarket.在这段严肃时间内,上级问了下级一连串有关超级市场的问题。
80.I tuned the tone of the stone phone with a bone.我用骨头调整了石质耳机的音调.81.On Revenue avenue, the grave traveler jumped the gravestone bravely.在税收大道上,严肃的旅行者勇敢地跳过墓碑.82.The slave safely saved the sharp shavers in a cave nearby the cafeteria.奴隶将锋利的剃刀安全地保存在自助餐厅附近的洞穴里.83.Most hosts are hostile to the foremost ghost hostage almost to the utmost.大多数主人对最前面的幽灵人质的敌对态度几乎到了极顶.84.The mapper trapped in the gap tapped the tap wrapper with strap.陷在缝中的制图者用皮带轻击塞子套.85.The scout with shoulder-straps shouted on the outermost route as a routine.戴肩章的侦察员照例在最外围的路线上叫喊.86.The reproached coach unloaded the loaves to the approachable roadside.遭到责备的教练把面包卸到可接近的路旁.87.The news about the broadened breadth is broadcast abroad.宽度加宽的消息被广播到国外.88.The motive of the emotional movie is to move the removed men.那部情感电影的动机在于感动被开除的人。
89.Otherwise, mother will go to another movie together with brother.3.不然,妈妈就和弟弟一起去看另一场电影。
90.Furthermore, we gathered leather and feather for the future colder weather.而且,我们收集了皮革和羽毛以应付将来更冷的天气。91.Before the premier, the old soldier scolds the cold weather.老兵当着首相的面咒骂寒冷的天气。
92.Whether the weather is good or bad, neither father nor I am going to the gathering.无论天气是好是坏,父亲和我都不去参加那个聚会。
93.The Particle party's partner participated in the particular Parliament.粒子党的合伙人参与了特别议会.94.For convenience of intensive study, he has an intense intention of making friend with me.为便于强化学习，他有和我交朋友的强烈意向。
95.The virtueless girl's duty is to wash the dirty shirts and skirts in the outskirts.无美德女孩的职责就是在郊区洗脏衬衣和裙子.96.I glimpsed the dancer balancing herself on the ambulance by chance.我碰巧瞥见舞蹈者在救护车上使自己保持平衡。
97.Balloon, baseball, basketball, football and volleyball all dance ballet on the volcano.气球、棒球、篮球、足球和排球都在火山上跳芭蕾舞。98.A gallon of gasoline and the nylon overalls fall into the valley.一加仑汽油和尼龙工作裤落进了山谷。99.Palm calmly recalled the so-called caller.“手掌”平静地回忆了那个所谓的拜访者.100.In the hall, the shallow challenger shall be allowed to swallow the swallows.在大厅里,肤浅的挑战者将被允许吞下燕子.16天记住7000考研词汇（第三天）
101.The tall man installed a small wallet on the wall.高个男子把一小钱包安放到墙上.102.Except dishonest ones, anyone who is honest can get honey, everyone thinks so.除了不诚实的人外,任何诚实的人都能得到蜂蜜,人人都这么想。103.The exhausted man and the trustful guy thrust a knife into the rusty crust.精疲力竭的男子和深信不疑的家伙将一把刀子刺向生锈的外壳。104.I finally find that the financial findings are binding.我终于发现财经调查结果具有约束力。
105.At the windy window, the widow finds a blind snake winding.在当风的窗口,寡妇发现有条瞎眼蛇在游动。106.I refuse to accuse Fuse of diffusing confusion.我拒绝控告导火索散播混乱。
107.He had an amusing excuse for executing the executive.对于处决决策人,他有一个可笑的理由.108.At the dawn on the lawn the yawning drowned man began to frown.拂晓时在草坪上，打呵欠的溺水者开始皱眉头.109.Mr.Brown owns the brown towels in the downtown tower.布朗先生拥有闹市区塔里的棕色毛巾。110.Lots of pilots plot to dot the rotten robot.大批领航员策划给腐烂的机器人打点.111.In the hot hotel the devoted voter did not notice the noticeable notebook.在炎热的旅馆里,热心的投票者没有注意到显而易见的笔记本。112.The notorious man's noted notation denotes a notable secret.那个臭名昭著的男子的著名符号代表一个值得关注的秘密.113.Yes, yesterday was the my pay-day;I pay you the payment today.是的,昨天是我的发薪日,我今天付给你报酬.114.Lay a layer of clay on the displayed layout before the relay race.接力赛之前在展示的陈设上铺一层黏土.115.“The gay mayor maybe lay in the hay by the Baby bay,” he says in dismay.他沮丧地说:“快活的市长大概躺在婴儿湾边上的干草中。” 116.The delayed player delegation stay on the playground.被耽搁的运动员代表团停留在操场上。117.The X-rayed prayer preyed a gray tray.照过X光的祈祷者捕获了一个灰色盘子。
118.Anyway, the prayer swayed by me always goes away by subway.不管怎样,受我支配的祈祷者总是从地铁走向远方。119.The chocolates on the plate stimulated my son to calculate.盘子里的巧克力鼓励了儿子进行计算.120.One of my relatives, a late translator, translated a book relating to public relations.我的一位亲戚,一个已故翻译,翻译了一本有关公共关系的书。
121.He relates that he is isolated from his relatives.他叙述说他与亲戚们隔离开了.122.The educator located the local location allocated to him.教育家定出了分配给他的局部的位置.123.Comply with the compatible rule of complement when using compliments.使用问候语时遵守补语的相容规则.124.The complicated indicator is dedicated to the delicate delicious machine.这个复杂的指示器被奉献给精密而美妙的机器.125.Likewise, my bike gave a striking strike to the two men alike.同样,我的自行车给那两个相象的人惊人的打击.126.The smoke choked the joking stroker at one stroke.烟一下呛住了开玩笑的抚摩者.127.Somewhere somebody sometimes does something good.在某处某人有时做某些好事。
128.Wherever I go, nowhere I like;I dislike everywhere.无论我到哪里,没有哪里为我喜欢,我讨厌每一个地方.129.Therefore, the atmosphere is merely a sphere.因此大气层只不过是一个球体。
130.The funny cunning runner uses his gum gun before sunrise or after sunset.滑稽乖巧的赛跑者在日出之前或日落之后使用胶皮枪。
131.The applause paused because of the cause caused by a cautious plausible clause.掌声停了是因为一条谨慎的似乎有理的条款引起的原因。
132.The county councilor encountered the accountant at the counter of a countryside shop.县委委员在一乡村商店的柜台边碰到了会计师。
133.I mounted the mountain and found a fountain with large amount of water.我登上那座山发现一个水量很大的喷泉。
134.Step by step, the sleepy creeper crawled into my sleeve to sleep.昏昏欲睡的爬虫一步一步爬进我的袖子里睡觉.135.After a deep sleep, the weeping sweeper keeps on peeping the sheep on the steep.酣睡之后,哭泣的清扫者继续窥视峭壁上的羊。
136.The vice-adviser advised the reviser to devise a device for getting rid of vice.代理顾问建议校订者想出一个根除恶习的计策.137.The wise man used his wisdom in the vertical advertisement device.聪明人把智慧用在垂直的 广告装置上。
138.With rhythm, the arithmetic teacher put the artist's artificial articles on the vehicle.算术老师把艺术家的人造物品有节奏地放到运载工具里.139.The smart star starts to make cart chart for the commencement.精明的明星开始制作授学位典礼用的马车图表。
140.The lady is glad to give the salad to the sad lad on the ladder.女士乐意把色拉送给梯子上的那位悲哀的小伙子.141.You mad madam, my dad doesn't like the bad badminton pad.你这个疯太太,我爸爸不喜欢这种坏羽毛球垫.142.The one-legged beggar begins to beg eggs illegally.独腿乞丐开始非法讨蛋。
143.The promoter promptly made a quotation for the remote control motors.发起人立刻制了一份遥控马达的报价单。
144.Each pea and peach on the beach can be reached by the peacock.海滩上的每一颗豌豆和桃子孔雀都能触及.145.Although the plan was thorough, it was not carried through.尽管计划很周详，但是没有得到贯彻。
146.Thoughtful men ought not to be thoughtless about the drought.体贴的人不应该对干旱考虑不周。
147.“Rough cough is tough enough,” Bough said while touching the torch.“剧烈咳嗽是够难以对付的,”大树枝在触摸手电筒时说道.148.The football team stopped the steam stream with beams.足球队用横杆堵住了蒸汽流.149.“Ice-cream!” he screamed in dream.“冰淇淋!”他在梦中惊叫道.150.For example, this simple sample similar to his can be exemplified.例如,这件与他的相似的简单样品可以作为例证。
※ 来源： 考研论坛 bbs.kaoyan.com
16天记住7000考研单词（第四天）16天记住7000考研单词（第四天）
151.The spy is shy of taking shelter on the shelf of the shell-like shed.间谍怕在壳子一样的棚里的架子上栖身。
152.The optional helicopter is adopted to help the optimistic helpless in the hell.可选用的直升飞机被用来帮助地狱里那些乐观的无助者.153.The cell seller seldom sees the bell belt melt.小单间的卖主很少见到铃铛带子融化。
154.The costly post was postponed because of the frost.那件昂贵的邮件由于霜的缘故而延搁。155.Srain brain on the train is restrained.在列车上过度用脑受到约束.156.The gained grain drained away with the rain, all the pains were in vain again.收获的谷物随雨水流失了,所有辛劳又白费.157.Cousin saw a group of couples in cloaks soak their souls in the soapy soup.表哥看见一群穿着斗篷的夫妇在肥皂汤里浸泡灵魂.158.The wounded founder bought a pound of compound.受伤的奠基人买了一磅化合物.159.It's easy and feasible to control the disease after cease-fire.停火之后控制这种病很容易也可行。
160.After a decrease, the price of the grease increases increasingly.下跌过一次之后，润滑脂的价格日益上涨。
161.Please release that pleasant peasant teaser who brings us plenty of pleasure.请释放那个带给我们巨大快乐的友好的农民逗趣者。
162.In the canal, the Canadian analyzed the bananas.在运河里,那个加拿大人化验了香蕉.163.I pointed out the joint on the coin at the disappointing appointment.在令人失望的约会上,我指出了硬币上的接头.164.His parents apparently stare at the transparent cigarettes.他父母显然凝视着透明香烟.165.The careful man is scarcely scared by the scarce parcel.细心男子勉强被罕见的包裹吓了一下.166.I'm rarely aware that the square area is bare.我很少觉察到那个正方形区域是光秃秃的.167.“Beware the software in the warhouse during the warfare,” hare said glaring at me.兔子怒视着我说:“战争期间当心仓库里的软件。”
168.I daren't declare that the shares are my spare fare and welfare on the farewell party.在告别会上,我不敢宣称这些股票是我的备用车费和福利。
169.The external and internal interference interrupts my interpretation at short intervals.内部和外部干涉以很短的间隔打扰我翻译.170.The form of the former formula is formally formulated.前一个分子式的形式得到正式表述.171.The performer reformed the performance of the transferred transformer.表演者改良了转让的变压器的性能.172.Normally, enormous deformation is abnormal.通常，巨大的变形是不正常的。
173.The bookworm in uniform is informed of the storm.穿制服的书呆子得到暴风雨的消息。
174.The story about the six-storeyed dormitory tells a glorious history.关于六层楼宿舍的故事讲述一段光荣历史。
175.The perfume consumer presumably assumes that the volume is resumed.香水消费者假定地设想音量已恢复.176.The voluntary revolutionaries revolted like the outbreak of volcano.志愿革命者们象火山爆发一样起义了.177.It's resolved by resolution that the solution will be used to solve the involved problem.决议决定用这个办法解决那个复杂的问题。
178.The generous general's genuine genius is in making generators.那位慷慨将军的真正天才在于制造发电机.179.Several severe federal generals drank the mineral water on the miner's funeral.好几个严厉的联邦将军在矿工的葬礼上喝了矿泉水。
180.The lean man leans on the clean bean plant to read a leaf leaflet.瘦人斜靠在干净的豆科植物上读叶片传单.181.I mean he used mean means in the meantime on the ocean.我的意思是其间在海洋上他用了卑鄙手法.182.The honorable journalist spent an hour on the journey of tour.可敬的新闻记者在观光旅程上花了一个小时.183.The sour vapour pours into the flourishing flour factory.It's the source of resources.酸蒸汽涌进兴旺的面粉厂.这是资源的源泉.184.Of course the man's courage encouraged the discouraged tourists in the courtyard.自然那个勇敢男子的勇气鼓舞了院子里泄气的游客们。185.The zealous dealer has an ideal idea of dealing with the meal.热心的商人有一个处理膳食的理想主意.186.He conceals the fact that he is jealous of my seal and wants to steal it.他隐瞒了他嫉妒我的印章并想偷的事实.187.I really realized that a realm came into reality.我真地认识到一个王国已变成现实.188.The healer reveals an appealing fact that health is great wealth to the commonwealth.医治者揭示一个吸引人的事实:健康是联邦的巨大财富。
189.The absent-minded student consents to the sentence in the presence of me.心不在焉的学生在我面前同意这份判决.190.Presently the present is presented to the representative.现在这份礼物已呈现在代表面前。
191.Not for a moment has the comment on commercial phenomenon been mentioned.那个关于商业现象的评论从未被提及过。
192.The mental patient thinks the cement is the elementary element of the ornament.精神病人认为水泥是装饰品的基本成分.193.As an exception I accept all his concepts and conceptions except one.作为例外,我接受他所有的概念和构想,只有一个除外。
194.I perceived that the veil clung on the ceiling of the clinic was deceit.我觉察到粘附在诊所天花板上的幔子是个骗局.195.The receptionist received a receipt from the receiver.接待员收到一份来自接收者的收据。
196.The reaper leaped over a heap of cheap weapons.收割者跃过一堆廉价的武器。
197.The newly imprisoned prisoners poisoned poisonous moisture are hoisted out from the prison.中了有毒湿气毒的新近关押的囚犯被从监狱吊出.198.The gross grocer crossed his legs before the boss.粗鄙的杂货商在老板面前叉起腿子.199.The lost Bible is possibly the biggest loss of my possessions.丢失的圣经可能是我最大的财产损失。
200.A dose of poison made the noisy man's nose rosy.一剂毒药使得吵闹的男子的鼻子变成玫瑰色.16天记住7000考研单词（第五天）201.The loser closely enclosed himself in the closet.那个失败者把自己严密地封闭在小室内。
202.The composer was proposed to decompose his composition into components.作曲家被建议将著作分解成单元。?
203.Suppose you were exposed in the opposite position by your opponent,...假设你被对手暴露在相反的位置。。
204.The depositor positively positioned the preposition in that position on
purpose.储户有意确信地介词放置在那个位置。?
205.In church the nurse cursed the people pursuing the purple purse.在教堂里，护士诅咒了追求紫色钱包的 人们。?
206.The faculty for agricultural culture isn't difficult to cultivate.农业栽培能力不难培养。
207.The reservoir in the reserved preserve is an obstacle to the obstinate observer.预留保护区内的水库对固执的观察者是一个障碍。
208.The desert deserves the nervous servants to observe.那个沙漠值得神经紧张的公务员们去观察。
209.The bulk of the ruby rubbish on the pebble bubbles when stirred by bulbed rubber club.小卵石上的大部分红宝石废料在用有球状突起的橡胶短棍搅动是会起泡。
210.The adjective injected new meaning into the objected objective object.这个形容词给受到反对的客观物体注入了新的意义。
211.The projector is subject to rejection and may be ejected from the project.投影机有遭到否决的倾向并可能被逐出工程。?
212.A day goes through daybreak, morning, noon, afternoon, evening and midnight.一天经过坲晓，上午，正文，下午，傍晚和午夜。?
213.His affection for the defects is affected by the infectious perfect effect.他对缺点的钟爱受到具有感染力的完美效果的影响。? 214.The critic's criticism is critical to the crisis.???评论家的批评对这场危机至关重要。?
215.The director's indirect direction led to the incorrect erection of the rectifier.指导者间接的指导导致整流器的错误安装。
216.The prospective inspector prospected his prospect with his own perspective.? 未来的检查员用自己的观点勘察的他的前景。
217.Two suspicious aspects are suspected respectively.两个可疑的方面分别受到怀疑。
218.This section about insects is written by a respectable specialist.关于昆虫的这一节是由一位可敬的专家撰写的。
219.I assure the injured jury that a sure insurance is ensured.我让受伤的陪审团确信一笔有把握的保险得到的确保。
220.My durable endurance made me endure the injury during insurance.我持久的忍耐力使我忍受了保险期间的伤害。?
221.I can't endure the leisured man's measures for the treasures in the treasury..我不能容忍那个悠闲男子对金库财宝采取的措施。
222.In the exchange the oranges are arranged into strange ranges.在交易所里橙子被排成奇怪的行。
223.The ashtray, splashed with ash, crashed with a clash in a flash while being washed.那个溅有灰尘的烟灰盘在清洗时咣当一声一下子摔碎了。
226.On the orbit, the rabbits habitually inherited the merits of the inhabitants.? 在轨道上，兔子习惯性地继承了居民们的优点。
227.Her rejoicing voice is void of something avoidable.她那令人高兴的声音缺少某种可避免的东西。
228.I prefer the preferable preference you referred to in the reference books.? 我更喜欢你在参考书中提到的那个更可取的优先权。
229.The specialist specifically specified a special pacific means especially.专家特地明确指定了一种和解的特殊方法。
230.The speculator specifically specified the specification of this species specimen.投机者特地指定了这种物种标本的规范。
231 I'm to be punished for publishing his bad reputation to the public of the republic.我因将他的坏名声公布给共和国的公众将受到惩罚。
232.The drug trafficker is concerned about the condition of the traditional concert.毒品贩子担心传统音乐会的状况。
233.It's a fable that the cable enables the disabled man to be able to walk.电缆使得残疾人能够行走是天方夜谭。
234.The problem is that those who are out of jobs probably rob.问题是那些失业者们可能行劫。?
235.His wicked trick is to get the kids to kick bricks and lick the cricket ticket.他的缺德恶作剧是让孩子们踢砖和添板球门。? 236.The thin sick chicken picks the thick sticky stick quickly.瘦病鸡快速地啄粘乎乎的粗棍。
237.The animals unanimously vanished from the mammal's room furnished with Spanish furniture.动物一齐从配备有西班牙家具的哺乳动物的房间消失。?
Obama 就职演讲稿, My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed[bi'stəu]vt.使用；授予, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors ['ænsestə].I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well
as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America—they will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions—who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do
as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends—hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is
demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
“Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].”
America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.THE PRESIDENT: Good evening.To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the men and women of our Armed Services, and to my fellow Americans: I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan--the nature of our commitment there, the scope of our interests, and the strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this war to a successful conclusion.It’s an extraordinary honor for me to do so here at West Point--where so many men and women have prepared to stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.To address these important issues, it’s important to recall why America and our allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first place.We did not ask for this fight.On September 11, 2001, 19 men hijacked four airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people.They struck at our military and economic nerve centers.They took the lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith or race or station.Were it not for the heroic actions of passengers onboard one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the great symbols of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more.As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda--a group of extremists who have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the world’s great religions, to justify the slaughter of innocents.Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban--a ruthless, repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda and those who harbored them--an
authorization that continues to this day.The vote in the Senate was 98 to nothing.The vote in the House was 420 to 1.For the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5--the commitment that says an attack on one member nation is an attack on all.And the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to respond to the 9/11 attacks.America, our allies and the world were acting as one to destroy al Qaeda’s terrorist network and to protect our common security.Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy--and only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden--we sent our troops into Afghanistan.Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of its operatives were killed.The Taliban was driven from power and pushed back on its heel s.A place that had known decades of fear now had reason to hope.At a conference convened by the U.N., a provisional government was established under President Hamid Karzai.And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country.Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war, in Iraq.The wrenching debate over the Iraq war is well-known and need not be repeated here.It’s enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq war drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention--and that the decision to go into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the world.Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsible end.We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011.That we are doing so is a testament to the character of the men and women in uniform.(Applause.)Thanks to their courage, grit and perseverance, we have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people.But while we’ve achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated.After escaping across the border into Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe haven there.Although a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan people, it’s been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient security forces.Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government.Gradually, the Taliban has begun to control additional swaths of territory in Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and devastating attacks of terrorism against the Pakistani people.Now, throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction of what they were in Iraq.When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war.Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these reinforcements did not arrive.And that’s why, shortly after taking office, I approved a longstanding request for more troops.After consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between our war effort in Afghanistan and the extremist safe havens in Pakistan.I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate our military and civilian efforts.Since then, we’ve made progress on some important objectives.High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we’ve stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda worldwide.In Pakistan, that nation’s ar
my has gone on its largest offensive in years.In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential election, and--although it was marred by fraud--that election produced a government that is consistent with Afghanistan’s laws and constitution.Yet huge challenges remain.Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has moved backwards.There’s no imminent threat of the government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum.Al Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe havens along the border.And our forces lack the full support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan security forces and better secure the population.Our new commander in Afghanistan--General McChrystal--has reported that the security
situation is more serious than he anticipated.In short: The status quo is not sustainable.As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger.Some of you fought in Afghanistan.Some of you will deploy there.As your Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of your service.And that’s why, after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy.Now, let me be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troop deployments before 2010, so there has been no delay or denial of resources necessary for the conduct of the war during this review period.Instead, the review has allowed me to ask the hard questions, and to explore all the different options, along with my national security team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners.And given the stakes involved, I owed the American people--and our troops--no less.This review is now complete.And as Commander-in-Chief, I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S.troops to Afghanistan.After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home.These are the resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.I do not make this decision lightly.I opposed the war in Iraq precisely because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions.We have been at war now for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources.Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity on national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort.And having just experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people to work here at home.Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you--a military that, along with you r families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens.As President, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American who gives their life in these wars.I have read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed.I visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed.I’ve traveled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their final resting place.I see firsthand the terrible wages of war.If I did not think that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly order every single one of our troops home tomorrow.So, no, I do not make this decision lightly.I make this decision because I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan.This is the epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda.It is from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak.This is no idle danger;no hypothetical threat.In the last few months alone, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror.And this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate with impunity.We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to do that, we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the region.Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear.This is not just America’s war.Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe havens have been the source of attacks against London and Amman and Bali.The people and governments of both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered.And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to believe that they would use them.These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies.Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future.To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan.We must deny al Qaeda a safe haven.We must reverse the Taliban’s momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government.And we must
strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan’s security forces and government so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan’s future.We will meet these objectives in three ways.First, we will pursue a military strategy that will break the Taliban’s momentum and increase Afghanistan’s capacity over the next 18 months.The 30,000 additional troops that I’m announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010--the fastest possible pace--so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers.They’ll increase our ability to train competent Afghan security forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight.And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.Because this is an international effort, I’ve asked that our commitment be joined by contributions from our allies.Some have already provided additional troops, and we’re confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks ahead.Our friends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan.And now, we must come together to end this war successfully.For what’s at stake is not simply a test of NATO’s credibility--what’s at stake is the security of our allies, and the common security of the world.But taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011.Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground.We’ll continue to advise and assist Afghanistan’s security forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul.But it will be clear to the Afghan government--and, more importantly, to the Afghan people--that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country.Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take advantage of improved security.This effort must be based on performance.The days of providing a blank check are over.President Karzai’s inauguration speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction.And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance.We’ll support Afghan ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat corruption and deliver for the people.We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable.And we will also focus our assistance in areas--such as agriculture--that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people.The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades.They’ve been confronted with occupation--by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes.So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand--America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering.We have no interest in occupying your country.We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of their fellow citizens.And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect--to isolate those who destroy;to strengthen those who build;to hasten the day when our troops will leave;and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never yo ur patron.Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.We’re in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through that country.But this same cancer has also taken root in the border region of Pakistan.That’s why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border.In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who’ve argued that the struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence.But in recent years, as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the most endangered by extremism.Public opinion has turned.The Pakistani army has waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan.And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan share a common enemy.In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly.Those days are over.Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual interest, mutual respect, and mutual trust.We will strengthen Pakistan’s capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries, and have made it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe haven for terrorists whose location is known and whose intentions are clear.America is also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan’s democracy and development.We are the largest international supporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting.And going forward, the Pakistan people must know America will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan’s security and prosperity long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its people can be unleashed.These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to create the conditions for a transition;a civilian surge that reinforces positive action;and an effective partnership with Pakistan.I recognize there are a range of concerns about our approach.So let me briefly address a few of the more prominent arguments that I’ve heard, and which I take very seriously.First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam.They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we’re better off cutting our losses and rapidly withdrawing.I believe this argument depends on a false reading of history.Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action.Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency.And most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are plotting along its border.To abandon this area now--and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance--would significantly hamper our ability to k eep the pressure on al Qaeda, and create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our allies.Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can’t leave Afghanistan in its current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we already have.But this would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions there.It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed to train Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over.Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a time frame for our transition to Afghan responsibility.Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort--one that would commit us to a nation-building project of up to a decade.I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what can be achieved at a reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests.Furthermore, the absence of a time frame for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government.It must be clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan.As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, or our interests.And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation faces.I don’t have the luxury of committing to just one.Indeed, I’m mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who--in discussing our national security--said, “Each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs.”
Over the past several years, we have lost that balance.We’ve failed to appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy.In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our neighbors and friends are out of work and struggle to pay the bills.Too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children.Meanwhile, competition within the global economy has grown more fierce.So we can’t simply afford to ignore the price of these wars.All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan approached a trillion dollars.Going forward, I am committed to addressing these costs openly and honestly.Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely to cost us roughly $30 billion for the military this year, and I’ll work closely with Congress to address these costs as we
work to bring down our deficit.But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must rebuild our strength here at home.Our prosperity provides a foundation for our power.It pays for our military.It underwrites our diplomacy.It taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry.And it will allow us to compete in this century as successfully as we did in the last.That’s why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended--because the nation that I’m most interested in building is our own.Now, let me be clear: None of this will be easy.The struggle against violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan.It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership in the world.And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20th century, our effort will involve disorderly regions, failed states, diffuse enemies.So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we end wars and prevent conflict--not just how we wage wars.We’ll have to be nimble and precise in our use of military power.Where al Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish a foothold--whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere--they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships.And we can’t count on military might alone.We have to invest in our homeland security, because we can’t capture or kill every violent extremist abroad.We have to improve and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step ahead of shadowy networks.We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction.And that’s why I’ve made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose nuclear materials from terrorists, to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and to pursue the goal of a world without them--because every nation must understand that true security will never come from an endless race for ever more destructive weapons;true security will come for those who reject them.We’ll have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an interconnected world acting alone.I’ve spent this year renewing our alliances and forging new partnerships.And we have forged a new beginning between America and the Muslim world--one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity.And finally, we must draw on the strength of our values--for the challenges that we face may have changed, but the things that we believe in must not.That’s why we must promote our values by living them at home--which is why I have prohibited torture and will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay.And we must make it clear to every man, woman and child around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny that America will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend to the light of freedom and justice and opportunity and respect for the dignity of all peoples.That is who we are.That is the source, the moral source, of America’s authority.Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents and great-grandparents, our country has borne a special burden in global affairs.We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents.We have spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies.We have joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions--from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank--that provide for the common security and prosperity of human beings.We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times made mistakes.But more than any other nation, the United States of America has underwritten global security for over six decades--a time that, for all its problems, has seen walls come down, and markets open, and billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific progress and advancing frontiers of human liberty.For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination.Our union was founded in resistance to oppression.We do not seek to occupy other nations.We will not claim another nation’s resources or target other peoples because their faith or ethnicity is different from ours.What we have fought for--what we continue to fight
for--is a better future for our children and grandchildren.And we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and access opportunity.(Applause.)
As a country, we’re not as young--and perhaps not as innocent--as we were when Roosevelt was President.Yet we are still heirs to a noble struggle for freedom.And now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the challenges of a new age.In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength of our arms.It derives from our people--from the workers and businesses who will rebuild our economy;from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer new industries;from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service of those who work in our communities at home;from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hope abroad;and from the men and women in uniform who are part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people, and for the people a reality on this Earth.(Applause.)This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue--nor should we.But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our leadership, nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time, if we allow ourselves to be split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national discourse.It’s easy to forget that when this war began, we were united--bound together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the determination to defend our homeland and the values we hold dear.I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that unity again.(Applause.)I believe with every fiber of my
being that we--as Americans--can still come together behind a common purpose.For our values are not simply words written into parchment--they are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest of storms as one nation, as one people.America--we are passing through a time of great trial.And the message that we send in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is just, our resolve unwavering.We will go forward with the confidence that right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes.(Applause.)Thank you.God bless you.May God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)Thank you very much.Thank you.(Applause.)
第五篇：奥巴马就职演讲
美国历届总统就职演说之---第44任总统Barack Obama的就职演讲稿
Inaugural Address of Barack Obama My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land—a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America—they will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the faint-hearted—for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act—not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.All this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions—who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.17 What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them—that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works—whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account—to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day—because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control—the nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart—not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake.And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort—even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus—and non-believers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West—know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment—a moment that will define a generation—it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends—honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism—these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility—a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence—the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed—why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
“Let it be told to the future world … that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive … that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet … it.”
America!In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.Thank you.God bless you.And God bless the United States of America.巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马，1961年8月4日生于美国夏威夷，父亲巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马一世是来自肯尼亚的黑人，穆斯林。母亲是堪萨斯州的白人。是左撇子，这是美国总统史自40届以来的第四位左撇子总统。
奥巴马祖籍肯尼亚，是美国历史上第一位具有黑人血统的总统。当然，美国社会对黑人和其他有色人种的种族歧视，至今仍然存在，解决种族歧视依然任重道远。事实上，奥巴马并没有像很多美国黑人奴隶的后裔一样在很多城市的贫民窟长大。他小时候是由他的白人祖父母抚养，他的童年中有很长时间是在印度尼西亚度过的。因此他的思维方式和美国白人或亚洲人比较接近。他本人从来也没有在公开场合，承认自己是黑人，或者是非洲裔美国人，只承认自己是混血。
1983年毕业于哥伦比亚大学，1985年到芝加哥参加社会工作。1991年毕业于哈佛大学的法学院，是第一个担任哈佛法学评论主编的所谓的 非洲裔美国人，并在此期间获得了全国范围的认可。1992年和米歇尔·拉沃恩·奥巴马结婚，并生了二个女儿玛丽亚 ·安· 奥巴马（Malia Ann Obama）, 娜塔莎· 奥巴马（Natasha Obama）。1996年，奥巴马从芝加哥当选为伊利诺伊州国会参议员并在之后的3年中连任；2000年，在竞选美国众议院议员席位失败后，奥巴马将主要精力投入到伊利诺伊州的参议工作中。
2004年7月，美国民主党召开全国代表大会，奥巴马被指定在第二天做“基调演讲”。（所谓“基调演讲”，就是民主党人阐述本党的纲领和政策宣言，通常由本党极有前途的政治新星来发表，1988年做“基调演讲”的人就是时任阿肯色州州长的克林顿。）奥巴马不负众望，他亲自撰写演讲稿，并发表了题为“无畏的希望”（The Audacity ofHope）慷慨激昂的演讲。在演说中他提出消除党派分歧和种族分歧、实现“一个美国”的梦想。该演讲后，奥巴马成为全美知名的政界人物。同年11月，奥巴马顺利的以高达70%的选票当选联邦参议员。
2007年2月10日，奥巴马在伊利诺伊州斯普林菲尔德市正式宣布参加2008年美国总统大选，并提出了重点在“完结伊拉克战争以及实施全民医疗保险制度”的竞选纲领。2008年1月4日，在俄亥俄州民主党初选大会上，奥巴马赢得了38%的支持率，领先于知名度高于自己的约翰·爱德华兹以及希拉里·克林顿，在民主党诸位候选人中领跑。2008年6月3日，奥巴马票数领先于希拉里·克林顿，被定为民主党总统候选人；同年8月23日，在民主党全国代表大会上奥巴马被正式提名，从而成为了美国历史上首个非洲裔总统大选候选人。
2008年11月5日，奥巴马击败共和党候选人约翰·麦凯恩，正式当选为美国第四十四任总统。
2009年10月9日，据英国广播公司报道，诺贝尔奖评审会称，美国总统奥巴马因“为增强国际外交及各国人民间的合作做出非同寻常的努力”而被授予2009诺贝尔和平奖。
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