kennedy 肯尼迪家族介绍[样例5]

第一篇：kennedy 肯尼迪家族介绍

August 27, 2009

EDITORIAL

Senator Edward Kennedy

Three decades ago, Senator Edward Moore Kennedy ruined his last hope to be elected to the White House when a television interviewer asked him why he wanted to be president.He could not articulate an answer, offering instead a rambling, empty response that persuaded his party that he may not really have wanted or been suited for the job that his brother John had held and to which his brother Robert had aspired.Yet as so often happened in an extraordinary life that careened from success to misfortune and scandal and back to success again, this bumbling moment worked to Mr.Kennedy’s advantage and, as it turned out, to the even greater advantage of the nation as a whole.Having failed in his insurgent challenge to President Jimmy Carter, Mr.Kennedy was finally free to focus with passion and political craft on his more natural calling as one of the master legislators and great reformers in the modern Senate.The record Mr.Kennedy leaves after 46 years can only be envied by his peers as they join the nation in mourning his passing after a 15-month fight against brain cancer — a record firmly anchored in Mr.Kennedy’s insistence that politics be grasped and administered through the prism of human needs.Together with a hard-won mastery of parliamentary intricacies, and a willingness to reach across party lines to win crucial votes, Mr.Kennedy’s unwavering taproot liberalism left a robust legacy: signature laws and reforms on civil rights, the judiciary, refugees, social welfare, foreign policy(he was one of 23 senators to vote against authorizing the Iraq invasion), voting rights, job training, public education and the minimum wage.Last year, in his bittersweet adieu before the Democratic convention, the senator stirred his party to act on what he called “the cause of my life” — quality health care as a fundamental right of American citizenship.The fate of Senator Kennedy’s cause remains in the hands of a conflicted Congress and President Obama, the Democratic candidate whom Mr.Kennedy dared to champion when other party leaders hesitated.And while his leadership will be missed in the intricate legislative warfare ahead, it would be a fitting tribute if his death could resolve for the better an issue too long in doubt.Mr.Kennedy’s life was burdened with personal tragedy, including the assassinations of two brothers, and personal embarrassment, mostly

self-inflicted.He was pronounced finished 40 years ago after Mary Jo Kopechne drowned in a car the senator drove off a bridge on Chappaquiddick Island off Martha’s Vineyard.But Massachusetts voters stuck with him, and in the last 15 years Mr.Kennedy seemed to get a much firmer grip on his personal life, not least in an effort to set a better example as the patriarch of the Kennedy clan.“I recognize my own shortcomings,” he conceded in 1991, knowing that they will not be erased from the pages of history.But neither will his spirit, his devotion to helping Americans in need and his belief that politics, not always a savory calling, can make a real difference.His mantra, forged in tragedy, and expressed most eloquently to the Democratic National Convention when he abandoned his presidential quest in 1980, was simple and ennobling: “The work goes on, the cause endures, the hope still lives, and the dream shall never die.” In his final speeches, he explicitly handed on this mantra to President Obama.This article has been revised to reflect the following correction: Correction: January 3, 2010

An article last Sunday about the death of Edward M.Kennedy in August misstated the length of his tenure in the Senate.He served 47 years, not 46 years.(The error appeared in Mr.Kennedy’s obituary and another article, about memories of the Senator, on Aug.27, and also in an editorial that day.The error was repeated in an article on Aug.28 about how the Senate had changed during the time he served.)The article also referred incorrectly to the assassination of his brother President John F.Kennedy.The president was assassinated in 1963, the year after Edward Kennedy was elected to the Senate — not the same year.This article has been revised to reflect the following correction: Correction: January 10, 2010

An article on Dec.27 about the death of Edward M.Kennedy in August referred incorrectly to the assassination of his brother President John F.Kennedy, and a correction in this space last Sunday erroneously corrected the length of his tenure in the Senate.The president was assassinated in 1963, the year after Edward Kennedy was elected to the Senate — not the same year.And as the article correctly reported, Senator Kennedy served 46 years — not 47 as the correction said.(The correction also erred in stating that the length of tenure was incorrect in Mr.Kennedy’s obituary, in two other articles on Aug.27 and Aug.28 and in an editorial on Aug.28.All four correctly reported the tenure as 46 years.)

第二篇：经典英文演讲 肯尼迪Towards a Strategy of Peace kennedy（最终版）

Modern History Sourcebook:

President John F.Kennedy:

Towards a Strategy of Peace, June 10, 1963

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Address by President Kennedy at The American University, Washington, D.C., June 10, 1963

[]

I have...chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived-yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war.Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children-not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace for all time..First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself.Too many of us think it is impossible.Too many think it unreal.But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view.Our problems are manmade;therefore they can be solved by man.And man can be as big as be wants.No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings.Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I do not deny the values of hopes and dreams, but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutionsincluding this nation's closest alliesmore than enough-of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it.We shall be alert to try to stop it.But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success.Confident and unafraid, we labor on-not toward a strategv of annihilation but toward a strategy of peace.

第三篇：蜗牛家族介绍新闻稿

蜗牛家族介绍

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第四篇：纪念美国总统肯尼迪遇刺——肯尼迪家族的传奇故事

肯尼迪家族的传奇故事

肯尼迪家族是从爱尔兰来美国的移民后裔。1848年一个名叫帕特里克·肯尼迪的穷苦爱尔兰人乘船漂洋过海来到美国的波士顿。他的儿子帕特里克·约瑟夫很会做生意，酒馆生意日渐兴隆。之后便开始涉足政治，竞选州议会议员成功后他又娶了富有的酒店老板的女儿玛丽为妻，生下了儿子约瑟夫·肯尼迪。帕特里克·约瑟夫很有远见，为了让孩子接受最好的教育，他把儿子送进了哈佛大学。

一从哈佛大学毕业，约瑟夫·肯尼迪选择了银行业作为生财的方向。在父亲的支持下他成为一家银行的董事长，并自称为是全美国最年轻的银行董事长。在积聚了几亿美元的资产后，约瑟夫开始留心政治活动。1937年罗斯福任命他出任驻英国大使。这对一个爱尔兰天主教徒的后裔来说以前是连想都不敢想的事。但是，约瑟夫虽然精于赚钱，在政治上还很笨拙，当了不到三年外交官就被召回国。

望子成龙

肯尼迪家族有一个长久怀有的梦想：总统之梦，这个家族中一定要有人成为美国的总统。约瑟夫有一次在教堂里祈祷时就暗暗发誓：我已登上了财富的最高峰，我要让儿子登上权力的最高峰。他们夫妇有９个孩子，在政治上有潜力的自然是４个男孩。这４个男孩是大儿子小约瑟夫·肯尼迪、二儿子约翰·肯尼迪、三儿子罗伯特·肯尼迪、四儿子爱德华·肯尼迪。

在父亲的心目中，四个儿子中最有资格成为总统的是大儿子小约瑟夫。但无情的战争打碎了他的如意算盘。在对德战争中小约瑟夫参军成为飞行员，1944年奉命去炸毁纳粹德国的Ｖ－１飞弹发射架。在执行任务时，他驾驶的飞机因故障在英国上空爆炸，他和副驾驶被炸得粉身碎骨。这是以后多灾多难的肯尼迪家族所遇到的第一个灾难。

在长子遇难后，家中的希望更多地寄托在二儿子约翰·肯尼迪身上。按照约翰·肯尼迪后来的说法，“我的哥哥约瑟夫是一家中从政的当然人选。如果他活着，我会继续当作家。如果我死了，我弟弟会当参议员。如果他出事，我的另一个弟弟会为我们去竞选。”子承父业，弟承兄业，就像一幅前仆后继的从政序列图。

约翰·肯尼迪政治上最大的成功是在1960年当选美国总统。他的父亲约瑟夫是实现总统梦的总策划、总导演，他拿出大量的金钱调动新闻界、出版界，狂轰滥炸般地宣传他的儿子。他儿子终于成为美国历史上最年轻的总统。在约翰·肯尼迪组阁时，老父亲让他把弟弟罗伯特安排到内阁中去，罗伯特如愿以偿地得到了司法部长一职。这是肯尼迪家族政治上的巅峰时刻。遇刺之谜

在当选总统没多久，杰奎琳为新总统生了个儿子，他就是小约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪。肯尼迪总统在飞机上得到这个喜讯，一时沉浸在中年得子和入主白宫的双重喜悦之中。时间过得真快，不到三年肯尼迪又要为竞选连任奔忙。1963年11月22日，他们夫妇到达拉斯城为连任拉选票。中午12点30分，从街旁一座大楼射出的子弹击中了肯尼迪的头部，打碎了他的脑壳，肯尼迪被刺身亡。

灾难接踵而至

肯尼迪总统遇刺后，担任司法部长的罗伯特·肯尼迪成了肯尼迪家族的当家人。1968年罗伯特决定参加总统竞选，肯尼迪家族似乎有可能再产生一位总统。不幸的是再一次公众集会上，有个年轻人对他头部开枪，罗伯特死在医院中。凶手是个叫瑟汉的巴勒斯坦难民，他讨厌罗伯特强烈的亲犹倾向。

三个哥哥死于非命，爱德华·肯尼迪颀果仅存。但在1969年7月发生的一件意外事件断送了他的前程。一天晚上他开车带着漂亮的金发姑娘科佩克内小姐回旅馆，在过一座小桥时汽车冲入河中。爱德华逃生，姑娘却死在车中，而且爱德华报案还很不及时。这一事件损害了肯尼迪家族的名誉，也使得爱德华不得不放弃竞选总统。

本来这个家族最后的希望都寄托在小约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪身上。他仪表堂堂，很有人缘，有在政治上振兴肯尼迪家族的实力。可是小约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪死在了空难事故中，这差不多是断绝了肯尼迪家族最后的指望。或许多灾多难的肯尼迪家族只能把重新崛起的希望寄托在下一代的身上。

第五篇：肯尼迪就职演说

Inaugural Address(January 20,1961)By John F.Kennedy We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary belief for which our forebears fought is still at issue around the globe, the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge—and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.T o those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.讲评“肯尼迪总统就职演说词” ■北京外国语大学 李品伟 选评

美国总统就职演说词独具一格，而肯尼迪的讲演更是其中一篇为人们注目的代表作，字字句句经过刻意雕琢，有许多值得品味推敲之处。

它讲的是美国人为之骄傲的美国历史传统，讲的是美国的外交政策。

半个世纪以前的国际形势与今天大不相同：势不两立的两大阵营、激烈的军备竞赛、持续的冷战局面。这些在文章中可见端倪。

可是，在肯尼迪的全篇演说中，没有直截了当地对国际形势进行分析，更没有一处提到一个国家的名字或具体事例，一切都隐晦、委婉、模糊不清，用的只是to friend and foe alike, to those nations who...等，没有经历或不熟悉那一段时期历史的人也许会摸不着头脑。不奇怪，这些在一定程度上代表了西方政治家的风格。

21世纪的今天，全球化(globali-zation)成了全世界所关注的问题，也成了人们天天在重复的一个词语，从形势上与此篇讲演的背景很有可比较之处，但这里我们主要是就此篇讲演中如何沿袭古希腊、罗马的修辞、文风，如何精心选用圣经语言句式，讲演稿如何注意音韵效果等问题分别举例讨论而已。因篇幅有限，只选用了前11段，未选全文。inaugural address 指就职演说词。一般来说，演说词在英语里是speech,用address这个词是比较少的。如果要说两者有什么差别的话，无非是风格上及使用场合上的区别。前者是一个普通的词，而address从风格上来说更为庄重，指正式的致辞，除了总统演说词之外，也用于学校毕业典礼上校长的演说词等。

第一段第一个动词observe一般作“观察”解，但这里“观察”一看就说不通，说不通就可以试着通过上下文来推断或查一下词典。如果你的词典里observe有三个释义，那么你就要注意第二或第三个释义了，你的推断如果是“庆祝”，那就对了，此时它的英语等同语应该是celebrate,其宾语可以是这篇文章中的victory,(a celebration of)freedom。其他常见的搭配还有什么呢？有节日（festivals），有生日（birthdays），有周年纪念（anniversaries）等。这几个宾语中的birthday因为太普通了，可能用得少些。用得多的应该是anniversaries，因为它较之其他两个更为庄重。

从选词风格的角度来说，我们会注意到文章一开始有某些不太常用的词，如：forebears, prescribes等，可以说forbears这个词在中、小型词典中往往是查不到的，你必须查较大的词典。它的意思是祖先、祖宗，也就是我们一般熟悉的ancestor。两者用法上有所不同，那就是ancestor的单数很常见，而forebear则总是以复数形式forebears出现，从风格上，更具古风。Collins Co Build的Essential English Dictionary关于这个字的旁注是：N count（可数名词）/ usu.plural（一般复数）/ Formal（正式）；而ancestor的旁注则没有后面两点，由此可见两者的细微差别。

prescribe这个动词你不一定见得多，如见到，也多半是它的名词形式prescription（处方）。prescription是常用词，而动词prescribe则较常用于正式场合。关于这个动词同一词典有这样的第2条释义：If someone prescribes an action or duty, they state formally that it must be carried out.它所指的动作与开医药处方是两回事，意思不是别的而是“命令”，必须执行。

第二段以一个短句开始，与第一段的长句正好相反。唱歌读诗有节奏，句子与句子、段与段的关联也有节奏，如果一篇文章自始至终是缓慢而沉重的长句，读起来就沉重、缺乏起伏。所以第二段的一个短句不单起着承上启下的作用，而且还有速度上适当调节的作用，赋予了段落一种节奏感。

另外在用词方面，你会注意到这里又一次出现了forebears，而且还有一个在层次和风格上可与之称兄道弟的mortal hands与它做伴，在一般情况下我们见到的也许会是...holds in his hands the power to...，这里却多了mortal这一个大家不一定熟悉的词。mortal属非常用词，词义可以是：不能不死的，不共戴天的，性命攸关的。在这里应作“凡人的”，“人类的”解。回过头来想一下：非要这个词吗？没有它不行吗？当然是人的手，又会是谁的手呢？解答这个问题可以从两方面来说，一是这是自古以来常用的搭配，无须刨根问底，二是在这里有了mortal这个词，节奏鲜明，读起来感觉更好些，...holds in his mortal hands首先有头韵[h]，接着有2uldz, m0:tl, h*ndz，其中包含的元音（包括一般作为短元音的*）都有一定长度，它们所含浊辅音及旁流音构成的辅音连缀结尾赋予句子浓厚的韵味效果。

讲演除了论点清楚，有说服力外，还要考虑如何在公众场合中取得预期的最佳效果及如何调动人们的情绪，此外还需要掌握很多的技巧。它是一种学问，这种学问西方政治家们都要钻研，他们往往把它作为一个课程来学习。如果你看过西方政治家的传记一定已经注意到了这个问题。这实际上是一个始于希腊罗马时期的西方传统。对于“疯狂英语”的倡导人李扬人们多有评论，但有一点是应该肯定的，那就是革“哑巴英语”的命，初学者应如此，达到一定程度后，仍然应该如此。讲到这里，我们再来默默读一下本篇第4段，这里包含的几组头韵与尾韵，使句子富有一种鲜明的节奏感、音乐感，如：pay any price, bear any burden, wishes us well or ill, oppose any foe（第４段）这类现象你可以在文章中找到很多，多朗读一遍就会多发现一个，在此不一一举例。当然除了头韵、尾韵还有许多其他隐而不现的手段。以下我们抽出几个以let开头的句子作简略的讨论。所选的句子是：

Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch...to which we are committed today at home and around the world.（第3段）Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill,...the success of liberty.(第4段)在这样一个严肃的讲演中，也许有人会对出现let somebody do something这样的结构感到不可思议，因为他们以为let somebody do something只是一个口语中的表达法，如Let me do it.Let's sing the song together.但他们不一定能意识到所提到的let结构有时表达的意思、语气正好与口语中的截然相反，它们含有的是一种号召、命令的口吻。上面所选的两个句子译成汉语当然可以是：让每个国家都知道，„„； 从现在起，从这个地方开始，让这个信息传递到我们的朋友，也传递到我们的敌人那里„„。再考虑一下，这样的口气是否太婉转了一些而与文章的格调不相称呢？

为解答这一问题，我们不妨一起看一下当代美国惯用法词典A Dictionary of Contemporary American Usage(Evans)的有关讲解：let is also used to form a peculiar imperative（祈使句）that includes the speaker along with the person addressed, as in Let us be true to each other.这个句子有一种号召的口吻，us也指我们以外的某人或某些人。请再看《圣经》中“创世纪”第1章3，4，15段： 3.And God said, let there be light;and there was light.（上帝说要有光，就有了光。）4.And God saw the light, that it was good;and God divided the light from the darkness.（上帝看光是好的，就把明暗分开了。）

15.And let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven to give light upon the earth and it was so.（上帝说，天上要有光体，并要发光在天空、普照在大地上，事就这样成了。）

最后，你一定也已经注意到此文中有不少运用了排比与对偶手段的句子。

如第6段中的United, there is little we cannot...Divided, there is little we can do,...第8段中的...not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes，but because it is right.及第3段中的 Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.这里that宾语从句内所含的修饰语中有连续出现的过去分词短语：born in..., tempered by..., disciplined by..., 也有连续出现的以形容词开始的短语proud of..., unwilling to...，也有to which this nation..., and to which we are committed today at home and around the world这样的定语从句。

第4段中...that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe...也是类似情况的排比。

当然这些排比有时铿锵有力，但不当则会显得累赘、不自然，所以一定要注意恰当运用这种修辞手段。

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