英文演讲之“人类语言的缘起” Murray Gell-Mannon the ancestor of language

第一篇：英文演讲之“人类语言的缘起” Murray Gell-Mannon the ancestor of language

Murray Gell-Mann: on the ancestor of language

About this talk

After speaking at TED2007 on elegance in physics, the amazing Murray Gell-Mann gives a quick overview of another passionate interest: finding the common ancestry of our modern languages.About Murray Gell-Mann

Murray Gell-Mann brings visibility to a crucial aspect of our existence that we can't actually see: elemental particles.He won the Nobel Prize in Physics for introducing quarks.Transcript

Well, I'm involved in other things besides physics.In fact, mostly now in other things.One thing is distant relationships among human languages.And the professional, historical linguists in the US and in Western Europe mostly try to stay away from any long-distance relationships;big groupings, groupings that go back a long time, longer than the familiar families.They don't like that;they think it's crank.I don't think it's crank.And there are some brilliant linguists, mostly Russians, who are working on that at Santa Fe Institute and in Moscow, and I would love to see where that leads.Does it really lead to a single ancestor some 20, 25,000 years ago? And what if we go back beyond that single ancestor, when there was presumably a competition among many languages? How far back does that go? How far back does modern language go? How many tens of thousands of years does it go back?

Chris Anderson: Do you have a hunch or a hope for what the answer to that is?

Murray Gell-Mann: Well, I would guess that modern language must be older than the cave paintings and cave engravings and cave sculptures and dance steps in the soft clay in the caves in Western Europe in the Aurignacian Period some 35,000 years ago, or earlier.I can't believe they did all those things and didn't also have a modern language.So I would guess that the actual origin goes back at least that far and maybe further.But that doesn't mean that all, or many, or most of today's attested languages couldn't descend perhaps from one that's much younger than that, like say 20,000 years, or something of that kind.It's what we call a bottleneck.CA: Well, Philip Anderson may have been right.You may just know more about everything than anyone.So it's been an honor.Thank you Murray Gell-Mann.(Applause)

第二篇：50篇经典英文演讲之30

Mr.Speaker, Mr.President, Members of the House, Members of the Senate, my fellow Americans:

All I have I would have given gladly not to be standing here today.The greatest leader of our time has been struck down by the foulest deed of our time.Today, John Fitzgerald Kennedy lives on in the immortal words and works that he left behind.He lives on in the mind and memories of mankind.He lives on in the hearts of his countrymen.No words are sad enough to express our sense of loss.No words are strong enough to express our determination to continue the forward thrust of America that he began.The dream of conquering the vastness of space, the dream of partnership across the Atlantic--and across the Pacific as well--the dream of a Peace Corps in less developed nations, the dream of education for all of our children, the dream of jobs for all who seek them and need them, the dream of care for our elderly, the dream of an all-out attack on mental illness, and above all, the dream of equal rights for all Americans, whatever their race or color.These and other American dreams have been vitalized by his drive and by his dedication.And now the ideas and the ideals which he so nobly represented must and will be translated into effective action.Under John Kennedy's leadership, this nation has demonstrated that it has the courage to seek peace, and it has the fortitude to risk war.We have proved that we are a good and reliable friend to those who seek peace and freedom.We have shown that we can also be a formidable foe to those who reject the path of peace and those who seek to impose upon us or our allies the yoke of tyranny.This nation will keep its commitments from South Vietnam to West Berlin.We will be unceasing in the search for peace, resourceful in our pursuit of areas of agreement--even with those with whom we differ--and generous and loyal to those who join with us in common cause.In this age when there can be no losers in peace and no victors in war, we must recognize the obligation to match national strength with national restraint.We must be prepared at one and the same time for both the confrontation of power and the limitation of power.We must be ready to defend the national interest and to negotiate the common interest.This is the path that we shall continue to pursue.Those who test our courage will find it strong, and those who seek our friendship will find it honorable.We will demonstrate anew that the strong can be just in the use of strength, and the just can be strong in the defense of justice.And let all know we will extend no special privilege and impose no persecution.We will carry on the fight against poverty, and misery, and disease, and ignorance, in other lands and in our own.We will serve all the nation, not one section or one sector, or one group, but all Americans.These are the United States: A united people with a united purpose.Our American unity does not depend upon unanimity.We have differences;but now, as in the past, we can derive from those differences strength, not weakness, wisdom, not despair.Both as a people and a government, we can unite upon a program, a program which is wise and just, enlightened and constructive.For 32 years Capitol Hill has been my home.I have shared many moments of pride with you, pride in the ability of the Congress of the United States to act, to meet any crisis, to distill from our differences strong programs of national action.An assassin's bullet has thrust upon me the awesome burden of the Presidency.I am here today to say I need your help.I cannot bear this burden alone.I need the help of all Americans, and all America.This nation has experienced a profound shock, and in this critical moment, it is our duty, yours and mine, as the Government of the United States, to do away with uncertainty and doubt and delay, and to show that we are capable of decisive action;that from the brutal loss of our leader we will derive not weakness, but strength;that we can and will act and act now.From this chamber of representative government, let all the world know and none

misunderstand that I rededicate this Government to the unswerving support of the United Nations, to the honorable and determined execution of our commitments to our allies, to the maintenance of military strength second to none, to the defense of the strength and the stability of the dollar, to the expansion of our foreign trade, to the reinforcement of our programs of mutual assistance and cooperation in Asia and Africa, and to our Alliance for Progress in this hemisphere.On the 20th day of January, in 19 and 61, John F.Kennedy told his countrymen that our national work would not be finished “in the first thousand days, nor in the life of this

administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.” “But,” he said, “let us begin.”Today in this moment of new resolve, I would say to all my fellow Americans, let us continue.This is our challenge--not to hesitate, not to pause, not to turn about and linger over this evil moment, but to continue on our course so that we may fulfill the destiny that history has set for us.Our most immediate tasks are here on this Hill.First, no memorial oration or eulogy could

more eloquently honor President Kennedy's memory than the earliest possible passage of the Civil Rights Bill for which he fought so long.We have talked long enough in this country about equal rights.We have talked for a hundred years or more.It is time now to write the next

chapter, and to write it in the books of law.I urge you again, as I did in 19 and 57 and again in 19 and 60, to enact a civil rights law so that we can move forward to eliminate from this nation every trace of discrimination and oppression that is based upon race or color.There could be no greater source of strength to this nation both at home and abroad.And second, no act of ours could more fittingly continue the work of President Kennedy than the early passage of the tax bill for which he fought all this long year.This is a bill designed to

increase our national income and Federal revenues, and to provide insurance against

recession.That bill, if passed without delay, means more security for those now working, more jobs for those now without them, and more incentive for our economy.In short, this is no time for delay.It is a time for action--strong, forward-looking action on the pending education bills to help bring the light of learning to every home and hamlet in America;strong, forward-looking action on youth employment opportunities;strong, forward-looking action on the pending foreign aid bill, making clear that we are not forfeiting our responsibilities to this hemisphere or to the world, nor erasing Executive flexibility in the conduct of our foreign affairs;and strong, prompt, and forward-looking action on the remaining appropriation bills.In this new spirit of action, the Congress can expect the full cooperation and support of the executive branch.And, in particular, I pledge that the expenditures of your Government will be administered with the utmost thrift and frugality.I will insist that the Government get a dollar's value for a dollar spent.The Government will set an example of prudence and economy.This does not mean that we will not meet our unfilled needs or that we will not honor our commitments.We will do both.As one who has long served in both Houses of the Congress, I firmly believe in the

independence and the integrity of the legislative branch.And I promise you that I shall always respect this.It is deep in the marrow of my bones.With equal firmness, I believe in the capacity and I believe in the ability of the Congress, despite the divisions of opinions which characterize our nation, to act--to act wisely, to act vigorously, to act speedily when the need arises.The need is here.The need is now.I ask your help.We meet in grief, but let us also meet in renewed dedication and renewed vigor.Let us meet in action, in tolerance, and in mutual understanding.John Kennedy's death commands what his life conveyed--that America must move forward.The time has come for Americans of all races and creeds and political beliefs to understand and to respect one another.So let us put an end to the teaching and the preaching of hate and evil and violence.Let us turn away from the fanatics of the far left and the far right, from the apostles of bitterness and bigotry, from those defiant of law, and those who pour venom into our nation's bloodstream.I profoundly hope that the tragedy and the torment of these terrible days will bind us together in new fellowship, making us one people in our hour of sorrow.So let us here highly resolve that John Fitzgerald Kennedy did not live or die in vain.And on this Thanksgiving eve, as we gather together to ask the Lord's blessing, and give Him our thanks, let us unite in those familiar and cherished words:

America, America,God shed His grace on thee,And crown thy good

With brotherhood

From sea to shining sea.

第三篇：50篇经典英文演讲之8

Eleanor Roosevelt: Adoption of the Declaration of Human Rights Mr.President, fellow delegates:

The long and meticulous study and debate of which this Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the product means that it reflects the composite views of the many men and governments who have contributed to its formulation.Not every man nor every government can have what he wants in a document of this kind.There are of course particular provisions in the declaration before us with which we are not fully satisfied.I have no doubt this is true of other delegations, and it would still be true if we continued our labors over many years.Taken as a whole the Delegation of the United States believes that this a good document--even a great document--and we propose to give it our full support.The position of the United States on the

various parts of the declaration is a matter of record in the Third Committee.I shall not burden the Assembly, and particularly my colleagues of the Third Committee, with a restatement of that position here.Certain provisions of the declaration are stated in such broad terms as to be

acceptable only because of the limitations in article 29 providing for limitation on the exercise of the rights for the purpose of meeting the requirements of morality, public order, and the general welfare.An example of this is the provision that

everyone has the right of equal access to the public service in his country.The basic principle of equality and of nondiscrimination as to public employment is sound, but it cannot be accepted without limitations.My government, for example, would consider that this is unquestionably subject to limitation in the interest of public order and the general welfare.It would not consider that the exclusion from public employment of persons holding subversive political beliefs and not loyal to the basic principles and practices of the constitution and laws of the country would in any way infringe upon this right.Likewise, my Government has made it clear in the course of the development of the declaration that it does not consider that the economic and social and cultural rights stated in the declaration imply an obligation on governmental action.This was made quite clear in the Human Rights Commission text of article 23 which served as a so-called “umbrella” article to the articles on economic and social rights.We consider that the principle has not been affected by the fact that this article no longer contains a reference to the articles which follow it.This in no way affects our whole-hearted support for the basic principles of economic, social, and cultural rights set forth in these articles.In giving our approval to the declaration today it is of primary importance that we keep clearly in mind the basic character of the document.It is not a treaty;it is not an international agreement.It is not and does not purport to be a statement of basic principles of law or legal obligation.It is a declaration of basic principles of human

rights and freedoms, to be stamped with the approval of the General Assembly by formal vote of its members, and to serve as a common standard of achievement for all peoples of all nations.We stand today at the threshold of a great event both in the life of the United

Nations and in the life of mankind, that is the approval by the General Assembly of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights recommended by the Third Committee.This declaration may well become the international Magna Carta of all men

everywhere.We hope its proclamation by the General Assembly will be an event comparable to the proclamation of the Declaration of the Rights of the Man by the French people in 1789, the adoption of the Bill of Rights by the people of the United States, and the adoption of comparable declarations at different times in other countries.At a time when there are so many issues on which we find it difficult to reach a common basis of agreement, it is a significant fact that 58 states have found such a large measure of agreement in the complex field of human rights.This must be taken as testimony of our common aspiration first voiced in the Charter of the

United Nations to lift men everywhere to a higher standard of life and to a greater enjoyment of freedom.Man’s desire for peace lies behind this declaration.The realization that the fragrant violation of human rights by Nazi and Fascist countries sowed the seeds of the last world war has supplied the impetus for the work which brings us to the moment of achievement here today.In a recent speech in Canada, Gladstone Murray said:

“The central fact is that man is fundamentally a moral being, that thelight we have is imperfect does not matter so long as we are always

trying to improve it … we are equal in sharing the moral freedom thatdistinguishes us as men.Man’s status makes each individual an end inhimself.No man is by nature simply the servant of the state or of

another man … the ideal and fact of freedom—and not

technology—are the true distinguishing marks of our civilization.”

This declaration is based upon the spiritual fact that man must have freedom in which to develop his full stature and through common effort to raise the level of human dignity.We have much to do to fully achieve and to assure the rights set forth in this declaration.But having them put before us with the moral backing of 58 nations will be a great step forward.As we here bring to fruition our labors on this Declaration of Human Rights, we must at the same time rededicate ourselves to the unfinished task which lies before us.We can now move on with new courage and inspiration to the completion of an international covenant on human rights and of measures for the implementation of human rights.In conclusion I feel that I cannot do better than to repeat the call to action by Secretary Marshall in his opening statement to this Assembly:

“Let this third regular session of the General Assembly approve by anoverwhelming majority the Declaration of Human Rights as a

statement of conduct for all;and let us, as Members of the UnitedNations, conscious of our own short-comings and imperfections, joinour effort in all faith to live up to this high standard.”

第四篇：50篇经典英文演讲之28

I am proud to come to this city as the guest of your distinguished Mayor, who has symbolized throughout the world the fighting spirit of West Berlin.And I am proud to visit the Federal Republic with your distinguished Chancellor who for so many years has committed Germany to democracy and freedom and progress, and to come here in the company of my fellow American, General Clay, who has been in this city during its great moments of crisis and will come again if ever needed.Two thousand years ago, two thousand years ago, the proudest boast was “civis Romanus sum.” Today, in the world of freedom, the proudest boast is “Ich bin ein Berliner.”

(I appreciate my interpreter translating my German.)

There are many people in the world who really don't understand, or say they don't, what is the great issue between the free world and the Communist world.Let them come to Berlin.There are some who say that communism is the wave of the future.Let them come to Berlin.And there are some who say, in Europe and elsewhere, we can work with the Communists.Let them come to Berlin.And there are even a few who say that it is true that communism is an evil system, but it permits us to make economic progress.Lass' sie nach Berlin kommen.Let them come to Berlin.Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect.But we have never had to put a wall up to keep our people in--to prevent them from leaving us.I want to say on behalf of my countrymen who live many miles away on the other side of the Atlantic, who are far distant from you, that they take the greatest pride, that they have been able to share with you, even from a distance, the story of the last 18 years.I know of no town, no city, that has been besieged for 18 years that still lives with the vitality and the force, and the hope, and the determination of the city of West Berlin.While the wall is the most obvious and vivid demonstration of the failures of the Communist system--for all the world to see--we take no satisfaction in it;for it is, as your Mayor has said, an offense not only against history but an offense against

humanity, separating families, dividing husbands and wives and brothers and sisters, and dividing a people who wish to be joined together.What is true of this city is true of Germany: real, lasting peace in Europe can never be assured as long as one German out of four is denied the elementary right of free men, and that is to make a free choice.In 18 years of peace and good faith, this generation of Germans has earned the right to be free, including the right to unite their families and their nation in lasting peace, with good will to all people.You live in a defended island of freedom, but your life is part of the main.So let me ask you, as I close, to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today, to the hopes of tomorrow, beyond the freedom merely of this city of Berlin, or your country of Germany, to the advance of freedom everywhere, beyond the wall to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.Freedom is indivisible, and when one man is enslaved, all are not free.When all are free, then we can look forward to that day when this city will be joined as one and this country and this great Continent of Europe in a peaceful and hopeful globe.When that day finally comes, as it will, the people of West Berlin can take sober satisfaction in the fact that they were in the front lines for almost two decades.All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin.And, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words “Ich bin ein Berliner.”

第五篇：英文演讲

Why Do People Want To Have Less Stressed Life

As modorn society is bringing so much strees to people who want to just make a living, more and more people chosed to have less stress than high salery, glamorous life style and sometimes, fame.So, why do people want to have less stressed life? Some may ask.I think the main reason is almost every knows that stress is a great killer to health.Yes, if you are not even healthy, what are thease money for? It doesn't worth it!It is obvious, no one is not clear about that.There are may be other reasons too.Some people who do cares about their families found they have less time to spend wirh people they love because of the work load caused by stress.The complain“ I don't even know since when my little girl can call me dady!Stress has brought too much from my life!”

Of course, there maybe other reason for people getting away from stress, and i guess i don't have make a list of it.Because, each of you here may raise yourself the question: why do i want to have a less stressed life? And different version of the answer will just pop out your mind!

Everyone, please always remember: Seeking for a successful life is not wrong, but you should always judge the the thing you get and the thing you sacraficed.