“约翰.肯尼迪 政教要绝对分离”的英文演讲稿2

第一篇：“约翰.肯尼迪 政教要绝对分离”的英文演讲稿2

'I Believe in an America Where the Separation of Church and State is Absolute'

September 12, 1960, address to the Greater Houston Ministerial AssociationBY: John F.Kennedy

While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that we have far more critical issues to face in the 1960 election;the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers 90 miles off the coast of Florida--the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power--the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctor bills, the families forced to give up their farms--an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.These are the real issues which should decide this campaign.And they are not religious issues--for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers.But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured--perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this.So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again--not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me--but what kind of America I believe in.I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute--where no Catholic prelate would tell the President(should he be Catholic)how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote--where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference--and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish--where no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public

policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source--where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials--and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew--or a Quaker--or a Unitarian--or a Baptist.It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that helped lead to Jefferson's statute of religious

freedom.Today I may be the victim--but tomorrow it may be you--until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped at a time of great national peril.Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday

end--where all men and all churches are treated as equal--where every man has the same right to attend or not attend the church of his choice--where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind--and where Catholics, Protestants and Jews, at both the lay and pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.That is the kind of America in which I believe.And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe--a great office that must neither be humbled by making it the instrument of any one religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding its occupancy from the members of any one religious group.I believe in a President whose religious views are his own private affair, neither imposed by him upon the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first

amendment's guarantees of religious liberty.Nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so--and neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test--even by indirection--for it.If they disagree with that safeguard they should be out openly working to repeal it.I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all groups and

obligated to none--who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately require of him--and whose fulfillment of his Presidential oath is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation.This is the kind of America I believe in--and this is the kind I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe.No one suggested then that we may have a “divided loyalty,” that we did “not believe in liberty,” or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the “freedoms for which our forefathers died.”

And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers died--when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches--when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom--and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo.For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died

McCafferty and Bailey and Carey--but no one knows whether they were Catholic or not.For there was no religious test at the Alamo.I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition--to judge me on the basis of my record of 14 years in Congress--on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any

boycott of the public schools(which I have attended myself)--instead of judging me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that

carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which

strongly endorsed church-state separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts--why should you? But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or persecute the free exercise of any other religion.And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their

Presidency to Protestants and those which deny it to Catholics.And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as Ireland and France--and the independence of such statesmen as Adenauer and De Gaulle.But let me stress again that these are my views--for contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President.I am the

Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic.I do not speak for my church on public matters--and the church does not speak for me.Whatever issue may come before me as President--on birth control, divorce,censorship, gambling or any other subject--I will make my decision in accordance with these views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates.And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.But if the time should ever come--and I do not concede any conflict to be even remotely possible--when my office would require me to either violate my

conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office;and I hope any conscientious public servant would do the same.But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith--nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I had tried my best and was fairly judged.But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people.But if, on the other hand, I should win the election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency--practically identical, I might add, to the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress.For without reservation, I can "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of

President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution...so help me God.

第二篇：约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文

vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.

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to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

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第三篇：约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文

vice president johnson, mr.speaker, mr.chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.and yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of god.we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.this much we pledge--and more.to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.to those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.we shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.to our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.but this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the americas.and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.to that world assembly of sovereign states, the united nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.we dare not tempt them with weakness.for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.but neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.let us never negotiate out of fear.but let us never fear to negotiate.let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.all this will not be finished in the first 100 days.nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.but let us begin.in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?

in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.i do not shank from this responsibility--i welcome it.i do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.and so, my fellow americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth god's work must truly be our own.

第四篇：约翰·肯尼迪就职演说 -英语演讲稿

John F.Kennedy: Inaugural Address

¡¡¡¡Ô¼º²¡¤¿ÏÄáµÏÊÇһλսÕùÓ¢ÐÛ£¬ÆÕÀû²ß½±»ñµÃÕߣ¬ÎåÊ®Äê´ú´ó²¿·Öʱ¼äÀïµÄ²ÎÒéÔ±¡£1960ÄêµÄ11Ô£¬Äê½ö43ËêµÄËû³ÉΪÃÀ¹úÀúÊ·Ñ¡Ôñ²úÉúµÄ×îÄêÇáµÄ×Üͳ¡£1963Äê11ÔÂ22ÈÕËûÔڵ¿ËÈø˹ÖݵĴïÀ-˹Óö´ÌÉíÍö£¬ÊÇÃÀ¹úÀúÊ·ÉϵÚËÄλËÀÓÚ°µÉ±Õß×Óµ¯µÄ×Üͳ¡£ We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope;patient in tribulation,” a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own

第五篇：约翰.肯尼迪演讲稿(中英文对照)

First Inaugural Address

(John F.Kennedy)Jan.2o, 1961.Brief introduction to the speaker: John F.Kennedy(1917-1963)John F.Kennedy was a war hero, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author, a U.S.senator for most of the 1950s.in November 1960, at the age of 43, John F.he became the youngest man ever elected president of the United States.on Nov.22, 1963, Kennedy was shot to death in Dallas, Tex., the fourth United States president to die by an assassin’s bullet..*******************************************************************************

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom.Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signify-ing renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn betbre you,and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The worried is very different now for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life.And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue around the globe.The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first, revolution.Let the word go forth, from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which.we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty

This much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do.For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny We sha1l not always expect to tind them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it ‘s cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into, good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist, free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile power s.Let al our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere ill the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last and best hope in an age age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and run.Finally to those nations who would make themselves our adversary we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin a new quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness, for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nation take comfort from our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, and yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.So let us begin aneW remembering on both sides that stability is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us, instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals, for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah, to rsndo the herrny brrrdens rrnd let the oppressed go hee.And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor not a new balance of powen but a new world of law, whel-e the strong are just, and the weak secured, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundrcd days, nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifietime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty The graves of young Americans, who answered the caI1 to service, surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a cal1 to bear arms, though arms we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to bear the burden of a long, twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny poverty disease, and war itself

Can we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people, or any other generation.The energy the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor, will light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do lbr the iieedom of men.Finally whether you are citizens of A1nerica, or citizens of the world, ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.Wth a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the Iand we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own.火炬已经传给新一代美国人

（约翰.肯尼迪）1961.1.20

演讲者简介：

约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，普利策奖获得者，五十年代大部分时间里的参议员。1960年的11月，年仅43岁的他成为美国历史选择产生的最年轻的总统。1963年11月22日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死于暗杀者的子弹的总统。

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今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味看变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪—他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道—不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落—为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证—而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成—因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由—而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间---之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证---在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

对联合国，主权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。

我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。

但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰---发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。

因此，让我们双方重新开始—双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。

让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令---“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。）

如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和平将得到维护。

所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

现在，号角已再次吹响---不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人---专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。

为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么、而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些计人，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。