埃利诺罗斯福在联合国大会上的讲话

第一篇：埃利诺罗斯福在联合国大会上的讲话

Address to the United Nations General Assembly: On the Adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

埃利诺·罗斯福在联合国大会上的讲话：关于《世界人权宣言》

Eleanor Roosevelt

Mr.President, fellow delegates,The long and meticulous study and debate of which this Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it reflects the composite views of the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation.Not every man nor every government can have what he wants in a document of this kind.There are of course particular provisions in the Declaration before us with which we are not fully satisfied.I have no doubt this is true of other delegations, and it would still be true if we continued our labors over many years.Taken as a whole the Delegation of the United States believes that this is a good document--even a great document--and we propose to give it our full support.The position of the United States on the various parts of the Declaration is a matter of record in the Third Committee.I shall not burden the Assembly, and particularly my colleagues of the Third Committee, with a restatement of that position here.I should like to comment briefly on the amendments proposed by the Soviet delegation.The language of these amendments has been dressed up somewhat, but the substance is the same as the amendments which were offered by the Soviet delegation in committee and rejected after exhaustive discussion.Substantially the same amendments have been previously considered and rejected in the Human Rights Commission.We in the United States admire those who fight for their convictions, and the Soviet delegation has fought for their convictions.But in the older democracies we have learned that sometimes we bow to the will of the majority.In doing that, we do not give up our convictions.We continue sometimes to persuade, and eventually we may be successful.But we know that we have to work together and we have to progress.So, we believe that when we have made a good fight, and the majority is against us, it is perhaps better tactics to try to cooperate.I feel bound to say that I think perhaps it is somewhat of an imposition on this Assembly to have these amendments offered again here, and I am confident that they will be rejected without debate.The first two paragraphs of the amendment to article 3 deal with the question of minorities, which committee 3 decided required further study, and has recommended, in a separate resolution, their reference to the Economic and Social Council and the Human Rights Commission.As set out in the Soviet amendment, this provision clearly states “group,” and not “individual,” rights.The Soviet amendment to article 20 is obviously a very restrictive statement of the right to freedom of opinion and expression.It sets up standards which would enable any state practically to deny all freedom of opinion and expression without violating the article.It introduces the terms “democratic view,” “democratic systems,” “democratic state,” and “fascism,” which we know all too well from debates in this Assembly over the past two years on warmongering and related subjects are liable to the most flagrant abuse and diverse interpretations.The statement of the Soviet delegate here tonight is a very good case in point on this.The Soviet amendment of article 22 introduces new elements into the article without improving the committed text and again introduces specific reference to “discrimination.” As was repeatedly pointed out in committee 3, the question of discrimination is comprehensively covered in article 2

of the Declaration, so that its restatement elsewhere is completely unnecessary and also has the effect of weakening the comprehensive principles stated in article 2.The new article proposed by the Soviet delegation is but a restatement of State obligation, which the Soviet delegation attempted to introduce into practically every article in the Declaration.It would convert the Declaration into a document stating obligations on states, thereby changing completely its character as a statement of principles to serve as a common standard of achievement for the members of the United Nations.The Soviet proposal for deferring consideration of the Declaration to the 4th session of the Assembly requires no comment.An identical text was rejected in committee 3 by a vote of 6 in favor and 26 against.We are all agreed, I am sure, that the Declaration, which has been worked on with such great effort and devotion, and over such a long period of time, must be approved by this Assembly at this session.Certain provisions of the Declaration are stated in such broad terms as to be acceptable only because of the provisions in article 30 providing for limitation on the exercise of the rights for the purpose of meeting the requirements of morality, public order, and the general welfare.An example of this is the provision that everyone has the right to equal access to the public service in his country.The basic principle of equality and of nondiscrimination as to public employment is sound, but it cannot be accepted without limitation.My government, for example, would consider that this is unquestionably subject to limitation in the interest of public order and the general welfare.It would not consider that the exclusion from public employment of persons holding subversive political beliefs and not loyal to the basic principles and practices of the constitution and laws of the country would in any way infringe upon this right.Likewise, my government has made it clear in the course of the development of the Declaration that it does not consider that the economic and social and cultural rights stated in the Declaration imply an obligation on governments to assure the enjoyment of these rights by direct governmental action.This was made quite clear in the Human Rights Commission text of article 23 which served as a so-called “umbrella” article to the articles on economic and social rights.We consider that the principle has not been affected by the fact that this article no longer contains a reference to the articles which follow it.This in no way affects our whole-hearted support for the basic principles of economic, social, and cultural rights set forth in these articles.In giving our approval to the Declaration today it is of primary importance that we keep clearly in mind the basic character of the document.It is not a treaty;it is not an international agreement.It is not and does not purport to be a statement of law or of legal obligation.It is a Declaration of basic principles of human rights and freedoms, to be stamped with the approval of the General Assembly by formal vote of its members, and to serve as a common standard of achievement for all peoples of all nations.We stand today at the threshold of a great event both in the life of the United Nations and in the life of mankind.This Universal Declaration of Human Rights may well become the international Magna Carta of all men everywhere.We hope its proclamation by the General Assembly will be an event comparable to the proclamation of the Declaration of the Rights of Man by the French people in 1789, the adoption of the Bill of Rights by the people of the United States, and the adoption of comparable declarations at different times in other countries.At a time when there are so many issues on which we find it difficult to reach a common basis of agreement, it is a significant fact that 58 states have found such a large measure of

agreement in the complex field of human rights.This must be taken as testimony of our common aspiration first voiced in the Charter of the United Nations to lift men everywhere to a higher standard of life and to a greater enjoyment of freedom.Man’s desire for peace lies behind this Declaration.The realization that the flagrant violation of human rights by Nazi and Fascist countries sowed the seeds of the last world war has supplied the impetus for the work which brings us to the moment of achievement here today.In a recent speech in Canada, Gladstone Murray said:

“The central fact is that man is fundamentally a moral being, that the light we have is imperfect does not matter so long as we are always trying to improve it … we are equal in sharing the moral freedom that distinguishes us as men.Man’s status makes each individual an end in himself.No man is by nature simply the servant of the state or of another man … the ideal and fact of freedom--and not technology--are the true distinguishing marks of our civilization.”

This Declaration is based upon the spiritual fact that man must have freedom in which to develop his full stature and through common effort to raise the level of human dignity.We have much to do to fully achieve and to assure the rights set forth in this Declaration.But having them put before us with the moral backing of 58 nations will be a great step forward.As we here bring to fruition our labors on this Declaration of Human Rights, we must at the same time rededicate ourselves to the unfinished task which lies before us.We can now move on with new courage and inspiration to the completion of an international covenant on human rights and of measures for the implementation of human rights.In conclusion, I feel that I cannot do better than to repeat the call to action by Secretary Marshall in his opening statement to this Assembly:

Let this third regular session of the General Assembly approve by an overwhelming majority the Declaration of Human Rights as a standard of conduct for all;and let us, as Members of the United Nations, conscious of our own short-comings and imperfections, join our effort in good faith to live up to this high standard."

第二篇：美国总统奥巴马在联合国大会上的讲话

2009年9月3日，在第64届联合国大会开始一般性辩论之际，美国总统奥巴马出席会议并发表讲话。以下是讲话全文： Remarks by the U.S.President to the United Nations Gerneral Assembly United Nations Headquarters September 23, 2009

美国总统奥巴马在联合国大会上的讲话 联合国总部 2009年9月23日

Good morning.Mr.President, Mr.Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen, it is my honor to address you for the first time as the 44th President of the United States.(Applause.)I come before you humbled by the responsibility that the American people have placed upon me, mindful of the enormous challenges of our moment in history, and determined to act boldly and collectively on behalf of justice and prosperity at home and abroad.早上好。主席先生、秘书长先生、各位代表，女士们、先生们：我荣幸地作为美国第44任总统首次在这里发表讲话。（掌声）站在各位面前，美国人民赋予我的重任令我不胜荣幸；我深知我们这个历史时期所面临的巨大挑战；并决意为了国内外的正义和繁荣而采取大胆的集体行动。

I have been in office for just nine months--though some days it seems a lot longer.I am well aware of the expectations that accompany my presidency around the world.These expectations are not about me.Rather, they are rooted, I believe, in a discontent with a status quo that has allowed us to be increasingly defined by our differences, and outpaced by our problems.But they are also rooted in hope--the hope that real change is possible, and the hope that America will be a leader in bringing about such change.我就任总统只有9个月——但在有些日子里这段时间却显得漫长。我深知全世界对我就任总统的瞩望。在我看来，这些瞩望并非针对我个人，而是植根于一种对现状的不满，因为我们越来越被分歧所左右，疲于应付种种问题。但这些瞩望亦植根于希望——希望真正的变革有可能实现，希望美国在推动这种变革的过程中走在前面。

I took office at a time when many around the world had come to view America with skepticism and distrust.Part of this was due to misperceptions and misinformation about my country.Part of this was due to opposition to specific policies, and a belief that on certain critical issues, America has acted unilaterally, without regard for the interests of others.And this has fed an almost reflexive anti-Americanism, which too often has served as an excuse for collective inaction.在我就任总统时，全世界有很多人用怀疑和不信任的眼光看待美国，其中部分原因是对我国的误解和信息失实，还有一部分原因是对具体政策的反对，认为美国在某些关键问题上采取单边行动，不考虑他人的利益。这滋长了一种几乎是反射性的反美主义，而这种情绪又往往成为我们不采取集体行动的借口。

Now, like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and I will never apologize for defending those interests.But it is my deeply held belief that in the year 2009--more than at any point in human history--the interests of nations and peoples are shared.The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people, or they can tear us apart.The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken it.The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it.What happens to the hope of a single child--anywhere--can enrich our world, or impoverish it.同各位一样，我的职责是采取符合本国和本国人民利益的行动，我绝不会为捍卫这些利益而道歉。但我深深感到，与人类历史上任何一个时期相比，在 2009年各个国家及其人民之间都更具有共同的利益。我们心中怀有的宗教信念能够在人民之间缔结新的纽带，也能在我们之间制造隔阂。我们掌控的技术能够照亮通向和平的道路，也能永远将其笼罩在黑暗之中。我们使用的能源能够维持我们这个星球的生存，也能造成它的毁灭。如何对待每一个儿童心中的希望——无论在任何地方——能使我们的世界变得富饶，也能使之变得贫瘠。

In this hall, we come from many places, but we share a common future.No longer do we have the luxury of indulging our differences to the exclusion of the work that we must do together.I have carried this message from London to Ankara;from Port of Spain to Moscow;from Accra to Cairo;and it is what I will speak about today--because the time has come for the world to move in a new direction.We must embrace a new era of engagement based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and our work must begin now.在这个大厅里，我们来自四面八方，却拥有一个共同的未来。我们再也不能沉溺于分歧之中，以至于延误我们必须共同从事的工作。从伦敦（London）到安卡拉（Ankara），从西班牙港（Port of Spain）到莫斯科（Moscow），从阿克拉（Accra）到开罗（Cairo），我到处传播一个信息，并将在今天予以重申——因为现在是全世界向一个新方向迈进的时候了。我们必须迎接一个在共同利益和相互尊重的基础上进行接触的新纪元，我们的工作必须现在开始。

We know the future will be forged by deeds and not simply words.Speeches alone will not solve our problems--it will take persistent action.For those who question the character and cause of my nation, I ask you to look at the concrete actions we have taken in just nine months.我们知道，开创未来不能仅凭言词，还要有行动。光靠演说不能解决我们的问题——必须要有坚持不懈的行动。因此，对那些质疑我国的品格和事业的人，我请你们看一看我们在短短9个月中所采取的具体行动。

On my first day in office, I prohibited--without exception or equivocation--the use of torture by the United States of America.(Applause.)I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed, and we are doing the hard work of forging a framework to combat extremism within the rule of law.Every nation must know: America will live its values, and we will lead by example.在我就任总统的第一天，我宣布美国毫无例外、坚定不移地禁止酷刑。（掌声）我下令关闭设在关塔那摩湾（Guantanamo Bay）的关押设施，我们正在从事在法治范围内制定一个打击极端主义的框架的艰巨工作。每个国家都必须明白：美国将信守其价值观，我们将发挥表率作用。

We have set a clear and focused goal: to work with all members of this body to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies--a network that has killed thousands of people of many faiths and nations, and that plotted to blow up this very building.In Afghanistan and Pakistan, we and many nations here are helping these governments develop the capacity to take the lead in this effort, while working to advance opportunity and security for their people.我们制定了坚定不移的明确目标：同联合国所有成员共同努力，打击、摧垮并击溃基地组织（al Qaeda）及其极端主义同伙——这个网络杀害了持不同信仰、来自不同国家的成千上万的民众，并曾策划炸毁这座大楼。在阿富汗（Afghanistan）和巴基斯坦（Pakistan），我们和在座的很多国家正在帮助这两个国家的政府建设主导这项行动的能力，同时努力为这两个国家的人民增进机会和安全。

In Iraq, we are responsibly ending a war.We have removed American combat brigades from Iraqi cities, and set a deadline of next August to remove all our combat brigades from Iraqi territory.And I have made clear that we will help Iraqis transition to full responsibility for their future, and keep our commitment to remove all American troops by the end of 2011.在伊拉克，我们正在负责任地结束这场战争。我们已将美国作战部队撤离伊拉克各个城市，并确定了到明年8月将我国所有作战部队撤离伊拉克领土的期限。我还明确表示，我们将帮助伊拉克人为掌握他们的未来向全面行使权力过渡，并将履行到2011年年底将全部美国军队撤离的承诺。

I have outlined a comprehensive agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons.In Moscow, the United States and Russia announced that we would pursue substantial reductions in our strategic warheads and launchers.At the Conference on Disarmament, we agreed on a work plan to negotiate an end to the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons.And this week, my Secretary of State will become the first senior American representative to the annual Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.我提出了一项综合议程，寻求实现一个没有核武器的世界的目标。在莫斯科，美国和俄罗斯共同宣布大幅度削减我们的战略弹头和发射器。在裁军会议（Conference on Disarmament）上，我们赞同一项工作计划，通过谈判终止用于制造核武器的可裂变物质的生产。这个星期，我国国务卿将成为出席性《全面禁止核试验条约》缔约国会议（Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty）的第一位高层美国代表。

Upon taking office, I appointed a Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and America has worked steadily and aggressively to advance the cause of two states--Israel and Palestine--in which peace and security take root, and the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians are respected.我在就任之初便任命了一位中东和平事务特使（Special Envoy for Middle East Peace），美国一直在稳步地、积极地推进以色列（Israel）和巴勒斯坦（Palestine）两国并存的方针——让和平与安全扎下根基，让以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的权利同时得到尊重。

To confront climate change, we have invested $80 billion in clean energy.We have substantially increased our fuel-efficiency standards.We have provided new incentives for conservation, launched an energy partnership across the Americas, and moved from a bystander to a leader in international climate negotiations.为应对气候变化，我们已投资800亿美元发展清洁能源。我们大幅度提高了燃料效率标准。我们制定了新的鼓励节能的措施，在美洲国家中发起了一项能源合作计划，并在国际气候谈判中从一个旁观者变成了一名领袖。

To overcome an economic crisis that touches every corner of the world, we worked with the G20 nations to forge a coordinated international response of over $2 trillion in stimulus to bring the global economy back from the brink.We mobilized resources that helped prevent the crisis from spreading further to developing countries.And we joined with others to launch a $20 billion global food security initiative that will lend a hand to those who need it most, and help them build their own capacity.为度过一场波及全世界各个角落的经济危机，我们与G20成员国共同制定了相互协调的国际性举措，以超过2万亿美元的刺激计划挽救了濒临崩溃的全球经济。我们调动资源，帮助阻止这场危机进一步波及发展中国家。我们还与其他一些国家共同发起了一项200亿美元的全球粮食保障计划，向最需要救助的人伸出援手，并帮助他们进行能力建设。

We've also re-engaged the United Nations.We have paid our bills.We have joined the Human Rights Council.(Applause.)We have signed the Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.We have fully embraced the Millennium Development Goals.And we address our priorities here, in this institution--for instance, through the Security Council meeting that I will chair tomorrow on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and through the issues that I will discuss today.我们还重新参与联合国事务。我们支付了会费。我们加入了理事会（Human Rights Council）。（掌声）我们签署了《残疾利公约》（Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities）。我们全面采纳了千年发展目标（Millennium Development Goals）。我们在这里，在这个机制内提出我们的重点议题——例如通过我明天将主持的有关核不扩散和裁军问题的安理会（Security Council）会议，以及通过我今天要谈到的一系列问题。

This is what we have already done.But this is just a beginning.Some of our actions have yielded progress.Some have laid the groundwork for progress in the future.But make no mistake: This cannot solely be America's endeavor.Those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world's problems alone.We have sought--in word and deed--a new era of engagement with the world.And now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a global response to global challenges.这就是我们已经做的。但只是一个开端。我们采取的一些行动已经取得进展。另外一些行动已为未来取得进展奠定了基础。但必须指出的是，这不仅仅是美国的事务。过去有人严厉抨击美国在全球单独行动，如今他们也不能袖手旁观，等待美国单独解决世界面临的问题。我们通过自己的言辞和行动，希望开辟与全世界进行接触的新时代。现在我们需要共同承担责任，做到全球一致努力应对全球性挑战。

Now, if we are honest with ourselves, we need to admit that we are not living up to that responsibility.Consider the course that we're on if we fail to confront the status quo: Extremists sowing terror in pockets of the world;protracted conflicts that grind on and on;genocide;mass atrocities;more nations with nuclear weapons;melting ice caps and ravaged populations;persistent poverty and pandemic disease.I say this not to sow fear, but to state a fact: The magnitude of our challenges has yet to be met by the measure of our actions.为此，我们如果实事求是，就必须承认我们还没有完全履行这项职责。如果我们不能扭转目前的现状，请设想一下我们今后面对的局面：极端主义分子在全世界各地制造恐怖；持续不断的冲突永无休止；种族灭绝；大规模屠杀；越来越多的国家拥有核武器；冰峰融化，人类饱受灾难；贫困持续存在，疾病蔓延。我所说的并非耸人听闻，而是说明一个事实：我们面临巨大的挑战，但我们的行动尚未能与之抗衡。

This body was founded on the belief that the nations of the world could solve their problems together.Franklin Roosevelt, who died before he could see his vision for this institution become a reality, put it this way--and I quote: “The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one nation….It cannot be a peace of large nations--or of small nations.It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world.”

联合国的建立以世界各国能够共同解决问题的信念为基础。富兰克林∙罗斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)去世前未能看到他设想的这个机构成为现实。罗斯福曾经表示——以下是我引用他的话：“世界和平的大厦不可能是一个人、一个政党或一个国家的产物„„。不能只有大国的和平——或只有小国的和平。和平必须以全世界同心协力为基础。”

The cooperative effort of the whole world.Those words ring even more true today, when it is not simply peace, but our very health and prosperity that we hold in common.Yet we also know that this body is made up of sovereign states.And sadly, but not surprisingly, this body has often become a forum for sowing discord instead of forging common ground;a venue for playing politics and exploiting grievances rather than solving problems.After all, it is easy to walk up to this podium and point figures--point fingers and stoke divisions.Nothing is easier than blaming others for our troubles, and absolving ourselves of responsibility for our choices and our actions.Anybody can do that.Responsibility and leadership in the 21st century demand more.全世界同心协力。今天,这些话语尤其重要，不仅为了实现和平，而且为了我们共同的兴旺与繁荣。然而，我们也了解，这个机构由主权国家组成。令人感到遗憾但并不意外的是，这个机构经常成为相互纷争的场所，而不是达成共识的场所；成为玩弄政治和利用不满情绪发难的场所，而不是解决问题的场所。总而言之，走上这个讲台相互指责——相互指责，助长，并不困难。将自己的问题归咎于他人，或者采取逃避责任的态度对待自己的选择和自己的行动，没有什么比这更容易。谁都能这样做。但是21世纪的责任和领导作用要求有更大的作为。

In an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero-sum game.No one nation can or should try to dominate another nation.No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will succeed.No balance of power among nations will hold.The traditional divisions between nations of the South and the North make no sense in an interconnected world;nor do alignments of nations rooted in the cleavages of a long-gone Cold War.置身于这个时代，我们的命运息息相关，权力不再依从你死我活的法则。没有哪一个国家能够或应该试图主宰另一个国家。任何将一个国家或一个群体置于他人之上的世界秩序不可能获得成功。强权的均势也不可能得到维持。在一个相互依存的世界上，传统上以南北方划分国家的方式已经毫无意义；在冷战早已结束的情况下，国家以阵营划分的格局也不再有意义。

The time has come to realize that the old habits, the old arguments, are irrelevant to the challenges faced by our people.They lead nations to act in opposition to the very goals that they claim to pursue--and to vote, often in this body, against the interests of their own people.They build up walls between us and the future that our people seek, and the time has come for those walls to come down.Together, we must build new coalitions that bridge old divides--coalitions of different faiths and creeds;of north and south, east, west, black, white, and brown.现在，应该认识到旧的惯例、旧的观点与各国人民面临的挑战已毫无关联。这些陈规陋习引导各国采取的行动往往与自身要求实现的目标背道而驰——各国采取的投票行动，包括经常在这个机构进行的投票，也往往违背了本国人民的利益。这些陈规陋习在我们与各国人民追求的未来之间筑起一道道墙，现在是拆除这些墙的时候了。我们必须同心协力建立有助于消除旧的分歧的新同盟——由不同信仰和信念组成的同盟；由南方与北方、东方与西方、黑人与白人和黄种人组成的同盟。

The choice is ours.We can be remembered as a generation that chose to drag the arguments of the 20th century into the 21st;that put off hard choices, refused to look ahead, failed to keep pace because we defined ourselves by what we were against instead of what we were for.Or we can be a generation that chooses to see the shoreline beyond the rough waters ahead;that comes together to serve the common interests of human beings, and finally gives meaning to the promise embedded in the name given to this institution: the United Nations.我们必须做出选择。我们这一代人可留给后人这样的记忆：把20世纪的争议带入21世纪，推迟做出艰难的选择，拒绝往前看，落后于时代，因为我们忙于设置障碍，而无暇创造未来。我们这一代人亦可留给后人另一种记忆：让我们的视野越过汹涌的波涛投向大洋彼岸，为了人类共同利益而走到一起，最终使联合国名称所蕴涵的希望开始变成现实。

That is the future America wants--a future of peace and prosperity that we can only reach if we recognize that all nations have rights, but all nations have responsibilities as well.That is the bargain that makes this work.That must be the guiding principle of international cooperation.这就是美国渴望的未来，一个和平与繁荣的未来，我们只有在承认所有国家拥有权利但同时又承担责任的时候才能如愿以偿。这是成功的必要条件，也必须是国际合作的指导原则。

Today, let me put forward four pillars that I believe are fundamental to the future that we want for our children: non-proliferation and disarmament;the promotion of peace and security;the preservation of our planet;and a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.今天，我谨在此提出四大要素，我认为这些要素对我们希望为后代所创造的未来至关重要：不扩散与裁军；促进和平与安全；保护我们的地球；以及为全体人民增进机会的全球经济。

First, we must stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and seek the goal of a world without them.首先，我们必须停止核武器的扩散，寻求一个没有核武器的世界。

This institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age, in part because man's capacity to kill had to be contained.For decades, we averted disaster, even under the shadow of a superpower stand-off.But today, the threat of proliferation is growing in scope and complexity.If we fail to act, we will invite nuclear arms races in every region, and the prospect of wars and acts of terror on a scale that we can hardly imagine.联合国成立于原子时代的初期，在一定程度上是为了遏制人类自相残杀的能力。几十年来，即使在超级大国对峙的阴影下，我们避免了灾难。然而，今天，扩散的威胁正在蔓延，也变得复杂化。我们如果不采取行动，就意味着鼓励各地区的核武器竞赛，战争阴影和恐怖行动蔓延的范围将超出我们的想象。

A fragile consensus stands in the way of this frightening outcome, and that is the basic bargain that shapes the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.It says that all nations have the right to peaceful nuclear energy;that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward disarmament;and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them.The next 12 months could be pivotal in determining whether this compact will be strengthened or will slowly dissolve.一个脆弱的共识防范着这一令人恐惧的结局，那就是构成《核不扩散条约》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)的基本条件。条约指出，所有国家有权发展和平用途的核能；拥有核武器的国家有责任向销毁武器迈进；没有核武器的国家有责任不发展核武器。该条约是得到加强还是被逐渐解除，今后十二个月可能至关重要。

America intends to keep our end of the bargain.We will pursue a new agreement with Russia to substantially reduce our strategic warheads and launchers.We will move forward with ratification of the Test Ban Treaty, and work with others to bring the treaty into force so that nuclear testing is permanently prohibited.We will complete a Nuclear Posture Review that opens the door to deeper cuts and reduces the role of nuclear weapons.And we will call upon countries to begin negotiations in January on a treaty to end the production of fissile material for weapons.美国愿意坚持我们的承诺。我们将寻求与俄罗斯达成新协议，大幅度削减我们的战略弹头和发射器。我们将为争取《禁止核试验条约》(Test Ban Treaty)的批准而努力，并将与其他方面合作使条约生效，永远禁止核试验。我们将完成《核态势审议》(Nuclear Posture Review)，从而为进一步削减核武器和减少其作用打开大门。我们将呼吁各国从明年一月开始谈判一项协议，以终止可用于武器的裂变材料的生产。

I will also host a summit next April that reaffirms each nation's responsibility to secure nuclear material on its territory, and to help those who can't--because we must never allow a single nuclear device to fall into the hands of a violent extremist.And we will work to strengthen the institutions and initiatives that combat nuclear smuggling and theft.我还将在明年四月主持一次高峰会议，该会议将重申各国有责任在自己国土内保障核材料安全，并为那些无法提供该保障的国家提供帮助——因为我们必须确保永远不会有一个核装置落在暴力极端分子的手中。我们将致力于加强那些打击核走私与核盗窃活动的机制和计划。

All of this must support efforts to strengthen the NPT.Those nations that refuse to live up to their obligations must face consequences.Let me be clear, this is not about singling out individual nations--it is about standing up for the rights of all nations that do live up to their responsibilities.Because a world in which IAEA inspections are avoided and the United Nation's demands are ignored will leave all people less safe, and all nations less secure.所有这一切都必须支持加强《不扩散核武器条约》的努力。凡是拒绝履行自己义务的国家必须面对各种后果。我谨在此申明，这不是要向某些个别国家兴师问罪–而是维护所有履行义务的国家的权利。因为一个逃避国际原子能机构（IAEA）核查、无视联合国要求的世界将会使所有的人更不安全和所有的国家更没有保障。

In their actions to date, the governments of North Korea and Iran threaten to take us down this dangerous slope.We respect their rights as members of the community of nations.I've said before and I will repeat, I am committed to diplomacy that opens a path to greater prosperity and more secure peace for both nations if they live up to their obligations.北韩和伊朗政府迄今为止采取的行动构成一种威胁，可能把我们推下这个危险的斜坡。我们尊重他们作为国际社会成员的权利。我以前曾经说过，¤Í在还要再说一遍：如果他们履行自己的义务，我将努力通过外交为这两个国家开辟一条通往更大繁荣和更有保障的和平的道路。

But if the governments of Iran and North Korea choose to ignore international standards;if they put the pursuit of nuclear weapons ahead of regional stability and the security and opportunity of their own people;if they are oblivious to the dangers of escalating nuclear arms races in both East Asia and the Middle East--then they must be held accountable.The world must stand together to demonstrate that international law is not an empty promise, and that treaties will be enforced.We must insist that the future does not belong to fear.但是，如果伊朗和北韩政府决意无视国际准则；如果他们把谋求核武器置于地区安全稳定和本国人民的机遇之上；如果他们将东亚和中东地区核军备竞赛升级的危险置之不顾–那么他们必须对此承担责任。全世界必须站在一起，表明国际法不是空洞的许诺，各项条约必将执行。未来不能属于恐惧，我们必须坚持这一立场。

That brings me to the second pillar for our future: the pursuit of peace.我现在谈一下我们的未来的第二项要素：追求和平。

The United Nations was born of the belief that the people of the world can live their lives, raise their families, and resolve their differences peacefully.And yet we know that in too many parts of the world, this ideal remains an abstraction--a distant dream.We can either accept that outcome as inevitable, and tolerate constant and crippling conflict, or we can recognize that the yearning for peace is universal, and reassert our resolve to end conflicts around the world.联合国的建立是基于这样一种信念：全世界人民都能够正常生活，养育子女，以和平方式消除分歧。但我们知道，这个理想在世界上太多的地方仍然是一种抽象的概念–一种遥不可及的空想。我们面临两种选择：要么接受这样的结果，把它视为不可避免的现实，容忍造成严重损害的经常性冲突；要么认识到渴望和平是普遍的愿望，并重下决心去结束世界各地的冲突。

That effort must begin with an unshakeable determination that the murder of innocent men, women and children will never be tolerated.On this, no one can be--there can be no dispute.The violent extremists who promote conflict by distorting faith have discredited and isolated themselves.They offer nothing but hatred and destruction.In confronting them, America will forge lasting partnerships to target terrorists, share intelligence, and coordinate law enforcement and protect our people.We will permit no safe haven for al Qaeda to launch attacks from Afghanistan or any other nation.We will stand by our friends on the front lines, as we and many nations will do in pledging support for the Pakistani people tomorrow.And we will pursue positive engagement that builds bridges among faiths, and new partnerships for opportunity.这种努力必须始于一种不可动摇的决心：绝不容忍对无辜的男女老少进行屠杀。关于这一点，没有人能–不可能有任何的争辩。通过扭曲信仰来加剧冲突的暴力极端分子已经败坏了自己的名声并孤立了自己。他们带来的只是仇恨和破坏。在与他们作斗争时，美国将打造持久的伙伴关系，以便把目标对准恐怖分子，分享情报，协调执法行动和保护人民。我们绝不允许“基地”组织有任何庇护所，并借此从阿富汗或任何其他国家发动袭击。我们将与我们的朋友共同站在第一线，正如明天我们和许多国家将要做的那样，保证为巴基斯坦人民提供援助。我们将寻求具有积极意义的接触，使这种接触在各种信仰之间架起桥梁，并建立带来机遇的新伙伴关系。

Our efforts to promote peace, however, cannot be limited to defeating violent extremists.For the most powerful weapon in our arsenal is the hope of human beings--the belief that the future belongs to those who would build and not destroy;the confidence that conflicts can end and a new day can begin.但是，我们促进和平的努力不能局限于战胜暴力极端分子，因为在我们的武器库内最有力的武器是人类的希望——相信未来属于从事建设而不进行破坏的人们；深信冲突能够结束、新的一天能够开始。

And that is why we will support--we will strengthen our support for effective peacekeeping, while energizing our efforts to prevent conflicts before they take hold.We will pursue a lasting peace in Sudan through support for the people of Darfur and the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, so that we secure the peace that the Sudanese people deserve.(Applause.)And in countries ravaged by violence--from Haiti to Congo to East Timor--we will work with the U.N.and other partners to support an enduring peace.因此，我们将支持–我们将增强我们对有效维和活动的支持；与此同时，在冲突形成之前竭力防止冲突发生。我们将通过支持达尔富尔地区的人民和《全面和平协议》的实施在苏丹寻求持久和平，这样我们将为苏丹人民获得应有的和平提供保障。在遭受暴力蹂躏的国家–从海地到刚果到东帝汶–我们将与联合国及其他合作伙伴协作，支持实现持久和平。

I will also continue to seek a just and lasting peace between Israel, Palestine, and the Arab world.(Applause.)We will continue to work on that issue.Yesterday, I had a constructive meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas.We have made some progress.Palestinians have strengthened their efforts on security.Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the Palestinians.As a result of these efforts on both sides, the economy in the West Bank has begun to grow.But more progress is needed.We continue to call on Palestinians to end incitement against Israel, and we continue to emphasize that America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.(Applause.)

我还将继续寻求在以色列、巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯世界之间建立公正和持久的和平。（掌声）我们将继续在这个问题上作出努力。昨天，我与内塔尼亚胡(Netanyahu)总理和阿巴斯(Abbas)主席举行了一次建设性的会议。我们取得了一些进展。巴勒斯坦人加强了他们在安全方面的努力。以色列方面则扩大了巴勒斯坦人的行动自由。在双方作出这些努力后，约旦河西岸的经济已开始增长。但是，还需要取得更大的进展。我们继续呼吁巴勒斯坦人结束针对以色列的挑衅行为，我们也继续强调美国不接受以色列继续扩大定居点这一做法的合法性。（掌声）

The time has come--the time has come to re-launch negotiations without preconditions that address the permanent status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians, borders, refugees, and Jerusalem.And the goal is clear: Two states living side by side in peace and security--a Jewish state of Israel, with true security for all Israelis;and a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967, and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people.(Applause.)

这样的时刻已经来临–不预设条件重启谈判解决以色列人与巴勒斯坦人的安全、边界、和耶路撒冷等永久性地位问题的时刻已经来临。目标很明确：两个国家在和平与安全中并存——一个是所有以色列人真正享有安全的以色列犹太国；另一个是独立的、具有生命力的巴勒斯坦国，它将重获从1967年开始被占领的大片领土，并使巴勒斯坦人民的潜能得到发挥。（掌声）

As we pursue this goal, we will also pursue peace between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its many neighbors.In pursuit of that goal, we will develop regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.当我们寻求这项目标时，我们还将寻求以色列与黎巴嫩、以色列与叙利亚、以色列与其许多邻国之间的更广泛的和平。在寻求这项目标时，我们不仅要利用双边谈判，还将制定多方参与的地区性行动计划。

Now, I am not naïve.I know this will be difficult.But all of us--not just the Israelis and the Palestinians, but all of us--must decide whether we are serious about peace, or whether we will only lend it lip service.To break the old patterns, to break the cycle of insecurity and despair, all of us must say publicly what we would acknowledge in private.The United States does Israel no favors when we fail to couple an unwavering commitment to its security with an insistence that Israel respect the legitimate claims and rights of the Palestinians.(Applause.)And--and nations within this body do the Palestinians no favors when they choose vitriolic attacks against Israel over constructive willingness to recognize Israel's legitimacy and its right to exist in peace and security.(Applause.)我并不幼稚天真。我知道这件事并非轻而易举。但我们大家–不仅是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人，而是我们大家–必须决定我们是否真正希望实现和平，还只是口惠而实不至。为了打破旧有的模式，打破不安全和绝望的循环，我们大家必须公开说出我们私下承认的事实。美国如果不把对以色列的安全所作的坚定承诺与坚持要求以色列尊重巴勒斯坦人民的合法诉求与权利这两者结合在一起，就等于没有向以色列提供任何帮助。（掌声）如果联合国的成员国只是对以色列猛烈抨击，而不是本着建设性的态度承认以色列的合法性及其在和平与安全中生存的权利，这些国家也就没有向巴勒斯坦人提供任何帮助。（掌声）

We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us.It's not paid by politicians.It's paid by the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the middle of the night.It's paid for by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to call his own.These are all God's children.And after all the politics and all the posturing, this is about the right of every human being to live with dignity and security.That is a lesson embedded in the three great faiths that call one small slice of Earth the Holy Land.And that is why, even though there will be setbacks and false starts and tough days, I will not waver in my pursuit of peace.(Applause.)

我们必须记住，为这场冲突付出最大代价的并不是我们，也不是政客们，而是住在斯德洛特（Sderot）的以色列女孩，她惊恐万分，闭上自己的眼睛，害怕会被半夜袭来的火箭弹夺走生命。付出代价的还有加沙（Gaza）地带的巴勒斯坦男孩，他喝不上干净的水，也没有自己的祖国。他们都是上帝的子民。在种种政治较量和种种姿态背后，最根本的是每个人都有权过有尊严和安全无虞的生活。这是将地球上这一小块地方称为圣地（Holy Land）的三大宗教的教诲。正因为如此，尽管会面临挫折、出师不利的局面和艰难的时期，我都会毫不动摇地寻求和平。（掌声）

Third, we must recognize that in the 21st century, there will be no peace unless we take responsibility for the preservation of our planet.And I thank the Secretary General for hosting the subject of climate change yesterday.第三，我们必须认识到，在21世纪，除非我们承担起保护我们的星球的责任，否则就不会有和平。为此，我感谢秘书长昨天主持气候变化问题会议。

The danger posed by climate change cannot be denied.Our responsibility to meet it must not be deferred.If we continue down our current course, every member of this Assembly will see irreversible changes within their borders.Our efforts to end conflicts will be eclipsed by wars over refugees and resources.Development will be devastated by drought and famine.Land that human beings have lived on for millennia will disappear.Future generations will look back and wonder why we refused to act;why we failed to pass on--why we failed to pass on an environment that was worthy of our inheritance.气候变化构成的威胁不可否认。我们绝不能推诿应对这一威胁的责任。如果我们继续走现在这条道路，联大每一个会员国都将在本国境内看到无可补救的变化。我们制止冲突的努力将被因难民和争夺资源引发的战火耗尽。干旱和饥荒将断送促进发展的事业。人类世世代代生活的土地将会消失。子孙后代将回顾历史，责问我们为什么不采取行动；我们为什么没有留下——我们为什么没有留下一个值得为之骄傲的环境。

And that is why the days when America dragged its feet on this issue are over.We will move forward with investments to transform our energy economy, while providing incentives to make clean energy the profitable kind of energy.We will press ahead with deep cuts in emissions to reach the goals that we set for 2020, and eventually 2050.We will continue to promote renewable energy and efficiency, and share new technologies with countries around the world.And we will seize every opportunity for progress to address this threat in a cooperative effort with the entire world.因此，美国在这个问题上步履迟缓的时期结束了。我们将向前迈进，投资于我国能源经济的转型，同时通过鼓励措施使清洁能源变成有益的能源。我们将积极推行大幅度减排，实现我们到2020年要实现的目标，并最终实现2050年的既定目标。我们将继续提倡可再生能源和节能，并同世界各国分享新技术。我们将抓住一切寻求进展的机会，同全世界同心协力应对这一威胁。

And those wealthy nations that did so much damage to the environment in the 20th century must accept our obligation to lead.But responsibility does not end there.While we must acknowledge the need for differentiated responses, any effort to curb carbon emissions must include the fast-growing carbon emitters who can do more to reduce their air pollution without inhibiting growth.And any effort that fails to help the poorest nations both adapt to the problems that climate change have already wrought and help them travel a path of clean development simply will not work.对于所有在20世纪给环境造成了如此严重破坏的富裕国家，我们必须尽自己的义务，率先采取行动。但责任不限于此。尽管我们必须承认，应对行动应该区别对待，但任何限制碳排放的努力都必须将碳排放量增长迅速的国家包括在内，这些国家能在不阻碍发展的情况下为降低空气污染做出更多的努力。任何方案都需要一方面帮助最贫困的国家应对气候变化已经造成问题，另一方面帮助它们走上清洁发展的道路。如果无法两者兼顾，则根本无法取得成效。

It's hard to change something as fundamental as how we use energy.I know that.It's even harder to do so in the midst of a global recession.Certainly, it will be tempting to sit back and wait for others to move first.But we cannot make this journey unless we all move forward together.As we head into Copenhagen, let us resolve to focus on what each of us can do for the sake of our common future.改变我们使用能源的方式是一个基本问题，做到这一点并不容易。我知道这一点。在全球陷入衰退的时期这样做，甚至更加困难。当然，难免会有坐等他人首先采取行动的想法。但除非我们所有的人共同行动，否则就无法踏上这一征程。在我们准备出席哥本哈根（Copenhagen）会议之际，让我们痛下决心，集中精力去做我们每个人能为我们共同的未来所做的事情。And this leads me to the final pillar that must fortify our future: a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.现在，我将谈到支撑我们的未来的最后一个要素：为所有的人增进机会的全球经济。

The world is still recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.In America, we see the engine of growth beginning to churn, and yet many still struggle to find a job or pay their bills.Across the globe, we find promising signs, but little certainty about what lies ahead.And far too many people in far too many places live through the daily crises that challenge our humanity--the despair of an empty stomach;the thirst brought on by dwindling water supplies;the injustice of a child dying from a treatable disease;or a mother losing her life as she gives birth.全世界经历了自大萧条（Great Depression）以来最严重的一场经济危机，目前还在复苏之中。在美国，我们看到增长的引擎开始转动，但很多人仍然找不到工作，入不敷出。在全球各地，我们看到了可喜的迹象，但前景仍无定数。在太多的地方，有太多的人每天都生活在挑战人生的艰辛之中——饥肠辘辘，顿生绝望；供水短缺，干渴难熬；疾病可治，但患病儿童却死于不公正；或者出现产妇在生育过程中死亡的惨剧。

In Pittsburgh, we will work with the world's largest economies to chart a course for growth that is balanced and sustained.That means vigilance to ensure that we do not let up until our people are back to work.That means taking steps to rekindle demand so that global recovery can be sustained.And that means setting new rules of the road and strengthening regulation for all financial centers, so that we put an end to the greed and the excess and the abuse that led us into this disaster, and prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.在匹兹堡（Pittsburgh），我们将同全世界最大的经济体共同开辟一条均衡的、可持续增长的道路。这意味着高度负责，毫不松懈，直到我们的人民获得重新就业。意味着采取措施重新促进需求，保证全球复苏持续进行。这还意味着确立新的行为准则，并增强对所有金融中心的监管，以便铲除将我们带进这场灾难的贪婪、无节制和渎职行为，杜绝这样的危机再度发生。

At a time of such interdependence, we have a moral and pragmatic interest, however, in broader questions of development--the questions of development that existed even before this crisis happened.And so America will continue our historic effort to help people feed themselves.We have set aside $63 billion to carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS, to end deaths from tuberculosis and malaria, to eradicate polio, and to strengthen public health systems.We are joining with other countries to contribute H1N1 vaccines to the World Health Organization.We will integrate more economies into a system of global trade.We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year's summit with a global plan to make them a reality.And we will set our sights on the eradication of extreme poverty in our time.然而，在这个如此相互依存的时代，我们在更宽泛的发展问题上有着道义上和实际的利益——有关发展的种种问题在这场危机爆发前就已经存在。因此，美国将继续发扬历史传统，帮助人民吃饱穿暖。我们已拨款630亿美元继续进行防治艾滋病病毒/艾滋病（HIV/AIDS）的工作，挽救结核病和疟疾患者的生命，根治小儿麻痹症，并增强公共医疗体制。我们同其他国家共同向世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）捐赠H1N1疫苗。我们将帮助更多的经济体加入全球贸易体系。我们将支持千年发展目标，并将在明年的峰会上提出一项实现这些目标的全球计划。我们还将力争在我们这个时代根除极端贫困的现象。

Now is the time for all of us to do our part.Growth will not be sustained or shared unless all nations embrace their responsibilities.And that means that wealthy nations must open their markets to more goods and extend a hand to those with less, while reforming international institutions to give more nations a greater voice.And developing nations must root out the corruption that is an obstacle to progress--for opportunity cannot thrive where individuals are oppressed and business have to pay bribes.That is why we support honest police and independent judges;civil society and a vibrant private sector.Our goal is simple: a global economy in which growth is sustained, and opportunity is available to all.现在是我们所有的人尽力而为的时候了。只有所有国家都承担起责任，才能实现可持续增长或共同增长。这意味着富裕国家必须向更多的商品开放市场，并向不太富裕的国家伸出援手，同时改革国际机制，使更多的国家拥有更大的发言权。发展中国家必须根除阻碍进步的腐败现象——因为在人民遭受压迫、工商企业不得不行贿的地方不会出现机遇。这因为如此，我们支持廉正的警察和独立的法官；支持公民社会和一个欣欣向荣的民营部门。我们的目标简单明了：全球经济实现可持续增长，让所有的人都享有机会。

Now, the changes that I've spoken about today will not be easy to make.And they will not be realized simply by leaders like us coming together in forums like this, as useful as that may be.For as in any assembly of members, real change can only come through the people we represent.That is why we must do the hard work to lay the groundwork for progress in our own capitals.That's where we will build the consensus to end conflicts and to harness technology for peaceful purposes, to change the way we use energy, and to promote growth that can be sustained and shared.然而，实现我今天谈到的种种变革不可能一蹴而就。这些变革也不可能仅仅因为我们这些领导人在这里举行会议就能实现，尽管这些会议能发挥有益的作用。因为不论什么组织举行什么样的会议，真正的变革只能通过我们代表的人民才能得到实现。这也是为什么我们必须艰苦努力，在我们各国首都为取得进展奠定基础。这就构成了我们达成共识的基础，从而可以结束冲突，从而可以为和平的目的利用技术，从而可以改变我们使用能源的方式，从而可以促进可持续的共同增长。

I believe that the people of the world want this future for their children.And that is why we must champion those principles which ensure that governments reflect the will of the people.These principles cannot be afterthoughts--democracy and human rights are essential to achieving each of the goals that I've discussed today, because governments of the people and by the people are more likely to act in the broader interests of their own people, rather than narrow interests of those in power.我相信，全世界人民都希望为自己的孩子争取这样的未来。这也是我们必须捍卫上述原则的原因，因为这些原则要求各国政府必须体现人民的意志。这些原则并非可有可无—民主和对于实现我今天谈到的各项目标必不可少，因为民有和民治的政府更有可能根据本国人民更广泛的利益采取行动，不必屈从于当权者狭隘的利益。

The test of our leadership will not be the degree to which we feed the fears and old hatreds of our people.True leadership will not be measured by the ability to muzzle dissent, or to intimidate and harass political opponents at home.The people of the world want change.They will not long tolerate those who are on the wrong side of history.对我们领导能力的检验不表现于助长人民的恐惧感和深仇宿怨。衡量真正领导能力的尺度不是压制异己或恫吓骚扰国内政治反对派的力量。世界人民希望变革。他们不会长期忍耐与历史背道而驰的人。

This Assembly's Charter commits each of us--and I quote--“to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women.” Among those rights is the freedom to speak your mind and worship as you please;the promise of equality of the races, and the opportunity for women and girls to pursue their own potential;the ability of citizens to have a say in how you are governed, and to have confidence in the administration of justice.For just as no nation should be forced to accept the tyranny of another nation, no individual should be forced to accept the tyranny of their own people.(Applause.)

大会宪章责成我们每个成员——我在此引述——“重申他们对基本、人格尊严和价值以及男女平等权利的信念”。这些权利包括，表达自己观点的自由和信仰自由；种族平等的保证；妇女和女童发展潜力的机会；公民对自身管理的发言权以及对司法公正的信心。正如任何国家都不应被迫接受另一国家的专制一样，任何人都不应被迫接受对本国人民的专制。（掌声）

As an African American, I will never forget that I would not be here today without the steady pursuit of a more perfect union in my country.And that guides my belief that no matter how dark the day may seem, transformative change can be forged by those who choose to side with justice.And I pledge that America will always stand with those who stand up for their dignity and their rights--for the student who seeks to learn;the voter who demands to be heard;the innocent who longs to be free;the oppressed who yearns to be equal.作为一个非洲裔美国人，我决不会忘记，若不是我的国家对一个更加完美的联邦的坚定追求，我今天不会站在这里。它使我相信，无论眼前看似多么黑暗，选择站在正义一边的人们是能够促成变革的。我保证，美国将永远同捍卫自身尊严与权利的人们在一起——同努力求学的学生；同要求发出声音的选民；同渴望自由的无辜者；同期盼平等的受压迫人。Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside.Each society must search for its own path, and no path is perfect.Each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people and in its past traditions.And I admit that America has too often been selective in its promotion of democracy.But that does not weaken our commitment;it only reinforces it.There are basic principles that are universal;there are certain truths which are self-evident--and the United States of America will never waver in our efforts to stand up for the right of people everywhere to determine their own destiny.(Applause.)

民主不可能从外部强加给任何国家。每个社会必须寻求自身的道路，而没有一条路会尽善尽美。每个国家都将谋求一条基于自身民族文化和历史传统的道路。我承认，美国在推动民主时曾过于经常地带有选择性。但这并不减少我们的承诺，而是使之更加坚定。一些基本原则是举世皆准的；一些真理是不言而喻的——美利坚合众国将永远毫不动摇地支持各地人民决定自己命运的权利。（掌声）

Sixty-five years ago, a weary Franklin Roosevelt spoke to the American people in his fourth and final inaugural address.After years of war, he sought to sum up the lessons that could be drawn from the terrible suffering, the enormous sacrifice that had taken place.“We have learned,” he said, “to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.”

６５年前，忧心忡忡的富兰克林•罗斯福向美国人民发表了他的第四次，也是最后一次就职演说。他对多年战争造成的可怕苦难和人们作出的巨大牺牲所能带来的教训作了如此概括：“我们学会了做世界公民，做人类社会的成员。”

The United Nations was built by men and women like Roosevelt from every corner of the world--from Africa and Asia, from Europe to the Americas.These architects of international cooperation had an idealism that was anything but naïve--it was rooted in the hard-earned lessons of war;rooted in the wisdom that nations could advance their interests by acting together instead of splitting apart.从非洲到亚洲、从欧洲到美洲——联合国是由世界各地像罗斯福这样的男女志士创建起来的。这些国际合作建筑师们的理想绝非天真，而是基于来之不易的战争教训和这样一个智慧，即各国可以通过一道行动而不是来促进自己的利益。

Now it falls to us--for this institution will be what we make of it.The United Nations does extraordinary good around the world--feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, mending places that have been broken.But it also struggles to enforce its will, and to live up to the ideals of its founding.如今此任降临于我们——这个机构的作用将取决于我们。联合国在全球功绩卓著——解饥救病，修复创伤。但是，联合国也在贯彻自身意愿和实践奠基理念的过程中步履艰难。

I believe that those imperfections are not a reason to walk away from this institution--they are a calling to redouble our efforts.The United Nations can either be a place where we bicker about outdated grievances, or forge common ground;a place where we focus on what drives us apart, or what brings us together;a place where we indulge tyranny, or a source of moral authority.In short, the United Nations can be an institution that is disconnected from what matters in the lives of our citizens, or it can be an indispensable factor in advancing the interests of the people we serve.我相信，这些缺憾不能构成背弃这个机构的理由，而是一个要求我们加倍努力的呼唤。联合国这个地方，既能够使我们为宿怨争吵不休，也可以让我们奠定共同基础；既能够使我们盯住分歧不放，也可以让我们携手共进；既能够使人纵容专制，也可以产生道义权威。总之，联合国既可以与事关我们公民性命的事务不相干，也可以成为推动我们为之服务的人民的利益所不可或缺的因素。

We have reached a pivotal moment.The United States stands ready to begin a new chapter of international cooperation--one that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations.And so, with confidence in our cause, and with a commitment to our values, we call on all nations to join us in building the future that our people so richly deserve.我们已到达一个关键时刻。美国为打开国际合作的新篇章作好了准备——这种合作认识到所有国家的权利与责任。因此，满怀对我们事业的信心和对我们价值观的信念，我们呼呼所有国家与我们一道建设一个我们的人民应充分享有的未来。

Thank you very much, everybody.(Applause.)

非常感谢你们，所有各位。（掌声）

第三篇：奥巴马总统在联合国大会上的讲话

奥巴马总统在联合国大会上的讲话

驱动不容忍和暴力或许一开始是针对西方，但它会逐渐变得无法控制。对极端主义的同样驱动引发逊尼派教徒（Sunni）和什叶派教徒（Shia）、部落与宗族间的交战。它所带来的不是富强繁荣，而是动荡混乱。在不到两年时间里，我们看到大体和平的示威行动给穆斯林占主体的国家带来的变化超过了十年暴力的效果。极端主义者明白这一点。由于他们拿不出任何方式改善人民生活，暴力是他们维持自身存在价值的唯一手段。他们没有建树，只有破坏。。

第四篇：温家宝在联合国大会上的发言

中国理念！中国责任！——国际舞台上的温家宝总理

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中国理念！中国责任！——国际舞台上的温家宝总理

当地时间9月23日，国务院总理温家宝在纽约联合国总部出席联合国安理会首脑会议并发表讲话。

中国国务院总理温家宝于9月21日应约赴联合国参加千年发展目标的系列会议，并在在纽约联合国总部出席了多场会议，并就各方关心的问题发表了讲话，受到与会各方的高度重视和国际社会的高度评价。温家宝总理所到之处，受到热烈欢迎。尤其他独特有的中国理念，中国负责任的多次讲话，就全球重大问题向世界宣示的一系列中国主张、中国立场，更是得到出席大会的１0０多个国家的领导人的充分肯定。可以说，这是新形势下我国进行的一次重大外交行动。

当地时间9月23日，国务院总理温家宝在纽约联合国总部出席第65届联合国大会一般性辩论并发表讲话。

我们注意到：温家宝总理一走进联合国总部，很多联合国工作人员欣喜地簇拥过来，无数华侨华人期盼地站在道路两旁眺望，更是受到来自世界各地的几千多名记者的高度关注。

温家宝总理在联合国期间，出席多个峰会，发表多篇重要讲话，向国际社会全方位宣示中国对外政策，以及国际事务的基本理念和基本原则，受到与会国和世界媒体的高度评价！

联合国千年发展目标高级别会议20日在纽约联合国总部开幕。温家宝在联合国大会上发表《认识一个真实的中国》重要讲话，在演讲中，温总理介绍了中国在实现千年发展目标方面取得的重大进展和经验，为推动国际发展合作所做的贡献及主张。总理的演讲，受到与会者热烈欢迎和高度评价。特别是总理在讲话中明确指出：中国仍然处于社会主义初级阶段，仍然属于发展中国家。这就是我们的基本国情，这就是一个真实的中国。在谈及今后的国策以及对外政策时，温总理阐述的条理清晰，观点明确，有着重要的现实意义。总理说：中国将坚定不移地走和平发展道路。中国在追求自身发展的进程中，将继续以促进人类的共同发展和繁荣为己任。中国的发展，不会损害任何人，也不会威胁任何人。温总理同时指出，中国讲友好，也讲原则。在涉及国家核心利益的问题上，中国决不退让，决不妥协。总理的讲话即阐述了我国的国策，以及对外方针政策，也在国际舞台上就一些重大原则问题表达了中国的理念，以及大国负责任的态度。可谓柔中带刚，刚柔相济，体现了中国人民促进世界和平的和谐理念，坚定维护中国核心利益的钢铁意志。

当地时间9月22日，中国国务院总理温家宝在纽约出席联合国千年发展目标高级别会议妇幼健康战略启动仪式并发言。

温家宝总理23日在纽约出席了安理会首脑会议并讲话，中方认为，安理会作为集体安全机制的核心，应该进一步增强权威，在维护国际和平与安全方面承担更大责任、做出更大努力、发挥更大作用。并提出了四点主张。一是推动以和平方式解决争端，二是提高安理会解决问题的能力，三是消除争端冲突产生的根源，四是解决非洲热点问题。总理的提议主题鲜明，重点突出，较好的解答了安理会当前存在的薄弱环节，以及调整，推进的大局方针，得到安理会参会各国代表普遍认可。

9月22日，中国国务院总理温家宝在纽约出席美国友好团体举行的欢迎晚宴并发表演讲。

温总理在纽约期间还出席参加了许多重大会议，总的来说有20多场。比较突出的有：在纽约出席美国友好团体举行的欢迎晚宴并发表演讲，并会见美国总统奥巴马。尤其就人民币汇率问题坦率交换了意见，使他们认识到中美之间的共同利益远远大于分歧，基本实现了中美友好。

9月22日，国务院总理温家宝在纽约联合国总部会见联合国秘书长潘基文。

温总理此次出席联合国系列会议达到了宣示我内外政策主张、推动国际发展合作、支持联合国发挥重要作用、展示出大国的负责任形象。尤其温总理在65届联大一般性辩论时发表的重要讲话，从对中国现实国情出发的认真剖析和定位，回应解除了各方针对中国未来发展的种种疑虑和担忧。与此同时，温总理的发言也让世界倾听了来自中国的理念，负责任的阐述和真诚解读，不仅打动了现场来自于139个国家元首和政府首脑，也吸引了世界媒体的聚焦，从而得到国际社会高度评价：泰国、埃塞俄比亚等发展中国家代表认为，中国是发展中国家真正的朋友，并为发展中国家实现千年发展目标指明了方向。

9月22日，中国国务院总理温家宝在纽约会见联合国开发计划署署长克拉克女士，并共同出席《中华人民共和国政府与联合国开发计划署加强合作关系谅解备忘录》签字仪式。

温家宝在出席联合国千年发展目标高级别会议时宣布，中国将再向巴基斯坦提供2亿美元无偿救灾援助。巴外交部长专门对此表示感谢。巴方表示，体现了中国人民对巴基斯坦人民的深情厚意，将对国际社会加大对巴援助产生示范效应。联合国艾滋病规划署执行主任西迪贝表示，温家宝总理专门出席联合国艾滋病规划署举办的抗击艾滋病活动，充分表明了中国抗击艾滋病的坚强决心和政治意志，为其他国家建立了表率。联合国秘书长千年发展目标问题特别顾问、美国哥伦比亚大学教授萨克斯表示，温家宝总理的讲话感人至深，表明了中国领导人勇于面对挑战、不回避问题的决心与意愿，同时也展示了中国日益凸现的能力。此外，德国、丹麦等国家代表纷纷表示，温家宝在出席联合国系列会议时的讲话既介绍了中国取得的成就，也讲到中国面临的挑战和困难，使国际社会更好地了解了一个真实的中国，相信中国将在国际事务和世界经济中发挥更大、更重要的作用。

当地时间9月23日，中国国务院总理温家宝在纽约会见美国总统奥巴马

温总理，真是我们的好总理，他不仅爱民、爱国，得到全国14亿人民的拥护，也以大国负责任的理念，打动了世界各国代表的心，他的负责任的联合国之行，不仅得到世界新闻媒体的广泛认可，也再次在世界国际舞台树立起中国人民的高大形象。他真是中华民族的优秀儿子，全国人民十分爱戴的好总理！

第五篇：在市荣获“联合国人居奖”庆典大会上的讲话

在市荣获“联合国人居奖”庆典大会上的讲话

各位领导、各位嘉宾、同志们：

今天，我们在这里隆重集会，庆祝××市荣获XX年“联合国人居奖”。这是××市各族人民期盼已久的盛事。在这里，我谨代表中共××市委、市人大、市政府、市政协，向授予××市这份殊荣的联合国人居署表示衷心的感谢！向长期以来关心、支持、帮助××市建设发展的国家建设部等中央和国家机关部委表示衷心的感谢！向××部队和武警官兵表示衷心的感谢！向首府各界人士和全市各族人民表示衷心的感谢！

“联合国人居奖”是全球人居领域最高规格的奖项。这个奖项每年颁发一次，目的在于鼓励和表彰世界各国为改善人类居住环境作出杰出贡献的政府、组织、个人和项目。今年，××市获得联合国人居奖评审委员会全票通过，捧得了这一全球人居领域的桂冠，成为今年联合国人居署向中国城市颁发的唯一奖项，世界再次记录了中国、再次记录了××、再次记录了××。

这一殊荣，是××正确领导的结果；是××和所有关心××建设发展的各界人士鼎力支持的结果；也是××市历届班子团结和带领全市人民艰苦奋斗、扎实工作的结果。

这项荣誉，是对××市建设“中国绿城”、广西“首善之区”和区域性国际城市工作的充分肯定；是对南宁市坚持以人为本的发展理念，致力改善人居环境，不断提高市民生活水平、生活环境的高度评价；是南宁城市发展史上的一个里程碑，同时，也是南宁这座有着1680多年历史古城新的辉煌标志，是南宁这座中国—东盟博览会举办城市走向世界的又一张亮丽名片，为南宁主动融入多区域合作提供一个重要的契机，必将进一步激发全市人民的机遇意识、发展意识和主人翁意识，同心同德，为建设区域性国际城市而努力奋斗。

多年来，我们孜孜以求，付出了艰辛和汗水，也留下了一串串坚实的足迹。

——我们高度重视生态环境的保护和建设，坚定不移地打造一座生态环境优美的绿色之城；多年来，市委、市政府始终坚持改善城市人居质量、打造城市优美环境、提升城市形象品位，实施蓝天工程、碧水工程、宁静工程、绿色工程，搬迁、改造、关停市中心区一批重污染企业，强力推进节能减排工作，建设高标准、现代化的污水处理厂，城市生态环境明显改善；XX年和XX年共植树324万棵，“城在林中、林在城中”初步形成；建成了60处绿地广场，以及占地面积为93公顷的市中心森林公园和“名树博览园”，建成区绿化覆盖率达38.21%，人均公园绿地面积达12.23平方米;着力做好“水的”，对市区18条内河开展综合整治，努力营造具有民族文化底蕴、亚热带特色、风景秀丽的城市水环境；全民动员、全民参与、全民行动，在全市范围内开展了声势浩大、深入持久的“城乡清洁工程”、治理“五乱”大行动，城乡面貌焕然一新，南宁市水变清了、天变蓝了、街道变干净了、居住得更舒适了。

——我们坚持以人为本，积极推进城市和谐发展。实施“系统改善城市弱势群体居住环境的行动”，通过东沟岭棚户区改造、经济适用房及廉租房建设、全市小街小巷整治改造，分别解决城市边缘棚户区居民、外来务工人员、住房困难户、低收入者、残障人员、受洪涝威胁的沿江居民等人群面临的实际问题，受益人数超过80万人。建起多层次的住房保障体系，解决了3万多户中低收入家庭、无房户和拆迁户10多万人的住房困难，让居者有其屋。深入开展“访民情、听民意、解民忧、帮民富、保民安”活动，形成了为民办实事的长效机制。实施就业和再就业工程，开展“百万农民就业培训”活动，实施“社会发展百亿工程”和“全民创业”计划，确保“零就业家庭”就业，致力于建设“充分就业的城市”。在全市各社区建立了275家“爱心超市”，构建爱心奉献的平台、和谐社会的纽带。广泛开展“和谐建设在基层”活动，建设和谐社区、和谐村屯、和谐家庭、和谐学校、和谐机关、和谐单位、和谐企业，“能帮就帮”的望州南精神已成为和谐南宁的城市品质。

——我们坚持城市可持续发展，加强城市基础设施建设，不断完善城市功能。坚持以建设区域性国际城市为目标，按照“以邕江为轴线，西建东扩，完善江北，提升江南，重点向南”的城市发展方向，启动五象新区建设，加大旧城改造力度，拉开城市框架，扩大城市规模，完善城市功能。对城市进行有史以来最大规模的建设和改造，建成了快速环道、环城高速公路、五象大道等一批重大基础设施项目，城市基础设施和公共设施网络不断完善。

——我们关注城市公共安全，全力构建平安家园；围绕构建平安南宁，深入开展“大接访、大排查、大调处”活动，构建“大防控”体系，最大限度地增加和谐因素，最大限度地减少不和谐因素，打牢维护社会和谐稳定的根基。建成了我国第一套集应急救助、非应急公共服务、灾难事故事前防范、城市公共设施安全管理于一体的“城市应急联动系统”。“数字化城市管理监督与指挥系统”已正式运行，实现了对城市“科学、严格、精细、长效”的管理，城市建设管理和公共安全管理又迈上了新台阶。

南宁市获得“联合国人居奖”，既是荣誉，更是责任，我们将以此为新的起点和新的动力，以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导，全面落实科学发展观，紧密团结在以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央周围，坚定不移地推动科学发展、促进社会和谐，围绕建设广西“首善之区”和区域性国际城市的目标，着力开创多区域合作、工业化发展、城镇化建设的新局面，抓好和谐社会建设、“三农”工作和人才队伍建设，把南宁建成中国—东盟的区域性物流基地、商贸基地、加工制造业基地和信息交流中心、交通枢纽中心、金融中心；深入实施“城乡清洁工程”，推进数字化城市管理工作，加强公共安全管理，不断改善居民生活条件；坚持以人为本，深入开展“和谐建设在基层”活动，建设“充分就业的城市”，切实解决人民群众最关心、最直接、最现实的利益问题；继续改善城市生态环境，着重做好“树的”和“水的”，创建独具特色的现代宜居城市，把南宁打造成一座生态环境优美的绿色之城，一座整洁干净的卫生之城，一座治安秩序良好、平安公正、安居乐业的和谐之城。

南宁市的明天一定会更加美好！