美国财政部长 蒂姆西演讲致辞

第一篇：美国财政部长 蒂姆西演讲致辞

美中经济关系的前进道路

——就美中经济关系发表的演讲 美国财政部长 蒂姆西∙盖特纳

约翰斯霍布金斯大学高级国际问题研究院 2011年1月12日

It’s a pleasure to be here at SAIS.非常高兴来到高级国际问题研究院。

SAIS is a leader in one of the most important challenges in public policy and education – that of helping Americans understand the world and the role we play in it.This is important because we cannot effectively pursue our national interests unless we understand the objectives, the intentions, and the capabilities of other nations.贵院在公共政策和教育战线中最具重要挑战性的领域之一——帮助美国人民了解世界和我们在其中所发挥的作用——堪称是佼佼者。它之所以重要是因为，如果我们不了解其他国家的目标、意图和能力，我们就不能有效地寻求我们的国家利益。

Next week, President Obama will host President Hu Jintao at the White House.下个星期，奥巴马总统将在白宫接待胡锦涛主席。

This State Visit takes place at a time of important transition for the world economy, the Chinese economy, and the U.S.economy.此次国事访问正值世界经济、中国经济和美国经济处于重要过渡时期。

The global economy is emerging from the financial crisis, but that crisis has left lasting scars that will take years to repair.And it has left a growing gap between the growth trajectories of the large developed economies and the rapidly growing emerging economies.全球经济正在摆脱金融危机，但此次危机留下的创痕需要多年时间才会平复。危机也使大型发达经济体和迅速增长的新兴经济体的发展轨迹产生日益扩大的差距。

While many of the major economies are still confronted with the challenge of rebuilding after crisis, many of the emerging economies are at the early stage of what should be a long period of very rapid economic growth, with rising incomes creating growing demand for resources and for investment capital.当很多主要经济体依然面临危机后的重建挑战时，很多新兴经济体已经进入应会是长期快速经济增长的初期阶段，随之而来的是日益增长的收入带来对资源和投资资本的更大需求。

The growth of the United States stands between these two divergent paths.We are likely to grow at about half the rate of the major emerging economies, but about twice the rate of Europe and Japan.美国的增长处于这两种不同道路之间。我们的增长速度很可能是主要新兴经济体的一半，但大约为欧洲和日本的一倍。

These dynamics will fundamentally change the balance in the world economy, forcing changes in the architecture of the trade and financial systems.这一动态将从根本上改变世界经济的平衡，使贸易和金融系统的结构发生变化。

In this new global context, China’s principal economic challenge is how it will manage the next stage in its transition from a state-dominated developing economy, dependent on external demand and technology, to a more market-oriented economy, with growth powered by domestic demand and innovation.在这一新的全球背景下，中国面临的主要经济挑战是如何处理好转型的下一阶段，即从依靠外来需求和技术的国家控制的发展中经济转向靠内需和创新带动增长、更加由市场导向的经济。

Today, I want to talk about the implications of these changes for our economic relationship with China and for U.S.economic policy.今天，我想谈一谈这些变化对美中经济关系及对美国的经济政策的含义。

China presents enormous economic opportunities for the United States and for the world, but its size, the speed of its ascent, and its policies are a growing source of concern in the United States and in many other countries.中国为美国和世界提供了巨大的经济机遇，但其规模、崛起速度和政策越来越引起美国和很多其他国家的担忧。

To put those concerns in context, I’d like to begin by stating a few fundamental propositions about our economic relationship.为给这些担忧提供一个背景，我想首先阐明一下有关两国经济关系的几个基本论点。

First, the economic relationship between the United States and China provides tremendous benefits to both our nations.Even though we compete in many areas, our economic strengths are largely complementary.首先，美中经济关系为两国都带来了巨大的利益。虽然两国在很多领域存在竞争，但两国的经济优势在很大程度上具有互补性。

Second, China faces a very complicated set of challenges as it transitions toward a more open, market oriented economy.It is very much in our interest that the Chinese manage these challenges successfully.第二，中国在向更开放、更为市场导向的经济转型时，面临一系列相当复杂的挑战。中国成功应对这些挑战非常符合我们的意愿。

Third, our priorities in our economic relationship with China – from its exchange rate to its treatment of intellectual property – reflect changes that are fundamentally in China’s interest.Ultimately, China will need to make these changes in order to promote its own long-term prosperity.第三，我们在两国经济关系中的重点关注领域——从汇率到对知识产权的处理——反映着中国需要作出的符合其根本利益的改变。为了促进其本身的长期繁荣，中国最终需要有这些改变。

Fourth, and finally, I want to emphasize that the prosperity of Americans depends overwhelmingly on the economic policies we pursue to strengthen American competitiveness.Even as we work to encourage further reforms in China, we need to understand that our strength as a nation will depend, not on choices made by China’s leaders, but on the choices we make here at home.第四，也就是最后，我想强调，美国的繁荣极大地有赖于我们奉行增强美国竞争力的经济政策。虽然我们鼓励中国实行更进一步的改革，但我们要明白，我们作为一个国家的力量不是取决于中国领导人作出的选择，而是我们自己在国内所作的选择。

Now, over the last few decades, China has emerged as a major economic force.在过去几十年里，中国已成长为一个主要的经济力量。

That growth was unleashed by China’s economic reforms, a growing labor force, and one of history’s greatest economic migrations from farms to factories.这种增长的动力是中国的经济改革、劳动力增加和历史上最浩大的从农田到工厂的经济迁徙。

But China’s growth was also made possible by the access China enjoyed to the markets, the investments, and the technology of the United States and the other major economies.但是，中国之所以能有这样的增长也是由于中国获得了美国和其他主要经济体的市场、投资和技术。

The open, multilateral system of trade and investment, with its balance of rules and responsibilities, was built with the leadership of the United States decades before China opened up to the world.这种开放与多边的体制，包括贸易和投资体制中规则与责任之间的相互平衡，是中国向世界开放之前几十年在美国的领导下建立起来的。

The opportunities created by the system were fundamental to China’s economic ascent, and they remain vital to China’s ability to continue to grow.该体制创造的机遇对中国的经济崛起极其重要，对中国能否继续增长仍然至关重要。

China needs the United States, but the United States also benefits very substantially from our rapidly expanding economic relationship with China.中国需要美国，但美国也从迅速扩大的与中国的经济关系中获益良多。

The benefits of this relationship are hard to capture in any one statistic, but remember this.这种关系的好处很难用一个统计数字来概括，但请谨记这点：

The United States is on track to export more than $100 billion of goods and services to China this year.Our exports to China are growing at twice the rate of our exports to the rest of the world.今年美国可望向中国出口1000多亿美元的服务与商品。我们到中国的出口正以高于向世界其他地方出口一倍的速度增长。

These exports are supporting hundreds of thousands of jobs across the nation in all sectors – from high technology to soybeans, aircraft to autos, and forklifts to financial services.这些出口支持着全国各行业数十万的就业机会——从高科技到大豆、飞机到汽车、从叉车到金融服务。

We have a great deal invested in each other’s success.我们对相互的成功投入甚多。

In our economic relationship with China we have focused on two principal objectives.在我们与中国的经济关系中，我们主要侧重于两个主要目标。

The first is to expand opportunities for U.S.companies to export and sell to the Chinese market.This requires a more level playing field for U.S.companies that compete with Chinese companies in China, in the United States, and around the world.首先是为美国公司出口和销售到中国市场扩大机会。这要求为在中国、美国和世界各地与中国公司竞争的美国公司开辟一个更公平的竞争市场。

Our second objective is to promote reforms that will reduce China’s reliance on export led growth and encourages a shift to domestic consumption and investment.As part of this, China’s exchange rate needs to strengthen in response to market forces.我们的第二个目标是促进改革，减少中国对外销型增长的依赖，并鼓励向国内消费和投资转变。作为其中一项内容，中国的汇率需要根据市场因素而加强。

I want to provide a quick review of some of our concerns and the extent of progress, as we see it, in each of these areas.我想简要地回顾一下在这些方面我们的一些担忧和取得进展的幅度。

First, on the broader competitive landscape in China and the opportunities and challenges we face competing in China:

首先，关于中国的更宽阔的竞争格局和我们在中国竞争所面临的机遇与挑战。

The commanding heights of China’s economy and its financial system are still dominated by the government.中国经济和金融体系的制高点仍然为政府所控制。

Chinese companies and workers are able to take advantage of a range of preferences and subsidies and operate behind trade barriers that give them a competitive advantage relative to U.S.and other foreign firms and workers.中国企业和工人能够利用一系列优惠和补贴的优势，借助贸易壁垒的屏蔽而经营，这使他们享有相对于美国和其他外国公司和工人的竞争优势。

They get access to low-cost finance, land, and energy.They enjoy preferences in terms of access to government contracts.他们可以低代价得到资金、土地和能源。在得到政府合同上享有优势。

Next, theft of intellectual property remains widespread in China, across many industries.第二，侵犯知识产权在中国的许多行业仍然很普遍。

And the Chinese government has introduced a range of new policies to encourage innovation in China that are designed to favor Chinese technology over foreign technology, including in the enormous Chinese government procurement market.中国政府出台了一系列鼓励在中国创新的新政策，旨在有利于中国技术而不利于外国技术，包括在巨大的中国政府的采购市场中。

Where these practices violate China’s international commitments, we are actively using the remedies available under U.S.and international trade laws to protect our interests.在这些做法违反了中国的国际承诺的情况下，我们积极利用美国和国际贸易法律赋予的补救办法来保护我们的利益。

And China has been gradually moving to address some of our concerns.而中国已经在逐步采取行动，解决我们所担心的一些问题。

The government recently launched a new enforcement effort to combat the theft of intellectual property and to force Chinese companies to pay for the intellectual property they use.政府最近推出了新的执法措施，打击知识产权侵权，迫使中国公司支付他们所使用的知识产权。

The Chinese leadership has committed to expand opportunities for U.S.firms in access to procurement by government entities.中国领导层已承诺扩大美国企业进入政府实体采购市场的机会。

And the government has committed not to discriminate against U.S.companies that operate in China.政府已承诺不歧视在中国经营的美国公司。

We welcome these commitments.They don’t address all our concerns, but they are something we can build on.And we will continue to press the Chinese to translate these commitments into further progress.我们欢迎这些承诺。它们不能解决我们所有的问题，但是是我们发展的基础。我们将继续敦促中国把这些承诺转化为更多进展。

Doing so is in their interest.Government domination limits competitiveness within the Chinese economy and prevents the private sector from contributing to growth at its full potential.And you can’t promote innovation if you don’t protect intellectual property.这样做符合他们的利益。政府主导束缚了中国经济内部的竞争力，妨碍私营部门对增长充分发挥作用。如果不保护知识产权，就不能推动创新。

Alongside the reforms I’ve mentioned, we want to encourage China to move definitively away from the export driven growth model of the last few decades to a growth model driven by domestic consumption.除了我上述提到的改革，我们希望鼓励中国绝对脱离过去几十年出口带动增长的模式，转向由国内消费推动的增长模式。

The Chinese leadership recognizes that China is now too large relative to the world economy for it to continue to rely on foreign demand to grow.And the government has adopted a comprehensive program of reforms to rebalance the economy and shift growth to domestic demand.中国领导人认识到，如今中国在世界经济中所占比例如此之大，它不能继续依赖国外需求来实现增长。中国政府已经采用了一个综合改革项目来重新平衡经济，转向以国内需求带动增长。

This requires reforms to increase public spending on health and education, raise and enforce minimum wages, remove barriers to investment in services, expand access to financial products for individuals and entrepreneurs, and remove subsidies for investment in the sectors that drove the initial decades of growth.这要求增加卫生、教育等公共项目的投资，提高并落实最低工资，消除在服务业投资的障碍，扩大个人和企业获得和利用金融产品的渠道，并且取消对促成最初几十年增长的行业的投资补贴。

This transition will take time, but it is already having a major impact on the shape of Chinese growth, and providing increased opportunities for American companies.Domestic demand is contributing more to growth, and as a consequence, U.S.exports to China are growing more rapidly, and U.S.companies operating in China are seeing more opportunities.这种转型需要时间，但它已经对中国经济发展形态产生了重大影响，并在为美国公司企业创造更多的机会。国内需求正在为带动增长发挥更大的作用，其结果是，美国对中国的出口更迅速增长，在中国运作的美国公司看到了更多的机会。

Finally, and importantly, China still closely manages the level of its exchange rate and restricts the ability of capital to move in and out of the country.最后一点，也是重要的一点，中国仍然紧紧把握其汇率水平，并且限制资本进出中国的能力。

These policies have the effect of keeping the Chinese currency substantially undervalued, which gives Chinese companies a competitive advantage.上述政策造成中国货币价值一直严重过低，从而给中国公司带来竞争优势。

They also impose substantial costs on other emerging economies that run more flexible exchanges rates, and as a result have experienced a substantial loss of competitiveness against China.这些政策也大大增加了其他实施更具弹性的汇率的新兴经济体的代价，使它们大大失去了与中国竞争的能力。

This is not a tenable policy for China or for the world economy.对于中国乃至世界经济而言，这都不是一种站得住脚的政策。

If China does not allow the currency to appreciate more rapidly, it will run the risk of seeing domestic inflation accelerate and face greater risk of a damaging rise in asset prices, both of which will threaten future growth.And sustaining an undervalued currency will undermine China’s own efforts to rebalance growth toward domestic consumption and higher-value-added production.中国如果不允许货币更迅速地增值，将可能出现国内通货膨胀加剧的危险，并且面临资产价格破坏性上涨的更大风险，两者都将威胁未来的经济增长。一直压低币值将损害中国自身转向国内消费和更高附加值产品生产进而重新取得发展平衡的努力。

Since June of 2010, when Chinese authorities announced they would resume moving toward a more flexible exchange rate, they have allowed the currency to appreciate only about 3 percent against the dollar.This is a pace of about 6 percent a year in nominal terms, but significantly faster in real terms because inflation in China is much higher than in the United States.自2010年6月中国当局宣布将重新朝着更灵活的汇率移动以来，他们只让人民币对美元的升值幅度达到大约3%。这在表面上相当于大约每年6%的速度，但实际上要快得多，因为中国的通货膨胀远高于美国。

We believe it is in China’s interest to allow the currency to appreciate more rapidly in response to market forces.And we believe China will do so because the alternative will be too costly – for China and for China’s relations with the rest of the world.我们认为，允许人民币根据市场因素更快升值符合中国的利益。我们相信中国会这么做，因为否则将会给中国以及中国与世界其他国家的关系带来过高代价。

These are our main priorities.China’s objectives are focused on the following areas:

以上是我国的主要重点。中国的目标集中在以下方面：

• China wants more access to U.S.high technology products.• China to take greater advantage of investment opportunities in the United States.• China would like to be accorded the same terms of access that market economies enjoy.--中国希望扩大获得美国高科技产品的渠道。--中国希望更大利用美国的投资机会。

--中国希望获得与市场经济体同等的准入条件。

We are willing to make progress on these issues, but our ability to move on these issues will depend of course on how much progress we see from China.我们愿意在这些方面取得进展，但是我们向前推进的能力自然将取决于我们看到中国有多大进展。

As China reduces the role of the state in the economy, reforms policies that discriminate against U.S.companies, removes subsidies and preferences for domestic firms and technology, and allows its exchange rate to reflect market forces, then we will be able to make progress on China’s objectives.随着中国减少国家在经济中的作用，修改歧视美国公司的政策，取消给予本国公司和本地技术的补贴和优惠，并允许其汇率根据市场浮动，我们将能够就中国的目标取得进展。

In any discussion of China, I think it is important for Americans to understand the solutions to our challenges in the United States rest first and foremost in the policies of Washington, not of Beijing.我认为，在任何关于中国的讨论中，美国人都必须了解，解决我们所面临的挑战要首先取决于华盛顿，而不是北京。

Fundamentally, how many jobs and how much wealth we create will be the result of the choices we make in the United States – not the choices of others.归根结底，我们能创造多少就业机会及多少财富，将取决于我们在美国所作的选择，而不是他人所作的选择。

In our efforts to rebuild and put Americans back to work, we have to make sure we are making the investments and reform that will be essential to our capacity to grow in the future.我们在努力重建并使美国人重返工作岗位的过程中，必须确保我们进行对我们未来增长能力至关重要的投资和改革。

As countries like China, India, Brazil and other emerging economies grow and expand, we want the American economy, American workers, and American companies to play a major role in – and gain substantial benefits from – that growth.在中国、印度、巴西和其他新兴经济体增长扩展之际，我们希望美国经济、美国工人和美国公司能在其中起到重要作用，并从那些增长中获得可观的益处。

We want to see a substantial part of that growing demand outside of the United States met by goods and services that are created and produced in the United States, and fueled by investment in the United States.我们希望，对于美国以外不断增长的需求，有很大一部分将通过美国创造和制造的产品和服务来满足，并由在美国的投资所带动。

If we are successful in doing that, we will be stronger as a nation.But to be successful in meeting that challenge, there are things we must do.We must invest more in research and development.We must invest more in educational reforms.We must invest more in public infrastructure.We must create stronger incentives for investment in the United States, by both American and foreign companies.We must be more forceful and effective in promoting American exports.如果我们能够成功做到这点，我们国家就会更强盛。但是，要成功迎接那种挑战，我们必须作出多项努力。我们必须对研究开发给予更多投资。我们必须对教育改革给予更多投资。我们必须对公共基础设施给予更多投资。我们必须创造更大吸引力让美国和外国公司在美国投资。我们必须更加高效有力地推动美国出口。

And we must restore fiscal responsibility.This will require the government to spend less and spend more wisely, so that we can afford to make the investments that are critical to future growth.And in the long term, it will require tax reform that produces a system that is more simple and more fair, that encourages growth and investment, and that will help restore fiscal sustainability.我们也必须恢复财政责任。这将要求政府减少开支和增加开支的理性，从而让我们能够进行对未来成长至关重要的投资。长期而言，这需要进行税务改革，建立一种更简明、更公平的体制，鼓励增长和投资，并且有助于恢复财政的可持续性。

These are our challenges.And they are not just an economic imperative, they are national security imperative.Our strength as a nation depends on the ability of our political system to move quickly enough to put in place solutions to our long-term problems.这些都是我们的挑战。它们不只是经济要务，也是国家安全的要务。美国的实力有赖于我们的政治体制能够迅速确定解决我们长期问题的方案。

Our great strengths as a country have been in our openness to ideas and talent, our capacity to innovate, our excellence in higher education, a willingness to invest public resources strategically in scientific research and discovery, and the political will to confront challenges with wisdom and force.我国的坚强实力一向在于对思想和人才开放，能够创新，拥有优质的高等教育，愿意将公共资源战略性地投入科学研究与发现，并且具有靠智慧和力量战胜挑战的政治意愿。

If we preserve and build on these strengths, and if China successfully continues on its path to a more open, market economy, then both our countries and the world economy will be in a much stronger position.如果我们保持并进一步发展这些实力，并且中国若能继续成功迈向一个更开放的市场经济，那么，我们两国以及世界经济都将更趋兴盛。

The President recently said, “We should feel confident about our ability to compete, but we are going to have to step up our game.”

总统最近曾说：“我们对于自己的竞争能力应有自信，但是我们必须更加努力。”

China’s rise offers us the opportunity of dramatic growth in demand for things Americans create and produce.But it also will force us to raise our game.中国的崛起给我们带来一个对美国创造和制作的产品的需求大幅度增长的机会。但是它也要求我们更加一把劲。

We should welcome both the opportunity and the challenge.我们对于这个契机和挑战应该同表欢迎。

Thank you.谢谢各位。

第二篇：美国财政部长盖特纳北京大学演讲中英文

The United States and China, Cooperating for Recovery and Growth

The United States and China, Cooperating for Recovery and GrowthTreasury Secretary Timothy F.Geithner

Speech at Peking Universityto help arrest the sharp fall in private demand.Alongside these fiscal measures, we acted to ease the housing crisis.And we have put in place a series of initiatives to bring more capital into the banking system and to restart the credit markets.These actions have been reinforced by similar actions in countries around the world.In contrast to the global crisis of the 1930s and to the major economic crises of the postwar period, the leaders of the world acted together.They acted quickly.They took steps to provide assistance to the most vulnerable economies, even as they faced exceptional financial needs at home.They worked to keep their markets open, rather than r etreating into self-defeating measures of discrimination and protect ion.And they have committed to make sure this program of initiatives is sustained until the foundation for recovery is firmly established, a commitment the IMF will monitor closely, and that we will be able to uate together when the G-20 Leaders meet again in the United States this fall.We are starting to see some initial signs of improvement.The global recession seems to be losing force.In the United States, the pace of decline in economic activity has slowed.Households are saving more, but consumer confidence has improved, and spending is starting to recover.House prices are falling at a slower pace and the inventory of unsold homes has come down significantly.Orders for goods and services are somewhat stronger.The pace of deterioration in the labor market has slowed, and new claims for unemployment insurance have started to come down a bit.&nb sp;

The financial system is starting to heal.The clarity and disclosure provided by our capital assessment of major U.S.banks has helped improve market confidence in them, making it possible for banks that needed capital to raise it from private investors and to borrow without guarantees.The securities markets, including the asset backed securities markets that essentially stopped functioning late last year, have started to come back.The cost of credit has fallen substantially for businesses and for families as spreads and risk premia have narrowed.These are important signs of stability, and assurance that we will succeed in averting financial collapse and global deflation, but they represent only the first steps in laying the foundation for recovery.The process of repair and adjustment is going to take time.;

China, despite your own manifest challenges a s a developing country, you are in an enviably strong position.But in most economies, the recession is still powerful and dangerous.Business and households in the United States, as in many countries, are still experiencing the most challenging economic and financial pressures in decades.The plant closures, and company restructurings that the recession is causing are painful, and this process is not yet over.The fallout from these events has been brutally indiscriminant, affecting those with little or no responsibility for the events that now buffet them, as well as on some who played key roles in bringing about our troubles.The extent of the damage to financial systems entails significant risk that the supply of credit will be constrained for some time.The constraints on banks in many major economies will make it hard for them to compensate fully for the damage done to the basic machi nery of the securitization markets, including the loss of confidence in credit ratings.After a long period where financial institutions took on too much risk, we still face the possibility that banks and investors may take too little risk, even as the underlying economic conditions start to improve.And, after a long period of falling saving and substantial growth in household borrowing relative to GDP, consumer spending in the United States will be restrained for some time relative to what is typically the case in recoveries.These are necessary adjustments.They will entail a longer, slower process of recovery, with a very different pattern of future growth across countries than we have seen in the past several recoveries.Laying the Foundation for Future Growth

As we address this immediate financial and economic crisis, it is important that we also lay the foundations for more balanced, sustained growth of the global economy once this recovery is firmly established.A successful transition to a more balanced and stable global economy will require very substantial changes to economic policy and financial regulation around the world.But some of the most important of those changes will have to come in the United States and China.How successful we are in Washington and Beijing will be critically important to the economic fortunes of the rest of the world.The effectiveness of U.S.policies will depend in part on Chinas, and the effectiveness of yours on ours.Although the United States and China start from very different positions, many of our domestic challenges are similar.In the United States, we are working to reform our health care system, to improve the quality of education, to rebuild our infrastructure, and to improve energy efficiency.These reforms are essential to boosting the productive capacity of our economy.These challenges are at the center of your reform priorities, too.We are both working to reform our financial systems.In the United States, our challenge is to create a more stable and more resilient financial system, with stronger protections for consumer and investors.As we work to strengthen and redesign regulation to achieve these objectives, our challenge is to preserve the core strengths of our financial system, which are its exceptional capacity to adapt and innovate and to channel capital for investment in new technologies and innovative companies.You have the benefit of being able to learn from our shortcomings, which have proved so damaging in the present crisis, as well as f rom our strengths.Our common chall enge is to recognize that a more balanced and sustainable global recovery will require changes in the composition of growth in our two economies.Because of this, our policies have to be directed at very different outcomes.In the United States, saving rates will have to increase, and the purchases of U.S.consumers cannot be as dominant a driver of growth as they have been in the past.In China, as your leadership has recognized, growth that is sustainable growth will require a very substantial shift from external to domestic demand, from an investment and export intensive driven growth, to growth led by consumption.Strengthening domestic demand will also strengthen Chinas ability to weather fluctuations in global supply and demand.If we are successful on these respective paths, public and private saving in the United States will increase as recovery strengthens, and as this happens, our current account deficit will come down.And in China, domestic demand will rise at a faster rate than overall GDP, led by a gradual shift to higher rates of consumption.Globally, recovery will have come more from a shift by high saving economies to stronger domestic demand and less from the American consumer.The policy framework for a successful transition to this outcome is starting to take shape.In the United States, we are putting in place the foundations for restoring fiscal sustainability.The President in his initial budget to Congress made it clear that, as soon as recovery is firmly established, we are going to have to bring our fiscal deficit down to a level that is sustainable over the medium term.This will mean bringing the imbalance between our fiscal resources and expenditures down to the pointthe United States is committed to a strong and stable international financial system.The Obama Administration fully recognizes that the United States has a special responsibility to play in this regard, and we fully appreciate that exercising this special responsibility begins at home.As we recover from this unprecedented crisis, we will cut our fiscal deficit, we will eliminate the extraordinary governmental support that we have put in place to overcome the crisis, we will continue to preserve the openness of our economy, and we will resolutely maintain the policy framework necessary for durable and lasting sustained non-inflationary growth.In China, the challenge is fundamentally different, and at least as complex.Critical to the success of your efforts to shift future growth to domestic demand are measures to raise household incomes and to reduce the need that households feel to save large amounts for precautionary reasons or to pay for major expenditures like education.This involves strengthening the social safety net with health care reform and more complete public retirement systems, enacting financial reforms to help expand access to credit for households, and providing products that allow households to insure against risk.These efforts can be funded through the increased collection of dividends from state-owned enterprises.The structure of the Chinese economy will shift as domestic demand grows in importance, with a larger service sector, more emphasis on light industry, and less emphasis on heavy, capital intensive export and import-competing industries.The resulting growth will generate greater employment, and be less energy-intensive than the current structure of Chinese industry.Allowing the market, interest rates, and other prices to function to encourage the shift in production will be particularly important.An important part of this strategy is the governments commitment to continue progress toward a more flexible exchange rate regime.Greater exchange rate flexibility will help reinforce the shift in the composition of growth, encourage resource shifts to support domestic demand, and provide greater ability for monetary policy to achieve sustained growth with low inflation in the future.International Financial Reform

These are some of the most important domestic economic challenge we face, and these issues will be at the core of our agenda for economic cooperation.But I think it is important to underscore that we also have a very strong interest in working together to strengthen the framework for international economic and financial cooperation.Let me highlight three important areas.At the G-20 Leaders meeting, we committed to a series of actions to help reform and strengthen the international financial architecture.As part of this, we agreed to put in place a stronger framework of standards for supervision a nd regulation of the financial system.We expanded and strengthened the Financial Stability Forum, now renamed the Financial Stability Board.China and other major emerging economies are now full participants alongside the major financial centers, in this critical institution for cooperation.We will have the chance together to help redesign global standards for capital requirements, stronger oversight of global markets like derivatives, better tools for resolving future financial crises, and measures to reduce the opportunities for regulatory arbitrage.We also committed to an ambitious program of reform of the IMF and other international financial institutions.Our common objective is to reform the governance of these institutions to make them more representative of the shifting balance of economic and financial activity in the world, to strengthen their capacity to prevent future crisis, with stronger surveillance of macroeconomic, exchange rate, and financial policies, and to equip them with a stronger financial capacity to respond to future crises.We also committed to mobilize $500 billion in additional finance through the enlargement and membership expansion of the IMFs New Arrangements to Borrow in order to provide an insurance policy for the global financial system.As part of this process of reform, the United States will fully support having China play a role in the principal cooperative arrangements that help shape the international system, a role that is commensurate with Chinas importance in the global economy.I believe that a greater role for China is necessary for China, for the effectiveness of the international financial institutions themselves, and for the world economy.China is already too important to the global economy not to hav e a full seat at the international table, helping to define the policies that are critical to the effective functioning of the international financial system.Second, we must cooperate to assure that the global trade and investment environment remains open, and that opportunities continue to expand.As economies have become more open and more closely integrated, global economic growth has been stronger and more broad-based, bringing increasing numbers out of poverty, and turning developing nations into major emerging markets.The global commitment to trade liberalization and increasingly open investment played a critical role in this process ¨C in the industrialized world, in East Asia, and, since 1978, in China.As we go through the severe stresses of this crisis, we must not turn our backs on open trade and investment-for ourselves and for those who have yet to experience the fruits of growth and development.The United States, China, and the other members of the G20 have committed to not resort to protectionist measures by raising trade and investment barriers and to work toward a successful conclusion to the Doha Development Round.And third, one of the most critical long-term challenges that we both face is climate change.Individually and collectively, there is an urgent need to ensure that each and every country takes meaningful action to deal with this threat.Reducing land and forest degradation, conserving energy, and using clean technology are important objectives that complement both our efforts to achieve a new, sustainable pattern of growth and our goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.China and the United States already are working closely through the Strategic and Economic Dialogue in areas such as clean transportation, clean and efficient production of electricity, and the reduction of air and water pollution.We must continue these efforts for the sake of our natio ns and the planet.Conclusion In the last few years the frequency, intensity, and importance of U.S.-China economic engagements have multiplied.The U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue that President Obama and President Hu initiated in April is the next stage in that process.I look forward to welcoming Vice Premier Wang, State Councilor Dai and their colleagues to Washington to participate in the first meeting of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue.Our engagement should be conducted with mutual respect for the traditions, values, and interests of China and the United States.We will make a joint effort in a concerted way 同心协力.We should understand that we each have a very strong stake in the health and the succes s of each others economy.China and the United States individually, and together, are so important in the global economy and financial system that what we do has a direct impact on the stability and strength of the international economic system.Other nations have a legitimate interest in our policies and the ways in which we work together, and we each have an obligation to ensure that our policies and actions promote the health and stability of the global economy and financial system.We come together because we have shared interests and responsibilities.We also have our own national interests.I will be a strong advocate for U.S.interests, just as I expect my counterparts to represent China¡¯s.China has benefited hugely from open trade and investment, and the ability to greatly increase its exports to the rest of the world.In turn, we expect incre ased opportunities to export to and invest in the Chinese economy.We want China to succeed and prosper.Chinese growth and expanding Chinese demand is a tremendous opportunity for U.S.firms and workers, just as it is in China and the rest of the world.Global problems will not be solved without U.S.-China cooperation.That goes for the entire range of issues that face our world from economic recovery and financial repair to climate change and energy policy.I look forward to working with you cooperatively, and in a spirit of mutual respect.美国财政部长盖特纳于6月1日在北京大学发表了演讲，谈到了美中合作对全球经济复苏和增长的重要性。以下是其演讲稿的中文翻译。以英文原文为准，中文翻译仅供参考。

《美中两国为复苏和增长的合作》

我很高兴今天能再次来到中国，并在这个伟大的学校与你们见面。

我第一次来到中国和北京大学是在1981年的夏天，那时，我还是一名学习普通话的大学生。我与一些来自美国的研究生和本科生在这里。次年夏天，我又回到了北京师范大学。

我们学习相当努力，并有幸与许多优秀教授一起工作，他们中的一些人今天也在这里。我们走遍这座城市并在中国的华东地区旅行，我们不仅有机会了解你们的历史和你们的抱负，还开始通过你们的眼睛看美国。

几十年来，我们看到历史上最不寻常的经济转型的开始。中国正在蓬勃发展。经济改革带来了收入的极快和持续提高。中国作为一个重要经济力量的崛起和更充分地融入世界经济，给美国和世界其他经济体带来了实实在在的好处。

由于认识到积极、合作和全面的关系符合我们的共同利益，胡锦涛主席(图库 论坛)和奥巴马总统在4月同意建立战略和经济对话机制。克林顿国务卿和我将于下个月在华盛顿主持我们与王岐山副总理和戴秉国国务委员的第一次会议。今天和明天，我将荣幸地出席在北京的一系列会见，为这次经济讨论作准备。

这些会见将使我们有机会讨论经济领域的风险和挑战，审视我们在为更加平衡和可持续的经济复苏奠定基础的过程中，所共同面临的长期挑战，并探讨我们共同关心的国际金融改革。

目前的挑战和风险

世界经济正在经历多年来最具挑战性的经济和财政压力。

国际货币基金组织预测，今年世界经济将出现60多年来的首次萎缩。世界贸易的衰退很可能是自第二次世界大战结束以来最严重的。与正常年份世界经济的潜在增长率相比，产出损失可达到3至4万亿美元。

面对这一挑战，中国和美国共同努力，帮助形成一个强有力的全球战略，遏制危机，为经济复苏奠定基础。这些努力，以及中国、美国和其他主要经济体所采取的强有力政策行动的综合效应，已帮助减缓增长的恶化速度，修复金融系统和提升信心。

事实上，当前危机与以往的区别，不仅在于其全球规模及严重程度，还在于全球反应的范围和速度。

在4月份的20国集团领导人伦敦会议上，我们商定了一个前所未有的协调的政策行动计划，以支持经济增长，稳定和修复金融体系，恢复对贸易和投资至关重要的信贷流动，通过国际金融机构来为新兴市场经济体调动财政资源，并保持贸易和投资市场的开放。

这项针对经济复苏战略的历史性协定之所以达成，部分取决于中国和美国已经出台的政策行动。

在危机加剧时，中国迅速出台了强有力的增强国内需求的投资和金融措施计划。

在美国，新政府上任的第一周，我们就建立了一个全面的税收优惠和投资计划──第二次世界大战以来和平时期最大的恢复努力，以帮助遏制私人需求的急剧下降。除了这些财政措施，我们还采取行动减轻住房危机。我们出台了一系列举措，使更多的资金进入银行系统，并重新启动信贷市场。

这些举措在世界各国采取类似举措之后得到了加强。

与30年代的全球危机以及战后各个主要经济危机相比，世界各国领导人这次采取了联合行动。他们行动相对迅速。他们采取措施向最脆弱的经济体提供援助，尽管他们自身的国家也面临着特殊的金融需求。他们致力于继续开放市场，而不是退回到自我击败的歧视和保护措施中去。

他们承诺确保这一动议计划维持到复苏基础的牢固确立，而国际货币基金组织将密切监测此承诺，这样我们将能够在20国集团领导人今年秋天在美国再次会晤时一起来评估。

我们开始看到一些改善的初步迹象。全球经济衰退似乎失去力量。在美国，经济活动下跌步伐已经放缓。家庭节省更多，但消费者信心有所改善，消费已开始恢复。房屋价格的下降正在放缓，未售出房屋的库存已经大幅下降。商品和服务的订单有所提升。劳动力市场的恶化速度已经放缓，新申请失业保险的人数已开始有所下降。

金融体系已开始恢复。我们对美国主要银行的资本评估报告中所提供的澄清和披露信息，帮助提振信心，使需要资本的银行可以向私人投资者融资，借款时无需担保。证券市场，包括去年年底已基本停止运转的资产抵押证券市场已经开始恢复。企业和家庭的信贷成本已大幅度下降，因为利差和风险溢价已经缩小。

这些都是重要的稳定迹象，对我们将成功避免金融崩溃和全球性通货紧缩的保证，但它们只是为经济复苏奠定基础的第一步。修复和调整的过程还需时日。

中国作为一个发展中国家尽管有你们自己的明显挑战，但你们处在一个令人羡慕的强势地位。而在世界大多数经济体中，经济衰退仍然严峻而危险。美国与许多国家一样，企业和家庭正在经历几十年来最具挑战性的经济和财政压力。

金融系统的损害程度导致了重大的风险，以至信贷供应将会在一段时间内受到限制。许多主要经济体对银行的限制将使他们很难完全补偿基本的证券化市场机制所遭受的损害，包括对信贷评级丧失信心。在经历了漫长的时期金融机构承担太多风险后，我们仍然面临的可能是，即使根本经济条件开始改善，银行和投资者可能只愿承担太少风险。

经过长期的相对国内生产总值的储蓄下降和家庭借贷大幅度增长，美国的消费者支出，相对于经济复苏时期来说，将在一段时间内受到限制。

这些都是必要的调整。他们将需要更长的、较慢的复苏过程，在各国以一种不同以往的未来增长模式。为未来的发展奠定基础

在我们继续处理当前金融和经济危机的同时，我们还要在恢复一旦确定时，重视为未来全球经济的持续增长和更加均衡奠定基础。

成功地过渡到一个更加平衡和稳定的全球经济，将需要对世界各地的经济政策和金融监管进行非常重大的变革。但是，这些变革中的一些最重要的部分将不得不在美国和中国进行。我们在华盛顿和北京的成功程度，将对世界其他地区的经济命运至关重要。美国政策的成效将部分取决于中国的，反之亦然。

虽然美国和中国从不同的位置开始，我们的许多国内改革的挑战是相似的。我们正在努力改革我们的卫生保健系统，提高教育质量，重建我们的基础设施，并提高能源效率。我们认为这些改革对提高我们经济的生产能力是必不可少的。这些挑战也是你们改革的重中之重。

我们双方都在对我们的金融体系进行改革。在美国，我们的挑战是创建一个更稳定、更具弹性的金融系统，为消费者和投资者提供更强有力的保护。当我们努力加强和重新设计规范以实现这些目标时，我们面临的挑战是维护我们金融体系的核心优势，也就是在适应、创新以及使资本流向新技术和创新公司方面的特殊能力。你们可以从学习我们的被当前的危机证明具有如此破坏性的缺陷和我们的优势中获益。

我们共同的挑战是要认识到一个更加均衡的、可持续的全球复苏将要求我们两个经济体经济增长构成的变化。因此，我们的政策必须针对非常不同的结果。

在美国，储蓄率将不得不上升，同时美国消费者的购买不可能再像过去那样作为增长的主要动力。

在中国，正如你们的领导已经意识到的，可持续的增长将要求一个非常重大的从外部需求到国内需求、从投资和出口密集型增长到消费导向型增长的转变。

如果我们在各自的路径上成功，随着复苏增强，美国的公共和私人储蓄将上升，并且随之，我们的经常账户赤字将减少。在中国，由于消费比例的逐步转高，中国的国内需求将以快于整体GDP的速度增长。

在全球，复苏将更多依靠高储蓄经济体转向更强的国内需求，而更少依靠美国消费者。

为顺利过渡到这一结果的政策框架已经开始形成。

在美国，我们正在建设恢复财政可持续性的基础。

总统在给国会的初步预算中明确，一旦复苏牢固确立，我们将必须削减财政赤字到一个中期可持续的水平。这意味着将我们的财政资源与支出之间的不平衡减少到这样一点——大约GDP的百分之三——使公共债务占GDP的整体水平处于明确的下降路径。我们的复兴法案中提到的用以增强私人需求的暂时投资和税收优惠政策将到期，自由决定的支出将不得不回落到一个相对GDP更加适度的水平，并且我们将不得不非常有纪律的通过恢复预算纪律，例如现收现付制度，来限制未来的承诺。

同时，作为我们长期财政健康的关键，我们必须进行全面的卫生保健改革，以降低卫生保健成本的增长，这些成本是我们长期财政赤字的主要动力。

总统还建议了鼓励私人储蓄的步骤，包括通过自动注册退休储蓄账户。

除了这些财政行动，我们设计我们的政策以解决金融危机，从而谨慎的最小化纳税人的风险，并且一旦条件许可就允许有序的退出或解除。在所有财政部、美联储和联邦存款保险公司设立的各种金融机构中，我们一直在谨慎地确定经济条款水平，以便当条件正常化、风险溢价消退时对这些机构的需求将会淡出。一旦条件允许，银行有强烈的动机用私人资本替换公共资本。

在中国，挑战有根本的不同，但至少一样复杂。

成功实现转向国内需求推动未来增长的关键是增加居民收入和减少因为防御原因和用于例如教育的主要支出等使居民觉得需要大量储蓄的需求。这包括增强社会保障体系包括卫生保健改革和更完善的公共退休系统，实施金融改革以帮助扩大居民的信用获得并提供产品帮助居民防范风险。

当国内需求的重要性增加的时候，中国经济的结构将转变，更大的服务业，更强调轻工业，并减少强调重工业、资本密集出口和进口竞争产业。由此带来的增长将产生更多的就业，和较目前中国经济结构更少的能源密集。允许市场、利率和其他价格发挥作用以鼓励生产的转变是至关重要的。

这一策略的一个重要部分是政府承诺将继续向更灵活的汇率政策推进。更大的汇率灵活性将帮助加强增长构成的转变，鼓励资源向支持国内需求转移，并提供货币政策更大的能力，以实现将来的持续增长和低通货膨胀率。

国际金融改革

我们正面对一些最重要的国内经济挑战，而这些问题将是我们经济合作议程的核心。

但是我想重要的是要强调我们也有非常强烈的意愿一道努力，以加强国际经济和金融合作的框架。

让我强调三个重要方面。

在20国集团领导人会议上，我们承诺采取一系列行动以帮助改革和加强国际金融架构。

作为其中的一部分，我们同意出台一个更强的对金融体系进行监督和管理的标准框架。我们扩大和加强了金融稳定论坛，现在更名为金融稳定委员会。中国和其他主要新兴经济体现在正与主要金融中心一起全面参与这个关键机构中的合作。我们将有机会一起帮助重新设计资本要求的国际标准，更好的监督全球市场，例如衍生品，更好的工具来解决未来金融危机，以及更好的措施以减少监管套利的机会。

我们也承诺了一个雄心勃勃的计划以改革国际货币基金组织和其他国际金融机构。我们共同的目标是要改革这些机构的治理，以使他们更多的代表世界经济和金融活动的平衡转变，以增强他们预防未来危机的能力，并使他们具备更强的金融能力以应对未来的危机。通过国际货币基金组织的新贷款协议的扩大和成员增加，我们承诺动员5000亿美元额外资金，用于为全球金融体系提供一个保险政策。

作为这个改革进程的一部分，美国将全面支持中国在旨在帮助塑造国际体系的主要合作协议中发挥作用，中国的作用应与其在全球经济中重要性相称。

我相信中国发挥更大的作用对中国，对国际金融机构本身的效率，以及对世界经济都是必要的。

中国对全球经济已经太重要了，不能在国际谈判桌没有一个用以帮助确定作为国际金融体系有效功能关键的政策的完整席位。

第二，我们必须合作以确保全球贸易和投资环境保持开放，并且那种机会继续扩大。当经济已经变得越来越开放、越来越紧密地一体化，全球经济增长变得更强也具有更广泛基础，使更多的人脱离贫困，并使发展中国家转变为新兴市场。全球贸易自由化的承诺和增加的自由投资在这个进程中起关键作用 口 在工业化世界，在东亚，在1978年后的中国。当我们面对这次危机的严重压力，我们不应该背弃自由贸易和投资 口为我们自己，也为那些还没有享受到增长和发展的果实的人们。美国、中国和20国集团的其他成员承诺不采取增加贸易和投资壁垒的保护主义措施并将努力实现多哈发展议程的成功结论。

第三，我们共同面对的最紧要的长期挑战之一是气候变化。减少土地和森林退化、节约能源和使用清洁能源技术是重要的目标，补充了我们建立新的、可持续增长模式的努力和我们减少温室气体排放的目标。中国和美国已经通过战略和经济对话在诸多领域紧密合作，例如清洁运输，电力的清洁、有效生产，以及空气和水污染的减少。为了我们的国家和这个星球，我们必须继续这些努力。

结论：

在过去几年中美中经济活动的频率、强度和重要性都成倍增加。奥巴马总统和胡主席在四月份动议的美中战略和经济对话是该进程的下一个阶段。我期盼着欢迎王(岐山)副总理、戴(秉国)国务委员和他们的同事到华盛顿参加对话的第一次会议。

我们的交往应互相尊重中美的传统、价值和利益。我们将同心协力。我们应该理解我们都拥有很强的对彼此经济健康和成功的利益。

中国和美国，各自以及共同，对全球经济和金融系统如此重要，我们对国际经济体系的稳定和强健有直接的影响。其他国家对我们的政策和我们合作的方式都有合法权益，并且我们每个都有义务确保我们的政策和行动促进了全球经济和金融系统的健康和稳定。

我们走到一起，因为我们有共同的利益和责任。我们也有我们各自国家的利益。我将极力主张美国的利益，正如我希望我的对方代表中国的利益一样。中国已经从开放的贸易和投资中获得了巨大的利益，并有能力极大的增加她从世界其他地区的出口。反过来，我们希望更多机会出口到中国和投资中国经济。

我希望中国成功和繁荣。中国的增长和中国需求的扩大为美国的公司和工人带来了大量的机会，正如在中国和世界其他地区发生的那样。

离开美中合作，全球问题将得不到解决。这包括我们世界面临的所有问题，从经济复苏和金融修复到气候变化和能源政策。

我期望和你们一起努力合作，并本着相互尊重的精神。

第三篇：美国财政部长盖特纳北京大学演讲中英文全文

The United States and China, Cooperating for Recovery and Growth

The United States and China, Cooperating for Recovery and GrowthTreasury Secretary Timothy F.Geithner

Speech at peking Universityto help arrest the sharp fall in private demand.Alongside these fiscal measures, we acted to ease the housing crisis.And we have put in place a series of initiatives to bring more capital into the banking system and to restart the credit markets.These actions have been reinforced by similar actions in countries around the world.In contrast to the global crisis of the 1930s and to the major economic crises of the postwar period, the leaders of the world acted together.They acted quickly.They took steps to provide assistance to the most vulnerable economies, even as they faced exceptional financial needs at home.They worked to keep their markets open, rather than r etreating into self-defeating measures of discrimination and protect ion.And they have committed to make sure this program of initiatives is sustained until the foundation for recovery is firmly established, a commitment the IMF will monitor closely, and that we will be able to uate together when the G-20 Leaders meet again in the United States this fall.We are starting to see some initial signs of improvement.The global recession seems to be losing force.In the United States, the pace of decline in economic activity has slowed.Households are saving more, but consumer confidence has improved, and spending is starting to recover.House prices are falling at a slower pace and the inventory of unsold homes has come down significantly.Orders for goods and services are somewhat stronger.The pace of deterioration in the labor market has slowed, and new claims for unemployment insurance have started to come down a bit.&nb sp;

The financial system is starting to heal.The clarity and disclosure provided by our capital assessment of major U.S.banks has helped improve market confidence in them, making it possible for banks that needed capital to raise it from private investors and to borrow without guarantees.The securities markets, including the asset backed securities markets that essentially stopped functioning late last year, have started to come back.The cost of credit has fallen substantially for businesses and for families as spreads and risk premia have narrowed.These are important signs of stability, and assurance that we will succeed in averting financial collapse and global deflation, but they represent only the first steps in laying the foundation for recovery.The process of repair and adjustment is going to take time.;

China, despite your own manifest challenges a s a developing country, you are in an enviably strong position.But in most economies, the recession is still powerful and dangerous.Business and households in the United States, as in many countries, are still experiencing the most challenging economic and financial pressures in decades.The plant closures, and company restructurings that the recession is causing are painful, and this process is not yet over.The fallout from these events has been brutally indiscriminant, affecting those with little or no responsibility for the events that now buffet them, as well as on some who played key roles in bringing about our troubles.The extent of the damage to financial systems entails significant risk that the supply of credit will be constrained for some time.The constraints on banks in many major economies will make it hard for them to compensate fully for the damage done to the basic machi nery of the securitization markets, including the loss of confidence in credit ratings.After a long period where financial institutions took on too much risk, we still face the possibility that banks and investors may take too little risk, even as the underlying economic conditions start to improve.And, after a long period of falling saving and substantial growth in household borrowing relative to GDp, consumer spending in the United States will be restrained for some time relative to what is typically the case in recoveries.These are necessary adjustments.They will entail a longer, slower process of recovery, with a very different pattern of future growth across countries than we have seen in the past several recoveries.Laying the Foundation for Future Growth

As we address this immediate financial and economic crisis, it is important that we also lay the foundations for more balanced, sustained growth of the global economy once this recovery is firmly established.A successful transition to a more balanced and stable global economy will require very substantial changes to economic policy and financial regulation around the world.But some of the most important of those changes will have to come in the United States and China.How successful we are in Washington and Beijing will be critically important to the economic fortunes of the rest of the world.The effectiveness of U.S.policies will depend in part on Chinas, and the effectiveness of yours on ours.Although the United States and China start from very different positions, many of our domestic challenges are similar.In the United States, we are working to reform our health care system, to improve the quality of education, to rebuild our infrastructure, and to improve energy efficiency.These reforms are essential to boosting the productive capacity of our economy.These challenges are at the center of your reform priorities, too.We are both working to reform our financial systems.In the United States, our challenge is to create a more stable and more resilient financial system, with stronger protections for consumer and investors.As we work to strengthen and redesign regulation to achieve these objectives, our challenge is to preserve the core strengths of our financial system, which are its exceptional capacity to adapt and innovate and to channel capital for investment in new technologies and innovative companies.You have the benefit of being able to learn from our shortcomings, which have proved so damaging in the present crisis, as well as f rom our strengths.Our common chall enge is to recognize that a more balanced and sustainable global recovery will require changes in the composition of growth in our two economies.Because of this, our policies have to be directed at very different outcomes.In the United States, saving rates will have to increase, and the purchases of U.S.consumers cannot be as dominant a driver of growth as they have been in the past.In China, as your leadership has recognized, growth that is sustainable growth will require a very substantial shift from external to domestic demand, from an investment and export intensive driven growth, to growth led by consumption.Strengthening domestic demand will also strengthen Chinas ability to weather fluctuations in global supply and demand.If we are successful on these respective paths, public and private saving in the United States will increase as recovery strengthens, and as this happens, our current account deficit will come down.And in China, domestic demand will rise at a faster rate than overall GDp, led by a gradual shift to higher rates of consumption.Globally, recovery will have come more from a shift by high saving economies to stronger domestic demand and less from the American consumer.The policy framework for a successful transition to this outcome is starting to take shape.In the United States, we are putting in place the foundations for restoring fiscal sustainability.The president in his initial budget to Congress made it clear that, as soon as recovery is firmly established, we are going to have to bring our fiscal deficit down to a level that is sustainable over the medium term.This will mean bringing the imbalance between our fiscal resources and expenditures down to the point-roughly three percent of GDp--wh ere the overall level of public debt to GDp is definitively on a dow nward path.The temporary investments and tax incentives we put in place in the Recovery Act to strengthen private demand will have to expire, discretionary spending will have to fall back to a more modest level relative to GDp, and we will have to be very disciplined in limiting future commitments through the reintroduction of budget disciplines, such as pay-as-you go rules.The president also looks forward to working with Congress to further reduce our long-run fiscal deficit.And, critical to our long-term fiscal health, we have to put in place comprehensive health care reform that will bring down the growth in health care costs, costs that are the principal driver of our long run fiscal deficit.The president has also proposed steps to encourage private saving, including through automatic enrollment in retirement savings accounts.xiexiebang.com范文网(FANWEN.CHAZIDIAN.COM)

第四篇：《西姆拉条约》出笼前后

《西姆拉条约》出笼前后

来源:《文史天地》2010年第9期 作者:李占才时间:2010-12-21

弱国无外交，末期的清王朝和北洋政府能拒签丧权辱国条约，已属难能可贵。西藏自古是中国领土。然而，自从19世纪英国把印度变成其殖民地之后，英国即开始觊觎西藏，妄图把西藏也变成“大英帝国”的殖民地。为此，1914年3月，由英国人提议在印度西姆拉举行中、英、藏三方会议。会议期间，英藏双方秘密勾结，背着中国政府代表，推出了一个阴谋，擅自签订了妄图使西藏“独立”的《西姆拉条约》。该条约虽然最终流产，但因在这个条约的附件中，英藏双方塞进了一条他们背着中国中央政府而炮制的中印边界线——麦克马洪线，非法将西藏东南部约7万平方公里的一块中国土地“划”给了英属印度。这条所谓的“边界线”给历届中国政府制造了巨大麻烦，被“划出”的国土至今未能收回，成为中国人民心中永远的结。那么，该条约出笼前前后后的过程是怎样的呢？ 一

1903年12月，英国按其原定战略部署，悍然向西藏发动第二次侵藏战争。1904年5月，英军与藏军在西藏江孜地区发生激战。藏军虽坚持战斗两个月，最终江孜失守。英军继续推进，于同年8月3日占领拉萨。西藏地方政教领袖十三世**喇嘛出走到北京求援。

英军侵入拉萨后，藏族人民群情激愤，拒绝给侵略军提供物资和食品，撤退的藏军也开始向拉萨集结，侵略军立足未稳，异常恐惧。在此当口，清政府派驻西藏的大臣有泰却向绝望的侵略军伸出了援助之手。他不顾国家利益和藏族群众的感情，对侵略者极力讨好，带着大批食品，亲自到英军军营进行慰问，并就西藏军民在江孜对侵略军的抵抗，向英国人表示“道歉”。由于得到了有泰的帮助，英国侵略军在拉萨站住了脚。

由于慈禧和光绪已经自身难保，到北京求援的**一无所获，这使年轻气盛的**十分失望。英国人趁机对他拉拢收买。1908年10月，**倒戈公开表示“不再反英”。1908年11月，光绪和慈禧太后相继去世，两岁的溥仪登基。1909年4月，**自北京启程回藏，并下令藏军攻击清廷派遣入藏的川军。1910年2月，清政府逮捕法办有泰，派川军强行攻入拉萨。**叛逃至驻印度英国商人处，清政府免去**封号。

1911年10月10日，辛亥革命爆发，清朝灭亡，民国建立。**在英国指使下，趁机发动军事叛乱。1912年7月，北京政府派川军和滇军分两路进藏平叛。英国乘机干涉，以拒绝承认北京新共和政府相威胁，向袁世凯提出了让中国军队撤军的要求。并扬言，如不答应，英国即以武力助藏。

袁世凯权衡再三，于1912年8月30日，下令川滇军停止前进。10月28日又恢复**封号。并任命陆兴祺为护理驻藏办事长官，派其与**直接谈判，意在宣谕共和大义，争取**站在中国政府一边，维护国家统一。英国人不愿让中国中央政府与西藏地方政府关系和解，便千方百计阻挠北京代表与**见面，将陆兴祺困在了印度。二

英国人极力破坏中国中央政府与西藏地方政府和解的目的，是想进一步利用西藏当局实现他们的两个如意算盘：一是创造条件让西藏摆脱中国管辖，完全实现西藏“独立”；二是为了便于控制西藏，将西藏土地割出一块划给英属印度，当做缓冲地带。

围绕这两个打算，英国人开始构思解决的途径。作为促使西藏“独立”的直接步骤，1913年6月，趁袁世凯下令川滇军停止进军西藏的当口，英国则派军队护送**强行返回拉萨。并怂恿其宣布西藏“独立”，还许诺：“西藏完全独立后，一切军械由英国接济；民国军队行抵西藏，英国担负抵御之责。”但话虽如此，这样做英藏双方都心中无底，毕竟名不正言不顺，而且还会引起一系列国际国内争端。

狡猾的英国人想到了通过谈判的形式来达到目的，因为历史上的中英谈判英国人都占了便宜。这次他们也想走个谈判的形式，再在谈判中通过高压和阴谋手段，逼迫中国政府签订条约，名正言顺地达到其使西藏“独立”的企图。

为此，英国人随即以“调解人”的身份，提出召开一个由中、英、藏三方参加的会议，通过会议讨论解决有关西藏的问题。英国人立即通知北洋政府，要求中国中央政府必须参加，口气强硬，不容犹豫。并威胁，中国中央政府如不参加这个会议，英国即直接与西藏地方政府进行谈判，自行解决西藏问题，并直接与西藏签约。

当时袁世凯的北京北洋政府刚成立不久，正处于政治、经济脆弱阶段。国内“讨袁”运动也在酝酿发起，袁世凯十分需要得到国际上的承认和支持。无奈之下，袁世凯被迫于1913年5月作出决定，同意参加由英国人召集的会议，以探听情况，相机而动。

但北京政府对会议形式提出不同意见：“应先由中英会商订议后，再通知西藏地方当局，西藏不能作为平等的会议的一方。”这是对英国让西藏以平等地位参与国家谈判的不满。另外，关于会议地点，北京政府提议在北京或伦敦。两个意见都遭到了英国人拒绝。英国为了方便操纵会议，提出只能在印度举行，最后选定印度西姆拉。

脆弱的北京北洋政府，被迫同意了英国的无理要求。作为交换条件，英国政府宣布承认中华民国政府。

三

英国人得到北京政府参会的承诺后，趁北京代表尚未到达之际，立即紧锣密鼓地开始了秘密准备。

为了操纵会议，让西藏代表在谈判中发挥作用，英国人提前与西藏代表进行了接触。英国全权代表麦克马洪，指派对西藏情况非常熟悉的英国驻锡金政治专员柏尔，以迎接西藏代表司伦夏扎为名，提前赶到了西藏江孜。对司伦夏扎进行了谈判前的培训，并面授机宜，比如有关谈判中说什么话、怎样说和注意事项等等。柏尔还特别向司伦夏扎反复讲解鼓吹了一个“宗主权”的概念。说在不得已的情况下，你可以承认中国政府对西藏只有“宗主权”。所谓“宗主权”其实是空的，没有实质意义，“内政自理”或“自治”才是实的。因此中国政府如果同意了“宗主权”的说法，也就同意了西藏实质上的“独立”。对中国政府代表来说，这显然是一个文字陷阱。所以柏尔嘱咐司伦夏扎：这话不能明说，你们和我们心里明白就可以了。

他还提醒西藏代表，谈判中一定要表现得有知识、有思想，要会咬文嚼字。为了使司伦夏扎届时不至于慌乱，英国人还一再要求他，谈判前一定要多搜集阅读点所谓“西藏不属于中国”的证据材料，以及“大西藏国”的范围根据。这在柏尔后来所著《西藏之过去与现在》一书中对此曾有记述：“吾于江孜遇夏扎，吾劝其搜集所有关于昔日中藏交涉以及陆续为中国占领而西藏现今要求归还之各州县等项之文牍，携之赴会。以便要求将先后为中国管辖之各县藏民，仍然退还归拉萨政府统治。”

随后，作为技术准备，英国代表私下与西藏地方代表，秘密起草了要在会上推出的西藏“独立”六条，即所谓的《西姆拉条约》最初版本。大意是：

一、西藏独立，西藏不能承认1906年的中英条约中规定的中国在藏享有主权；

二、西藏的范围扩大，面积包括昆仑山与安定塔以南的新疆部分、青海全部、甘肃与四川的西部、打箭炉及云南西北部的阿墩子；

三、1893年和1908年的印藏通商章程应由英国与西藏当局修改，中国中央政府不得过问；

四、华官华兵不准入藏，也不准在藏居留，华商入藏须领有西藏政府发给之护照；

五、中国须承认**喇嘛为蒙古及中国佛教的教主；

六、赔偿西藏各项损失。

为防西藏代表动摇，英国人还要求所有西藏与会成员会议期间不能与北京派来的代表有任何接触。英国人对西藏代表布置了控制与监视，西藏谈判代表实际上被英国人完全操控。四

英藏双方密谋准备完毕之后，中国中央政府代表到达印度。1913年10月6日，中、英、藏三方会议在印度北部的西姆拉正式开幕。出席会议的中国中央政府代表为驻藏宣抚使陈贻范，副代表为驻藏副宣抚使王海平；英国代表为英印政府外务大臣麦克马洪，副代表为前驻华公使罗斯，顾问为英驻锡金行政官柏尔；西藏地方政府代表为司伦夏扎、助理人员诺布旺杰等五人及三大寺代表。

会议由麦克马洪主持。会议开始后，受英方的唆使，会上西藏代表司伦夏扎首先宣读了他们事先准备好的“西藏独立”六条。这六条完全剥夺了中国政府对西藏的主权，处处符合英国的利益。尤其是竟然由西藏地方政府代表公然提出西藏“独立”和扩大西藏范围的无理要求。这立即引起中国中央政府代表陈贻范的警觉，他意识到这是英藏双方早有勾结，完全是英国人所唆使，否则西藏地方政府代表没有这样的水平。他当即对司伦夏扎进行了批驳。但如此猝不及防，陈贻范申明，需要请示中央政府再做正式答复。会议不欢而散。

11月1日，陈贻范根据北洋政府的指示，对西藏地方政府代表司伦夏扎所提议案提出了正式答复意见书。大致内容是：

一、缔约各方一致同意承认西藏为中国领土之一部分，对此，西藏政府与英国政府均不得制造纠葛，过去中国对西藏之统治西藏仍需照旧予以尊重；

二、中华民国政府得委派长官一人常驻拉萨，并得设卫队2600名；

三、西藏在外交、军事方面均应按中国之指示办理，非经过中国政府同意，不得与任何外国进行交往；

四、西藏官员、百姓因心向汉方而身遭监禁、产业被封者，西藏允许一律释放、给还；

五、西藏方面所提之第五项要求，可以进行商谈；

六、前订之通商条约，如需进行修改，应由缔约各方商议修改；

七、关于西藏边界，现附上标明大体界线的略图一份。中国政府的这7条提案，基本上否定了西藏“独立”，对西藏与邻省分界问题，也坚持了原界。这样，两个议案悬殊很大，双方争论十分激烈，最终会议又不得不暂停。五

休会后，英藏利用会议间隙，又进行了另一项密谋。

历史上，中印两国之间的东段边界存在着一条传统习惯线，这条线位于布拉马普特拉河北岸平原与喜马拉雅山南麓交接处，长约800余公里（含今缅甸一部）。传统习惯线以北地区一直归中国行政管辖。英国把印度变为殖民地后，清政府采取了加强西南边疆的管理措施，包括对西藏东南部的管理。英国认为，清政府加强对西藏东南地区的控制，使印度平原处于中国的直接威胁之下。于是，英国人扬言：英国在印度东北部的管辖范围应向北推进，重新划定一条稳固的中印边界线。

为了确定他们设想的割地边界，从1911年起，英国就以“探险”的名义，派大批测量探险队，化装成僧人、商人、探险旅行者，窜入西藏东南部地区，偷偷地进行大量的侦察、测绘等活动。1913年5月，英国侵略军头目麦克马洪再次派英国情报军官贝利上尉，伪装成探险旅行者，秘密潜入西藏东南部进行偷测调查，并绘制出详细地形图，搜集有关“划界”材料，从而为其重划所谓中印边界做准备。

1914年2月，西姆拉会议正在休会期间，麦克马洪立即通知已回到印度的军人特务贝利带着勘测的资料“尽快到西姆拉来”。在过去屡次“调查”的基础上，又参考这次贝利的考察所得到的详细勘测结果，麦克马洪以喜马拉雅山山脊为界，自行在地图上画了一条线，作为新的中印边界线，即所谓的“麦克马洪线”。

这条线西起不丹边境，沿喜马拉雅山山脊，向东伸延至西藏察隅。从中印传统习惯边界线向中国境内延伸了100余公里。这样，印度东北边界就从喜马拉雅山山脚与阿萨姆平原边缘，向北推到了喜马拉雅山的山脊。中国国土损失总面积达9万多平方公里，相当于一个浙江省的面积。

这条非法边界线炮制好后，麦克马洪和柏尔，即背着中国中央代表陈贻范，找到西藏地方代表司伦夏扎，让其过目并诱迫其同意。毕竟是割地的大事，司伦夏扎初看到这条“边界线”时有些紧张，说如此大事需要请示。麦克马洪看出了司伦夏扎有些犹豫，马上给柏尔使眼色。柏尔会意立即变脸，向司伦夏扎大发脾气。麦克马洪故作温和，对司伦夏扎进行劝说，大谈他划的这条线对西藏地方政府的好处。

麦克马洪意识到，要让西藏代表接受这条新边界线，必须给西藏抛出诱饵。他当即许诺西藏代表司伦夏扎：“你不要怕，只要你同意，我们可以赠给你们5000支枪、50万发子弹，支持西藏„独立‟，帮助你们赶走汉军。”果然，司伦夏扎经不住诱惑，“请示”也只是走了个形式，即同意了这条由英国人非法划定的边界线。六

麦克马洪大喜过望。但他心里非常明白，这样口头答应是不能算数的。但公开签约也不可能，毕竟西藏不是主权国家，况且还背着中国中央政府代表。麦克马洪想出了一个办法，即采取双方私下换文方式。所谓换文，实际上就是双方各写一封信交给对方。司伦夏扎表示同意。

1914 年3 月24日，麦克马洪先写信致司伦夏札。内容是：“您在2月份接受的从伊苏拉兹山口至不丹边境的印度与西藏之间的分界线，在地图上已经标出，兹将该图的两份副件附上，交由贵政府批准认可。印度与西藏之间的边界的最终解决，将有助于防止将来发生纷争，因而必然会给双方政府带来极大的益处。”

所谓“地图上已经标出”，即这封信的地图附件中，麦克马洪在地图上以红线粗略划了一条印藏边界东段边界线，既没有文字上的描述，也没有说明是依据什么。其实他们的依据是特务贝利偷测的结果，即以喜马拉雅山脊为界，利用此高耸的天然屏障将中国隔在山脊的北侧，使山脊南侧交由英属印度管辖。

司伦夏札接到信后，第二天即25日即发了回信。内容是：“除非将印度与西藏间的边界明确划定，否则就可能会存在将来发生边界纷争的隐患。您于2月份送交给我的地图我已呈送拉萨请求指示。现在，我已接到了拉萨方面下达的指示，故同意接受上述地图的两份副件上用红线划定的边界。我已在这幅地图的两份副件上签名。我保存一份，另一份附上送回。”

英藏双方交易成功，也有了换文凭据，接下来的事情即是如何把这条非法边界线混入《西姆拉条约》的附图中去。对此，英国人煞费苦心地搞了一个偷梁换柱的阴谋：该条约的原附图中，西藏与中国其他省区的行政分界是用红线标出的，麦克马洪重新对附图绘制一次，也用红线标上了他们密谋的这条非法边界线，与其他行政分界混在一起，使人不易看出。然后再将条约原来的附件地图偷偷撤下，换成他们标有新边界的地图，蒙骗中国中央政府代表在条约上签字。七

麦克马洪找到中国中央政府代表陈贻范，佯装调停说：“为了中、英、藏三方谈判成功，他有一个折中方案。”他的新方案是：把中国藏族居住的所有地区划分为“内藏”和“外藏”两部分，“内藏”包括青海、甘肃、四川、云南等省的藏族居住地区，由中国中央政府和西藏地方政府共管；“外藏”包括金沙江以西地区的西藏和西康地区，“外藏”完全“自治”，中国政府只对“外藏”有“宗主权”。他推出了原先设计好的“宗主权”概念，妄图以此把中国在西藏地方的主权否定，使西藏在“自治”的名义下，脱离中国政府的管辖，实现“独立”。

1914年4月27日，三方会议重新举行。会上麦克马洪推出他的这个“折中”方案。英藏双方率先在非法的所谓《西姆拉条约》上签了字，然后要求中国中央政府代表陈贻范签字。而且英方代表态度极其恶劣，扬言中方如不签字，将把方案中承认的中国对西藏的“宗主权”，以及中国代表驻藏条款全部删去，英方直接与西藏地方政府签字，不再与中国中央政府商议。

这种玩文字概念的把戏和无理的要求，被陈贻范识破，他明确表示中国中央政府坚决不接受“折中”方案。但为了缓和紧张气氛，答应以个人名义草签，即“画行”，并声明：“画行与签押，当截断分为两事，签押一层，必须奉有训令而后可。”意思是草签可以，但正式签字必须经中央政府允许。

陈贻范赶紧将情况报告中央政府，还报告了英藏秘密勾结情况：“此次会议藏事，英、藏早有成说。而藏人在此者，英人又暗防甚密，使不与我通声气，阅此次交涉诸款，英文甚佳，其为英人主谋显无疑……实为西藏与我多事者也。”

消息传到北京，朝野一片反对之声。北京政府立即电令陈贻范：“执事受迫画行，政府不能承认，立即声明取消。”中央政府态度强硬，连“画行”也不承认。陈贻范奉国内指示，拒绝在所谓《西姆拉条约》上签字，中国政府同时发出声明并照会英国政府：“凡英国和西藏本日或他日所签订的条约或类似的文件，中国政府一概不予承认。”明确告知英国与西藏地方政府无权签订条约，否则均为非法和无效。

后来，英国人见阴谋落空，便又退了一步，提出了一个“11条方案”（《西姆拉条约》最后稿），其中包括“承认西藏为中国领土之一部分”。企图以此引诱中国中央政府代表在条约上签字，以实现他们掩藏的其他阴谋。由于条约对中国权益多有损害，北洋政府仍然没有同意。历时九个月的三方会议，于1914年7月3日无果而终，只有英藏签字的《西姆拉条约》流产。

由于《西姆拉条约》没有中国政府的签字，当时的英国政府一直不敢向世界公开，英国的政府文件也不敢正式公布，英国政府所画的地图也仍标在传统习惯分界线上。同时，由于英国对西藏许诺的许多条件后来也未落实，引起西藏**喇嘛和噶夏政权的不满，他们也对《西姆拉条约》以及其中隐藏的麦克马洪线公开宣称不予承认。

之后的民国政府也多次发表声明反对这条“边界线”。到20世纪30年代，南京国民政府再次公开声明所谓《西姆拉条约》、麦克马洪线是非法的。新中国成立后，更是多次严正声明，不承认这个所谓的条约和非法的麦克马洪线。我国的地图至今仍然划在传统习惯分界线上。

处于东经92度至97度之间的这约7万多平方公里（注：原为9万平方公里，1960年中缅政府谈判将2万平方公里划归缅甸，故剩7万平方公里）的喜马拉雅山脉南坡，是一块难得的宝地。这里背靠喜马拉雅山，面向南方，阳光充沛，地形和缓，是大部分处于高寒地带的西藏唯一的一个亚热带地区。历来是西藏最富庶肥沃的地方，素有“西藏江南”之称。

然而，由于20世纪中叶以前，中国一直处于动荡战乱时期，被麦克马洪线切割的这块相当浙江省面积的中华国土，却不明不白地由印度实际控制着。现在，这块面积巨大而又富饶的地域，土地位于中国境内，印度却宣布这里是他们的一个“邦”（1987年非法设立）；地图划在中国，印度却正向这里大批移民；印度不断在这里增兵驻军，这里却没有中国的一兵一卒。

近年来，印度领导人频繁放话强调对这块地方的主权，并到这块争议地区活动“视察”，边界异动不断。对此，中国政府多次提出交涉和抗议，重申中国对该地区拥有主权的一贯立场。至今这块宝地和这里的人民，因为所谓的《西姆拉条约》和非法的麦克马洪线等原因，未能回到祖国的怀抱，给中华国土留下了巨大缺憾，也成为中华民族无尽的思念。

（河北省保定市作者）

第五篇：奥巴马演讲美国中小学生新学期致辞

奥巴马演讲美国中小学生新学期致辞

2009年9月8日，奥巴马总统在弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿郡(Arlington, Virginia)韦克菲尔德高中(Wakefield High School)对全美中小学生发表讲话，强调上学读书的重要性，激励学生努力学习。以下是讲话全文：

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REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT IN A NATIONAL ADDRESS TO AMERICA’S SCHOOLCHILDREN

Wakefield High School, Arlington, Virginia

September 8, 2009

美国总统奥巴马对全美中小学生的讲话

弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿郡韦克菲尔德高中

2009年9月8日

Hello, everybody!Thank you.Thank you.Thank you, everybody.All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat.How is everybody doing today?(Applause.)How about Tim Spicer?(Applause.)I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia.And we’ve got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade.And I am just so glad that all could join us today.And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host.Give yourselves a big round of applause.(Applause.)

大家好！谢谢你们。谢谢你们。谢谢你们大家。好，大家请就坐。你们今天都好吗？(掌声)蒂姆·斯派塞(Tim Spicer)好吗？(掌声)我现在与弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿郡韦克菲尔德高中的学生们在一起。美国各地从小学预备班到中学12年级的学生正在收听收看。我很高兴大家今天都能参与。我还要感谢韦克菲尔德高中出色的组织安排。请为你们自己热烈鼓掌。(掌声)

I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school.And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it’s your first day in a new school, so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous.I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now--(applause)--with just one more year to go.And no matter what grade you’re in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.我知道，今天是你们很多人开学的日子。对于进入小学预备班、初中或高中的学生，今天是你们来到新学校的第一天，心里可能有点紧张，这是可以理解的。我能想象有些毕业班学生现在感觉很不错——(掌声)——还有一年就毕业了。不论在哪个年级，你们有些人可能希望暑假更长一点，今天早上还能多睡一小会儿。

I know that feeling.When I was young, my family lived overseas.I lived in Indonesia for a few years.And my mother, she didn’t have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education.So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday.But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.我了解这种感觉。我小时候，我们家生活在海外。我在印度尼西亚住了几年。我妈妈没有钱送我上其他美国孩子上的学校，但她认为必须让我接受美式教育。因此，她决定从周一到周五自己给我补课。不过她还要上班，所以只能在清晨四点半给我上课。

Now, as you might imagine, I wasn’t too happy about getting up that early.And a lot of times, I’d fall asleep right there at the kitchen table.But whenever I’d complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she’d say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.”(Laughter.)

你们可以想见，我不太情愿那么早起床。有很多次，我趴在餐桌上就睡着了。但每当我抱怨的时候，我妈妈都会那样地看我一眼，然后说：“小子，这对我也并不轻松。”(笑声)So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school.But I’m here today because I have something important to discuss with you.I’m here because I want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school year.我知道你们有些人还在适应开学后的生活。但我今天来到这里是因为有重要的事情要和你们说。我来这里是要和你们谈谈你们的教育问题，以及在这个新学年对你们所有人的期望。

Now, I’ve given a lot of speeches about education.And I’ve talked about responsibility a lot.我做过很多次有关教育问题的演讲。我多次谈到过责任问题。

I’ve talked about teachers’ responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.我谈到过教师激励学生并督促他们学习的责任。

I’ve talked about your parents’ responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don’t spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox.我谈到过家长的责任，要确保你们走正路，完成家庭作业，不要整天坐在电视前或玩Xbox游戏。

I’ve talked a lot about your government’s responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren’t working, where students aren’t getting the opportunities that they deserve.我多次谈到过政府的责任，要制定高标准，支持教师和校长的工作，彻底改善不能为学生提供应有机会的、教育质量差的学校。

But at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world--and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed.That’s what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.然而，即使我们拥有最敬业的教师，最尽力的家长和全世界最好的学校——如果你们大家不履行你们的责任，不到校上课，不专心听讲，不听家长、祖父祖母和其他大人的话，不付出取得成功所必须的勤奋努力，那么这一切都毫无用处，都无关紧要。这就是我今天讲话的重点：你们每个人对自己的教育应尽的责任。

I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself.Every single one of you has something that you’re good at.Every single one of you has something to offer.And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is.That’s the opportunity an education can provide.我首先要讲讲你们对自己应尽的责任。你们每个人都有自己的长处。你们每个人都能做出自己的贡献。你们对自己应尽的责任是发现自己的能力所在。而教育能够提供这样的机会。

Maybe you could be a great writer--maybe even good enough to write a book or articles in a newspaper--but you might not know it until you write that English paper--that English class paper that’s assigned to you.Maybe you could be an innovator or an inventor--maybe even good enough to come up with the next iPhone or the new medicine or vaccine--but you might not know it until you do your project for your science class.Maybe you could be a mayor or a senator or a Supreme Court justice--but you might not know that until you join student government or the debate team.你或许能成为一名出色的作家——甚至可能写书或在报纸上发表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文课的作文后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名创新者或发明家——甚至可能设计出新一代iPhone或研制出新型药物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科学课的实验后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名市长或参议员或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在参加学生会的工作或辩论队后才会发现自己的才华。And no matter what you want to do with your life, I guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it.You want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? You want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? You’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers.You cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job.You’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it.不论你的生活志向是什么，我敢肯定你必须上学读书才能实现它。你想当医生、教师或警官吗？你想当护士、建筑师、律师或军人吗？你必须接受良好的教育，才能从事上述任何一种职业。你不能指望辍学后能碰上个好工作。你必须接受培训，为之努力，为之学习。

And this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future.What you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country.The future of America depends on you.What you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future.这并非只对你个人的人生和未来意义重大。可以毫不夸大地说，教育给你带来的益处将决定这个国家的未来。美国的未来取决于你们。你们今日在校学习的知识将决定我们作为一个国家是否能够迎接我们未来所面临的最严峻挑战。

You’ll need the knowledge and problem-solving skills you learn in science and math to cure diseases like cancer and AIDS, and to develop new energy tech nologies and protect our environment.You’ll need the insights and critical-thinking skills you gain in history and social studies to fight poverty and homelessness, crime and discrimination, and make our nation more fair and more free.You’ll need the creativity and ingenuity you develop in all your classes to build new companies that will create new jobs and boost our economy.你们将需要利用你们通过自然科学和数学课程所学到的知识和解决问题的能力来治愈癌症、艾滋病及其他疾病，开发新的能源技术和保护我们的环境。你们将需要利用你们在历史学和社会学课堂上所获得的知识和独立思考能力来抗击贫困和解决无家可归问题，打击犯罪和消除歧视，使我们的国家更公平、更自由。你们将需要利用你们在所有课堂上培养的创造力和智慧来创办新公司，增加就业机会，振兴我们的经济。We need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems.If you don’t do that--if you quit on school--you’re not just quitting on yourself, you’re quitting on your country.www.xiexiebang.com

我们需要你们每个人发挥你们的聪明才智和技能，以便帮助老一辈人解决我们面临的最棘手问题。如果你们不这样做，如果你们辍学，你们不仅仅是自暴自弃，也是抛弃自己的国家。

Now, I know it’s not always easy to do well in school.I know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork.我自然知道要做到学业优秀并非总是易事。我知道你们许多人在生活中面临挑战，难以集中精力从事学业。

I get it.I know what it’s like.My father left my family when I was two years old, and I was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had.There were times when I missed having a father in my life.There were times when I was lonely and I felt like I didn’t fit in.我明白这一点。我有亲身感受。两岁时，我父亲离家而去，我是由一位单亲母亲抚养成人的，母亲不得不工作，并时常为支付生活费用而苦苦挣扎，但有时仍无法为我们提供其他孩子享有的东西。有时，我渴望生活中能有一位父亲。有时我感到孤独，感到自己不适应社会。

So I wasn’t always as focused as I should have been on school, and I did some things I’m not proud of, and I got in more trouble than I should have.And my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse.我并非总是像我应该做到的那样专心学习，我也曾做过我如今不能引以为豪的一些事情，我曾惹过不应该惹的麻烦。我的人生原本会轻易陷入更糟糕的境地。

But I was--I was lucky.I got a lot of second chances, and I had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams.My wife, our First Lady Michelle Obama, she has a similar story.Neither of her parents had gone to college, and they didn’t have a lot of money.But they worked hard, and she worked hard, so that she could go to the best schools in this country.但是，我当年际遇不错。我有过许多第二次机会，我有幸能上大学，上法学院，追求自己的理想。我的妻子，我们的第一夫人米歇尔?奥巴马，也有着类似的经历。她的父母都未曾上过大学，家里很穷。但他们非常勤奋，她也是如此，因此她得以进入一些美国最好的学校。

Some of you might not have those advantages.Maybe you don’t have adults in your life who give you the support that you need.Maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there’s not enough money to go around.Maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don’t feel safe, or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren’t right.你们中有一些人可能没有那些有利条件。或许你们生活中没有成年人为你们提供你们所需要的支持。或许你们家中有人失业，经济非常拮据。或许你们生活在使你们感觉不安全的社区，或有朋友逼迫你们去做你们知道不对的事情。

But at the end of the day, the circumstances of your life--what you look like, where you come from, how much money you have, what you’ve got going on at home--none of that is an excuse for neglecting your homework or having a bad attitude in school.That’s no excuse for talking back to your teacher, or cutting class, or dropping out of school.There is no excuse for not trying.然而说到底，你们生活的环境、你们的肤色、你们的原籍、你们的经济收入、你们家中的境况等等，这一切都不能成为你们不用功或不努力的理由。你们没有理由不服从你们的老师、逃学、或辍学。没有理由不付出努力。

Where you are right now doesn’t have to determine where you’ll end up.No one’s written your destiny for you, because here in America, you write your own destiny You make your own future.你们目前的状况并不决定着你们的未来。没有人决定你们的命运，在美国，你们决定自己的命运。你们掌握自己的未来。

That’s what young people like you are doing every day, all across America.这就是像你们这样的年轻人每天都在做的事情，全美各地都是如此。

Young people like Jazmin Perez, from Roma, Texas.Jazmin didn’t speak English when she first started school.Neither of her parents had gone to college.But she worked hard, earned good grades, and got a scholarship to Brown University--is now in graduate school, studying public health, on her way to becoming Dr.Jazmin Perez.来自得州罗马城的贾兹敏?佩雷斯(Jazmin Perez)就是一个例证，她刚开始上学时并不会说英文。她的父母都没有上过大学。然而，她非常勤奋，成绩优秀，获得了布朗大学的奖学金，她如今正在读研究生，攻读公共卫生专业，不久将成为贾兹敏?佩雷斯博士。

I’m thinking about Andoni Schultz, from Los Altos, California, who’s fought brain cancer since he was three.He’s had to endure all sorts of treatments and surgeries, one of which affected his memory, so it took him much longer--hundreds of extra hours--to do his schoolwork.But he never fell behind.He’s headed to college this fall.我想起了加州洛斯阿尔托斯城的安多尼?舒尔茨(Andoni Schultz)，他从三岁开始就一直与脑癌进行抗争，他不得不忍受各类治疗和手术带来的痛苦，其中一项手术曾影响了他的记忆，因此他花在功课上的时间比一般人长得多，要多出数百个小时。然而，他从未落后。他今年秋季将迈进大学。

And then there’s Shantell Steve, from my hometown of Chicago, Illinois.Even when bouncing from foster home to foster home in the toughest neighborhoods in the city, she managed to get a job at a local health care center, start a program to keep young people out of gangs, and she’s on track to graduate high school with honors and go on to college.我还想起家乡伊利诺伊州芝加哥市的尚特尔?史蒂夫(Shantell Steve)。她曾在芝加哥最困难的社区生活，寄养于多个不同的家庭，但她最终在一家地方医疗中心找到工作，并开始了一项帮助年轻人远离流氓团伙的计划，她即将以优异成绩从中学毕业，紧接着将上大学。

And Jazmin, Andoni, and Shantell aren’t any different from any of you.They face challenges in their lives just like you do.In some cases they’ve got it a lot worse off than many of you.But they refused to give up.They chose to take responsibility for their lives, for their education, and set goals for themselves.And I expect all of you to do the same.www.xiexiebang.com

贾兹敏、安多尼和尚特尔与你们中间的每个人没什么两样。跟你们一样，他们在生活中面临种种挑战。在某些情况下，他们的处境比起你们许多人更差。但他们拒绝放弃。他们决定要为自己的一生、自己的教育负起责任，为自己设定各项奋斗目标。我期待你们大家都会这样做。

That’s why today I’m calling on each of you to set your own goals for your education--and do everything you can to meet them.Your goal can be something as simple as doing all your homework, paying attention in class, or spending some time each day reading a book.Maybe you’ll decide to get involved in an extracurricular activity, or volunteer in your community.Maybe you’ll decide to stand up for kids who are being teased or bullied because of who they are or how they look, because you believe, like I do, that all young people deserve a safe environment to study and learn.Maybe you’ll decide to take better care of yourself so you can be more ready to learn.And along those lines, by the way, I hope all of you are washing your hands a lot, and that you stay home from school when you don’t feel well, so we can keep people from getting the flu this fall and winter.因此，我今天呼吁你们每一个人为自己的教育设定目标，并尽自己的最大努力来实现这些目标。你的目标可以是一件十分简单的事情，例如完成家庭作业、上课专心听讲、或每天花一点时间读一本书。也许你会决定要参加课外活动或在你的社区提供志愿服务。也许你会决定挺身而出保护那些因为身份或长相而受人戏弄或欺负的孩子，原因是你和我一样认为所有的年轻人都应该享有一个适合读书和学习的安全环境。也许你会决定更好地照料自己，以便有更充沛的精力来学习。顺便提一下，除了这些事情外，我希望大家要勤洗手，身体感到不舒服的时候要呆在家里不去上学，这样我们能防止人们在今年秋冬季节染上流感。The truth is, being successful is hard.You won’t love every subject that you study.You won’t click with every teacher that you have.Not every homework assignment will seem completely relevant to your life right at this minute.And you won’t necessarily succeed at everything the first time you try.事实上，取得成功不是轻而易举的事情。你不会喜欢你学习的每一门课目。你不会与你的每一位老师都很投契。不是所有的家庭作业似乎都与你眼前的生活完全有关。你第一次尝试做每件事的时候，不一定成功。

That’s okay.Some of the most successful people in the world are the ones who’ve had the most failures.J.K.Rowling’s--who wrote Harry Potter--her first Harry Potter book was rejected 12 times before it was finally published.Michael Jordan was cut from his high school basketball team.He lost hundreds of games and missed thousands of shots during his career.But he once said, “I have failed over and over and over again in my life.And that’s why I succeed.”

这些都没关系。世界上最成功的人士中有一些是遭遇失败最多的人。作者J?K?罗琳(J.K.Rowling)所写的系列小说《哈利?波特》(Harry Potter)第一部在获得出版之前被退稿12次。迈克尔?乔丹(Michael Jordan)曾被他的高中篮球队除名。在乔丹的篮球生涯中，他输过数百场比赛，有成千上万个球没有投中。但他曾说过：“在我的一生中，我失败了一次又一次、一次又一次。这就是我成功的原因。”

These people succeeded because they understood that you can’t let your failures define you--you have to let your failures teach you.You have to let them show you what to do differently the next time.So if you get into trouble, that doesn’t mean you’re a troublemaker, it means you need to try harder to act right.If you get a bad grade, that doesn’t mean you’re stupid, it just means you need to spend more time studying.这些人士获得成功，因为他们懂得：你不能让失败来限制你，而必须让失败来开导你。你必须让失败向你展示下次如何以不同的方式去做这件事情。因此，如果你遇到麻烦，那并不表示你是麻烦的制造者，而意味着你需要更加努力去把它做对。如果你有一门课分数低，那不表示你比别人笨，而只表示你需要花更多的时间学习。

No one’s born being good at all things.You become good at things through hard work.You’re not a varsity athlete the first time you play a new sport.You don’t hit every note the first time you sing a song.You’ve got to practice.The same principle applies to your schoolwork.You might have to do a math problem a few times before you get it right.You might have to read something a few times before you understand it.You definitely have to do a few drafts of a paper before it’s good enough to hand in.没有一个人天生擅长做各种事情。你通过勤奋而变得擅长于各种事情。第一次从事新的体育项目时，你不可能是一位主力队员。第一次唱一首歌曲时，你不可能唱准每个音。你必须练习。同样的道理适用于你的学业。你可能要把一道数学题做几次才把它做对。你可能要把一些材料阅读几遍才能理解。在交出一篇优美的作文之前，你肯定需要打几遍草稿。

Don’t be afraid to ask questions.Don’t be afraid to ask for help when you need it.I do that every day.Asking for help isn’t a sign of weakness, it’s a sign of strength because it shows you have the courage to admit when you don’t know something, and that then allows you to learn something new.So find an adult that you trust--a parent, a grandparent or teacher, a coach or a counselor--and ask them to help you stay on track to meet your goals.不要害怕提问。不要在需要帮助时害怕请求别人帮助。我天天请求别人的帮助。请求帮助不是软弱的表现，它是力量的标志，因为它表明你有勇气承认自己对某些事情不懂，这样做会使你学到新的东西。因此，请确定一位你信任的成年人，例如家长、祖父母或老师、教练或辅导员，请他们帮助你遵循既定计划实现你的目标。

And even when you’re struggling, even when you’re discouraged, and you feel like other people have given up on you, don’t ever give up on yourself, because when you give up on yourself, you give up on your country.即使当你苦苦挣扎、灰心丧气、感到其他人对你不抱希望时，也不要对你自己丧失信心，因为当你自暴自弃时，你也抛弃了自己的国家。

The story of America isn’t about people who quit when things got tough.It’s about people who kept going, who tried harder, who loved their country too much to do anything less than their best.书写美国历史的不是在困难时刻退缩的人，而是坚持不懈、加倍努力的人，他们对国家的爱促使他们全力以赴。

It’s the story of students who sat where you sit 250 years ago, and went on to wage a revolution and they founded this nation.Young people.Students who sat where you sit 75 years ago who overcame a Depression and won a world war;who fought for civil rights and put a man on the moon.Students who sat where you sit 20 years ago who founded Google and Twitter and Facebook and changed the way we communicate with each other.书写美国历史的是250年前坐在你们的位置上的学生，他们后来进行了独立战争并创建了这个国家。还有75年前坐在你们的位置上的年轻人和学生，他们走出了大萧条并打赢了一场世界大战；他们为民权而奋斗并把宇航员送上了月球。至于20年前坐在你们的位置上的学生，他们创办了谷歌(Google)、叽喳网(Twitter)和脸谱网(Facebook)，改变了我们交流沟通的方式。

So today, I want to ask all of you, what’s your contribution going to be? What problems are you going to solve? What discoveries will you make? What will a President who comes here in 20 or 50 or 100 years say about what all of you did for this country?

而今天，我要问问你们大家，你们将做出什么贡献？你们将解决什么问题？你们将有什么发现？20年、50年或100年后来到这里讲话的总统将会怎样评价你们大家为这个国家所做的一切？

Now, your families, your teachers, and I are doing everything we can to make sure you have the education you need to answer these questions.I’m working hard to fix up your classrooms and get you the books and the equipment and the computers you need to learn.But you’ve got to do your part, too.So I expect all of you to get serious this year.I expect you to put your best effort into everything you do.I expect great things from each of you.So don’t let us down.Don’t let your family down or your country down.Most of all, don’t let yourself down.Make us all proud.你们的家人、你们的老师和我正在竭尽全力保证你们接受必要的教育，以便回答上述问题。我正在努力工作，以便你们的教室得到修缮，你们能够得到学习所需的课本、设备和电脑。但你们也必须尽自己的努力。因此，我希望你们大家从今年起认真对待这个问题。我希望你们尽最大努力做好每一件事。我希望你们每个人都有出色的表现。不要让我们失望。不要让你们的家人或你们的国家失望。而最重要的是，不要辜负你们自己，而要让我们都能[为你们]感到骄傲。

Thank you very much, everybody.God bless you.God bless America.Thank you.(Applause.)

非常感谢你们大家。愿主保佑你们。愿主保佑美国。谢谢你们。(掌声)