美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address

第一篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address

Franklin Delano Roosevelt

First Inaugural Address

Delivered 4 March 1933

president Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:

This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels;taxes have risen;our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce;and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried.But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money;it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit;and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance;without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great--greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments.There must be an end to speculation with other people's money.And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment;but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally--narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others;the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other;that we can not merely take, but we must give as well;that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity;with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the--the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication--In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.

第二篇：1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说1

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说

Firstof Franklin D.Roosevelt

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933

I amthat my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I willthem with aand awhich the present situation of our Nation impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation willas it has endured, willand will.So, first of all, let memy firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning,which paralyzes needed efforts tointo advance.In every dark hour of our national life a leadership ofandhas met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which isto victory.I amthat you will again give that support to leadership in thesedays.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They , thank God, only material things.Values have shrunken tolevels;taxes have risen;our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means ofare frozen in theof trade;the withered leaves of industriallie on every side;farmers find no markets for their;the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great numberwith little return.Only a foolish optimist canthe dark realities of the moment.Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but ause of it languishes in the very sight of the.Primarily this is because the rulers of theof mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own , have admitted their failure, and abdicated.Practices of themoney changers standin the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure ofthey have proposed only the lending of more money.of the lure of profit by which toour people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations,tearfully for.They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people.The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may nowthat temple to the ancient truths.Theof thelies in theto which we applyvalues more noble than mereprofit.Happiness lies not in the mereof money;it lies in the joy of , in the thrill ofeffort.The joy and moralof work no longer must be forgotten in the madofprofits.These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards ofof place and personal profit;and there must be an end to ain banking and in business which too often has given to atrust theofand selfish.Small wonder thatlanguishes, for it thrives only on , on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on, on;without them it cannot live.calls, however, not for changes inalone.This Nation asks for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can bein part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects toand reorganize the use of our natural resources.Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, byon a nationalin a , endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.The task can be helped byefforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power tothe output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss throughof our small homes and our farms.It can be helped bythat the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on thethat their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying ofactivities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal.It can be helped by national planning for andof all forms ofand of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helpedby talking about it.We must act and act quickly.Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order;there must be aof all banking and credits and investments;there must be an end towith other people's money, and there must befor anbut sound currency.There are the lines of attack.I shall presentlyupon a new Congress in special sessionmeasures for their , and I shall seek theof the several States.Through this program of action weourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time andsecondary to theof a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shallno effort toworld trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the , as a first , upon theof the various elements in all parts of the United States--aof the old andimportantof the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to.It is theway.It is the strongestthat thewill.In the field of world policy I wouldthis Nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others--the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before ouron each other;that we can nottake but we must give as well;that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal armytofor the good of a common , because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes.We are, I know, ready and willing toour lives andto such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good.This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as awith a unity of dutyevoked only in time of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our peopleto aattack upon our common problems.Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Ouris so simple and practical that it is possible always to meetneeds by changes inandwithout loss ofform.That is why oursystem has proved itself the mostpoliticalthe modern world has produced.It has met everyofof , of foreign wars, of bitterstrife, of world relations.It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be whollyto meet thetask before us.But it may be that an

unprecedentedand need for undelayed action may call forfrom thatbalance of public.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional , to bring to speedy adoption.But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still , I shall notthe clear course of duty that will thenme.I shall ask the Congress for the one remainingto meet the crisis--broadpower to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and thethat befit the time.I can do no less.We face thedays that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity;with the clearof seeking old andmoral values;with the cleanthat comes from theof duty by old and young alike.We aim at theof a rounded andnational life.We do notthe future of.The people of the United States

have not failed.In their need they have registered athat they want direct,action.They have asked forand direction under leadership.They have

made me the presentof their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In thisof a Nation weask theof God.May He

each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身 富兰克林-罗斯福 第一次就职演讲 星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时

候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。

幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为，难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。

但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机——向非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。

对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。

让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。

第三篇：美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说

授课素材/1929—1933年资本主义世界的经济危机

美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说

1933年 3月 4日

富兰克林·罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。

值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。

更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。

但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的，他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。他们失去了利润的吸引力，无法再使人民遵从他们的虚伪领导，于是他们就不惜进行敲诈，痛哭流涕地要求恢复对他们的信任。他们没有预见，而缺乏预见就要使人民遭殃。

钱商们从我们文化庙堂的高位逃走了。我们现在可以使那庙堂恢复传统的信念。能够恢复到什么程度，则看我们对于比金钱利润更高贵的价值观念予以运用的情况。

幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上；它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。我们在这些暗淡的日子里所付的代价将是完全值得的，如果我们从中汲取教训，认识到我们不应该听天由命，而应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞服务。

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，也就不会再相信担任公职和很高的政治地位之所以可贵仅仅在于官高禄厚；同时也必须终止金融业和商业中的一种作法，它常常使得神圣的委托浑似无情和自私的恶行。难怪信心在减退，因为只有诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任心、忠贞的维护和无私的作为才能鼓舞信心；没有这一切，信心出就不能存在。

然而复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念。祖国要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

我们的首要任务是给人民工作。我们只要明智而勇敢地承担起来，这项任务并不是不能解决的。部分地可以由政府直接招雇，象战时紧急状况那样，同时通过雇用这些人员来完成急需的工程，从而促进和改组我们自然资源的利用。

清华同方教育技术研究院 授课素材/1929—1933年资本主义世界的经济危机

与此同时，我们还必须认识到工业中心已经人口过剩，因此应尽力把土地提供给最善于耕种的人，一方面使土地得到更好的利用，一方面在全国范围重新分配人口。为了促成此项工作，要采取具体措施提高农产品价值，从而提高对我们城市产品的购买力。要从实际出发制止对小房产和农场取消偿还抵押所造成的悲剧和日益严重的损失。要坚持由联邦和各州以及各地方政府立即采取行动支持大量削减抵押的要求．要把救济工作统一掌管起来以避免目前的分散、浪费和不均的现象。要把一切形式的交通运输和其他明确属于公用事业的设施置于国家计划和监督之下。总之，可以促成此项工作的方法是很多的，唯有空谈无用。我们必须行动起来，迅速行动起来。

最后，在恢复阶段中，我们需要避免旧秩序弊端重新出现的两项保证：必须严格监督一切银行储蓄、信贷和投资，以制止利用他人存款进行投机的活动；必须提供充分而有偿付能力的货币。

这就是我们的行动路线。我即将向新的国会的特别会议提出实施这些路线的具体措施，我还将要求各州立即提供支援。

通过此项行动纲领，我们将致力于整顿财政，平衡收支。我们的国际贸易关系虽然十分重要，但在时间性和必要性上必须从属于健全国民经济的任务。我主张采取切合实际的政策，分清轻重缓急。我一定竭尽一切努力通过国际经济调整来恢复同世界各地的贸易，但是国内的紧急状况是等待不得贸易上的成就的。

国家复兴的这些具体方法，其基本指导思想并不是狭隘的民族主义。我们首先考虑的是：坚持合众国国内的各种因素和合众国各个部分之间的互相依靠——承认美国拓荒精神的传统的和永远重要的体现。这是复兴的道路。这是直接的道路。这是复兴得以持久的最有力的保证。

在对外政策方面，我认为我国应该奉行睦邻政策——决心尊重自己，从而也尊重邻国的权利——珍视自己的义务，也珍视与所有邻国和全世界各国协议中所规定的神圣义务。

如果我对我国人民的情绪体会得正确，尽管我们过去在不能互相依靠时并不理解，我们现在则已经理解到：我们不能只要有所得。也要有所贡献；我们要前进，我们就必须象一支有训练而忠诚的军队那样，为了共同的纪律而乐意有所牺牲，因为没有这样的纪律就不可能前进，就不可能实现有效的领导。我相信我们愿意并且准备为这样的纪律献出我们的生命和财产，因为，只有实现这样的纪律，才能实现为了更高利益而奋斗的领导。我愿意提供这样的项导，保证使这些更高的目标将作为一种神圣义务对我们大家都有所约束，从而产生只有战时才出现过的共同责任感。

作了这项保证之后，我将无所顾忌地领导起我国人民组成的大军，纪律井然地逐一解决我们的共同问题。

我们有从先辈那里继承下来的政府形式，纪律井然地解决共同问题的行动是完全可能的。我们的宪法是简明扼要的，总是可以根据特殊的需要而在重点和安排上有所改变，而无需动摇其基本形式。正是因为如此，我们的宪政才不愧为现代世界所产生的最稳定持久的政治结构。它经受了领土的极度扩张、辛酸的内战、对外战争和国际关系的考验。

但愿正常的行政和立法分权完全足以应付我们所面对的史无前例的重任。然而，史无前例的要求和迅即行动的需要也可能使我们有必要暂时背离正常分权的公开程序。

我准备根据宪法赋予我的职责提出灾难深重的我国在当前灾难深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。这些措施，以及国会根据其本身经验和明智所决定的措施，我都将竭尽宪法所赋予我的权力迅即予以采纳。

然而，万一国会竟不能接受两类中之任一方式，万一全国紧急状况仍然严重，我也将决不回避职责明确向我提出的抉择。我会要求国会准许我使用应付危机的唯一剩余的手段——

清华同方教育技术研究院 授课素材/1929—1933年资本主义世界的经济危机

向非常状况开战的广泛行政权力，就象在实际遭受外部敌人入侵时所应授予我的大权。

对于给予我的信任，我愿意拿出时代所要求于我的勇气和坚贞。我决不会有负众望。

我们瞻望前途的艰苦时日，深感国家统一所给予我们的温暖和勇气，明确必须遵循传统的宝贵道德观念，坚信不分老幼克尽其责必能取得圆满成功。我们务使国民生计获得全面和长久的保证。

我们对基本民主的未来并未失去信念。合众国的人民并未气馁。在困难中，他们作为选民提出的要求是直接而有力的行动。他们要求的是有领导的纪律和方向。他们已经选择我来作为实现他们愿望的工具。我也是以这样的精神来担当的。

值此全国奉献之际，我们恳请上帝赐福。祝愿上帝保佑我们全体和每一个人。祝愿上帝指引我前进。

（录自《罗斯福选集》，第1418页。）

清华同方教育技术研究院

第四篇：美国总统富兰克林罗斯福的4次就职演讲集

美国历届总统就职演说之---第32任总统Franklin D.Roosevelt的第一任期就职演讲稿

First Inaugural Address of Franklin D.Roosevelt

President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:

This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels;taxes have risen;our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce;and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried.But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money;it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit;and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance;without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great--greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments.There must be an end to speculation with other people's money.And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment;but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally--narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others;the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other;that we can not merely take, but we must give as well;that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity;with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the--the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication--In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.第一个总统任期

1932年总统竞选是在严重经济危机的背景下进行的。民主党总统候选人罗斯福主张实行“新政”。政敌们常用他的残疾来攻击他，这是罗斯福终生都不得不与之搏斗的事情，但是他总能以出色的政绩、卓越的口才与充沛的精力将其变成优势。首次参加竞选他就通过发言人告诉人们：“一个州长不一定是一个杂技演员。我们选他并不是因为他能做前滚翻或后滚翻。他干的是脑力劳动，是想方设法为人民造福。”依靠这样的坚忍和乐观，罗斯福终于在1933年以绝对优势击败胡佛，成为美国第32届总统。

在罗斯福首次履任总统的1933年初，正值经济大萧条的风暴席卷美国的时候，到处是失业、破产、倒闭、暴跌，到处可见美国的痛苦、恐惧和绝望。罗斯福却表现出一种压倒一切的自信，他在宣誓就职时发表了一篇富有激情的演说，告诉人们：我们惟一害怕的就是害怕本身。在1933年3月4日那个阴冷的下午，新总统的决心和轻松愉快的乐观态度，“点燃了举国同心同德的新精神之火”。提出了旨在实现国家复兴和对外睦邻友好的施政方针。为了推行新政，罗斯福将一批具有自由主义色彩的律师、专家与学者组成智囊团，征询方针政策问题；通过“炉边谈话”方式，密切与人民群众的联系，与反对新政的最高法院进行坚决的斗争并成功地改组最高法院。

1933年3月9日至6月16日，美国国会应罗斯福总统之请召开特别会议。罗斯福先后提出各种咨文，督促和指导国会的立法工作。国会则以惊人的速度先后通过《紧急银行法》、《联邦紧急救济法》、《农业调整法》、《工业复兴法》、《田纳西河流域管理法》等。1933-1934年的新政着重“复兴”，主要措施有：维持银行信用，实行美元贬值，刺激对外贸易，限制农业生产以维持农产品价格，避免农场主破产；规定协定价格以减少企业之间的竞争，制止企业倒闭1935-1939年的新政则着重“救济”和“改革”，主要措施有：更为有力地运用行政干预，实行缓慢的通货膨胀，广泛开展公共工程建设和紧急救济，实施社会保险，以扩大就业机会和提高社会购买力；进行税制改革，根据纳税能力纳税，分级征收公司所得税和过分利得税等。罗斯福新政，恢复了公众对美国政治制度的信心，强化了联邦政府机构。并由此使美国的工业、农业逐渐全面恢复。第一个任期终了的1936年，面对国民收入50%的增幅，罗斯福娓娓动听地描述道：“此时此刻，工厂机器齐奏乐曲，市场一片繁荣，银行信用坚挺，车船满载客货往来奔驰。”因此，罗斯福在1936年再次当选总统，也就不足为怪了。

1933年，罗斯福政府承认苏联并与之建立外交关系。1934年，美国国会废除干涉古巴主权的普拉特修正案，美军撤出海地和尼加拉瓜，美国允许菲律宾独立。当然，罗斯福在推行睦邻政策的同时，对拉丁美洲国家也有过粗暴的干涉。

30年代中期，德意日法西斯在欧洲和亚洲成两个战争策源地。然而，此时的美国盛行孤立主义。1935年，美国国会通过旨在使美国保持中立的皮特曼决议案。该决议案规定：战争时期禁止美国输出武器装备和信贷，而有效期为两年的“现购自运”条款则授权总统要求在美国购买非军事物资的交战国付现金并用本国船只装运。面对法西斯国家的侵略扩张，孤立主义和中立法无异于对侵略扩张的默许和纵容。为了引导美国及其公众作好反法西斯战争的准备，加强美国防务力量，罗斯福与孤立主义展开了坚决而富有艺术性的斗争。

美国历届总统就职演说之---第32任总统Franklin D.Roosevelt的第二任期就职演讲稿 Second Inaugural Address of Franklin D.Roosevelt WHEN four years ago we met to inaugurate a President, the Republic, single-minded in anxiety, stood in spirit here.We dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision—to speed the time when there would be for all the people that security and peace essential to the pursuit of happiness.We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it;to end by action, tireless and unafraid, the stagnation and despair of that day.We did those first things first.Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there.Instinctively we recognized a deeper need—the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization.Repeated attempts at their solution without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered.For, without that aid, we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind.To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable, to solve problems once considered unsolvable.We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic suffering, we had found a way to master epidemics of disease.We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth;we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation.At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War;they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution.A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to the American people.Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the same objectives.Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct.They hold out the clear hope that government within communities, government within the separate States, and government of the United States can do the things the times require, without yielding its democracy.Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase, so power to govern them also must increase—power to stop evil;power to do good.The essential democracy of our Nation and the safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power, but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections.The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.In fact, in these last four years, we have made the exercise of all power more democratic;for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public's government.The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the processes of a democracy—has been shattered.They have been challenged and beaten.Our progress out of the depression is obvious.But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things.Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials.By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit.Old truths have been relearned;untruths have been unlearned.We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals;we know now that it is bad economics.Out of the collapse of a prosperity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays.We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal;and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such.We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.In this process evil things formerly accepted will not be so easily condoned.Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness.We are moving toward an era of good feeling.But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.For these reasons I am justified in believing that the greatest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.Among men of good will, science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual.With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to improve our economic order, we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead? Shall we call this the promised land? Or, shall we continue on our way? For “each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth.” 16 Many voices are heard as we face a great decision.Comfort says, “Tarry a while.” Opportunism says, “This is a good spot.” Timidity asks, “How difficult is the road ahead?”

True, we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair.Vitality has been preserved.Courage and confidence have been restored.Mental and moral horizons have been extended.But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances.Advance became imperative under the goad of fear and suffering.The times were on the side of progress.To hold to progress today, however, is more difficult.Dulled conscience, irresponsibility, and ruthless self-interest already reappear.Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster!Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.Let us ask again: Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933? Have we found our happy valley?

I see a great nation, upon a great continent, blessed with a great wealth of natural resources.Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves;they are making their country a good neighbor among the nations.I see a United States which can demonstrate that, under democratic methods of government, national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown, and the lowest standard of living can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.But here is the challenge to our democracy: In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens—a substantial part of its whole population—who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished.It is not in despair that I paint you that picture.I paint it for you in hope—because the Nation, seeing and understanding the injustice in it, proposes to paint it out.We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country's interest and concern;and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders as superfluous.The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much;it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation, we will not listen to Comfort, Opportunism, and Timidity.We will carry on.Overwhelmingly, we of the Republic are men and women of good will;men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication;men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well.They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.31 Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people.It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts.It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.If I know aught of the will of our people, they will demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained.They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and, therefore, strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization.In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together.In our personal ambitions we are individualists.But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation, we all go up, or else we all go down, as one people.To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods, a vast amount of humility.But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need.Then political leadership can voice common ideals, and aid in their realization.In taking again the oath of office as President of the United States, I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance.While this duty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do their will, seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.第二个总统任期

1937年10月，罗斯福在芝加哥参加新建大桥的落成典礼时发表演说，指出：“当某种传染性疾病开始蔓延的时候，为了保护居民的健康，防止病疫流行，社会许可并且共同对患者实行隔离”，“战争都会蔓延。战争可以席卷远离原来战场的国家和人民。我们决心置身于战争之外，然而我们并不能保证我们不受战争灾难的影响和避免卷入战争的危机。”隔离演说“遭到猛烈抨击。乃至罗斯福事后不无后怕地说：”你想领个头，但回头一看，身后一个人也没有，这种情况多么可怕啊！“但是，”隔离演说“毕竟向美国公众指出了战争恐怖的存在。1938年1月，罗斯福在特别咨文中敦促立即增加20%的海军建设费。国会经过激烈辩论而于5月通过文森扩充海军法，准许以10亿美元发展海军。这一事实表明，大多数认真思考问题的美国人，已经看到战争的威胁并因而同意加强防务。1938年12月，在罗斯福的倡议下，泛美会议通过《利马宣言》，反映出美洲国家反法西斯的决心。1938年3月，德军进入布拉格之后，美国副国务卿代表总统谴责德国”肆无忌惮的不法行为“和”横行霸道“。

1939年9月，德波战争爆发之后，罗斯福不得不发表正式中立声明并实施中立法。在9月21日国会召开的特别会议上，罗斯福企图用禁运政策曾给美国带来的灾难--1814年国会大厦部分被焚来说服国会废除禁运条款，同时声称”当然，向诸位回顾这上点只不过是复述历史罢了“。经过国会内外的激烈辩论，国会通过中立法修正案，取消禁运条款，实行现购自运原则（现金购买，运输自理）。罗斯福随即予以签署。

1940年5 月，英法联军经德军打击而溃败。罗斯福要求国会追加国防拨款，加强战备。为了获得共和党人的支持，罗斯福任命亨利·史汀生为陆军部长，弗兰克·诺克斯为海军部长。大战期间，美国历任陆军部长为哈里·伍德林（1937年至1940年6月）、亨利·史汀生（1940年6月到1945年9月）。历任海军部长为克劳德·斯旺森（任至1939年）、查尔斯·爱迪生（1940年）、弗兰克·诺克斯（1940年6月至1944年）、詹姆斯·福雷斯特尔（1944年继任）。在英国面临危亡的时刻，罗斯福开始向英国提供武器装备。

美国历届总统就职演说之---第32任总统Franklin D.Roosevelt的第三任期就职演讲稿

Third Inaugural Address of Franklin D.Roosevelt

ON each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewed their sense of dedication to the United States.In Washington's day the task of the people was to create and weld together a nation.In Lincoln's day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation from disruption from within.In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its institutions from disruption from without.To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pause for a moment and take stock—to recall what our place in history has been, and to rediscover what we are and what we may be.If we do not, we risk the real peril of inaction.Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by the lifetime of the human spirit.The life of a man is three-score years and ten: a little more, a little less.The life of a nation is the fullness of the measure of its will to live.There are men who doubt this.There are men who believe that democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by a kind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future—and that freedom is an ebbing tide.But we Americans know that this is not true.Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a fatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true.We were in the midst of shock—but we acted.We acted quickly, boldly, decisively.These later years have been living years—fruitful years for the people of this democracy.For they have brought to us greater security and, I hope, a better understanding that life's ideals are to be measured in other than material things.Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a democracy which successfully survived crisis at home;put away many evil things;built new structures on enduring lines;and, through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy.For action has been taken within the three-way framework of the Constitution of the United States.The coordinate branches of the Government continue freely to function.The Bill of Rights remains inviolate.The freedom of elections is wholly maintained.Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions come to naught.Democracy is not dying.We know it because we have seen it revive—and grow.We know it cannot die—because it is built on the unhampered initiative of individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise—an enterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expression of a free majority.We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full force of men's enlightened will.We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization capable of infinite progress in the improvement of human life.We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on every continent—for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of human society.A nation, like a person, has a body—a body that must be fed and clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the objectives of our time.A nation, like a person, has a mind—a mind that must be kept informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its neighbors—all the other nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world.And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts.It is that something which matters most to its future—which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present.It is a thing for which we find it difficult—even impossible—to hit upon a single, simple word.And yet we all understand what it is—the spirit—the faith of America.It is the product of centuries.It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many lands—some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely.The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history.It is human history.It permeated the ancient life of early peoples.It blazed anew in the middle ages.It was written in Magna Charta.In the Americas its impact has been irresistible.America has been the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new-found land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life—a life that should be new in freedom.Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Address.Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them—all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation.The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth.We know that we still have far to go;that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land.But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone.It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind.For there is also the spirit.And of the three, the greatest is the spirit.Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live.But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished.That spirit—that faith—speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious.It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation.It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States.It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages.It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those across the seas—the enslaved, as well as the free.Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 1789—words almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: ”The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered...deeply,...finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people.“

If we lose that sacred fire—if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear—then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish.The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense.In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy.For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.We do not retreat.We are not content to stand still.As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.第三个总统任期

1940年总统竞选初期，罗斯福的全部精力集中在扩军备战方面，在罗斯福的影响下，国会批准陆海军的扩充，伯克一沃兹沃思选征兵役法得到通过。9月2日，罗斯福与英国签署协定，将50艘驱逐舰转让给英国，英国则将部分海军基地租借给美国。此项协定意味着正式中立的结束，标志着美国有限参战的开始。1940年7月，当民主党人在芝加哥举行总统提名会议时，代表们仍不清楚罗斯福是否会寻求从华盛顿总统以来就没有先例的第三个任期。对此，罗斯福玩了一个小小的把戏。他通过参议员艾尔本·巴克利向提名会议发表声明，宣布他没有再任下一届总统的愿望和目的，并敦促代表们选举他们中意的无论什么人，然而又通过参议员利斯特·希尔把自己的名字列到提名名单上。然而，共和党总统候选人温德尔·威尔基却大肆发难：”选举罗斯福就意味着把他们的儿子、兄弟和情人送进坟墓。“大会开始酝酿投票。当写有罗斯福作为候选人的名单提交给大会的时候，整个会场乱作一团，代表们以嘘声和喝倒彩声表示强烈反对。罗斯福被迫改变策略，向选民保证他是主张和平的，甚至不惜许下诺言：”你们的孩子不会被送去参加任何外国的战争„„我们防御的目的就是防御。罗斯福夫人立时从纽约飞往芝加哥，在会内会外发表讲话，从而很快改变了会场气氛。她说：“现在不是通常时期，而是战争迫近的非常时期，除了我们可以为整个国家利益做些什么这样的问题之外，我们不应为其他任何问题而进行争吵。”罗斯福夫人的话打动了代表们的心。当晚的报纸上都在显著位置刊登了罗斯福夫人的讲话，选民们的情绪也一下子倒向了罗斯福。

当时由于世界战争频繁，为保证美国对外政策的一致性，美国人特别是孤立主义者不赞成领导人中途易人，所以55％的选民还是选择了罗斯福。因此罗斯福终于打破了美国“国父”乔治·华盛顿总统确立的传统，第三次当选为美国总统。

1940年12 月，正在加勒比海地区巡视的罗福收到英国首相丘吉尔的特急信件，内称为对付德国军事力量，英国需要大量武器装备，但英国财政不能为美国武器装备交付现金之日即将来临。于是，罗斯福在记者招待会上不提由美国贷款给英国或给英国军用物资的建议，却谈及平常的比方--“我”把花园浇水管借给家宅起火的邻居，以帮助邻居扑灭火灾，而灭火之后邻居是归还水管还是赔偿水管，都好商量；继而在炉边谈话中宣称：“我们必须成为民主国家的伟大兵工厂”，“我要求我们的人民绝对相信我们的共同事业将取得巨大成功”。美国公众对此持赞成态度。

1941年1月，罗斯福提请国会“授权并拨给充分的款项，去制造更多的军火和多种军用物资，以供移交现在同侵略国家进行实际战斗的国家”。1941年3月，国会通过的租借法案（总统有权将武器装备租借给与美国安全有关的国家）经总统签署而生效。（60%供给英国，32%供给苏联）。租借法案的通过，使美国处于非交战状态，是美国积极干预反法西斯战争的重要里程碑。

1941年6月，苏德战争爆发之后，罗斯福谴责德国的侵略，宣布美国将援助苏联。8月，罗斯福和邱吉尔在纽芬兰举行会谈并发表“大西洋宪章”。该宪章宣称美国和英国不追求领土扩张，也不愿有违背有关民族意愿的领土变更，尊重各民族选择其政府形式的权利。

1941年12月7日，日本偷袭珍珠港，太平洋战争爆发。德国和意大利对美国宣战。美国则向日本、德国和意大利宣战，正式参加第二次世界大战。对珍珠港事件负有责任的美国太平洋陆军司令沃尔特·肖特中将和太平洋舰队总司令赫斯本德·金梅尔海军上将于12月17日被解除职务。次年2月和3月，肖特和金梅尔分别以少将和海军少将军衔退役。

为了赢得战争，罗斯福下令实施战争动员和改组军队指挥机构。战争结束前，美国武装部队员额达到1514万余人，其中陆军1042万人，陆军航空队230万人（飞机7万余架），海军388万余人（舰船4500艘），海军陆战队59万余人，海岸警备队24万余人。1941年6月成立的科学研究与发展局主管国防科技研究，主要成就有：雷达和电子设备的发展，实战用火箭、炸弹、导弹等的无线电引信，原子弹等。生产管理局于1941年春夏使美国逐渐完成向战时经济的转变。此后，供应品优先分配委员会、战时生产委员会、经济稳定委员会、战时动员委员会（机构职能或交叉，或承继）负责战争物资的生产与分配，保证了美国及其盟国的战争需要。新闻检查局和战时新闻局则负责美国的新闻与宣传工作。自1939年起，罗斯福就对年迈体弱的将军实行强制退役，提拔富有作战指挥能力的人员进入最高指挥阶层。1942年，罗斯福下令在原陆海军联合委员会的基础上，组建参谋长联席会议（由陆军参谋长乔治·马歇尔、海军作战部长欧内斯特·金、陆军航空队司令亨利·阿诺德及总统参谋长威廉·李海组成），对武装部队实施统一指挥。

罗斯福在20世纪四十年代唤醒了美国对外干涉主义，同时他决定在二战后建立一个维持世界和平的组织——联合国。为了共同研究军事形势和制定联合作战计划，罗斯福和邱吉尔在华盛顿举行“阿卡迪亚”会议（1941年12月），达成的主要协议有：1942年和1943年美国的生产目标；成立“军需品分配委员会”，统筹分配军需品，成立美英联合参谋长会议，协调盟军的联合作战；太平洋地区成立美英荷澳盟军司令部；组建中国战区（同时组建中缅印战区美军怀念部）；重申盟国战略为“欧洲第一”即首先战胜纳粹德国；拟定《联合国家宣言》。

1942年元旦，在罗斯福的倡导下，美英苏中等26个国家的代表在华盛顿签署《联合国家宣言》，国际反法西斯同盟正式形成。1942年上半年，北非英军屡遭失败，盟国面临的军事形势极为不利。为了摆脱军事困境和作为盟军不能于1942年在欧洲开辟第二战场的补偿，罗斯福不顾马歇尔的反对，和邱吉尔一道决定盟军实施北非登陆计划。北非作战消灭了该区的德意军队。1943年初，罗斯福和邱吉尔率领有关指挥与参谋人员赴摩洛哥的卡萨布兰卡，举行军事会议。会议决定：1943年进攻西西里，进攻法国的作战延至1944年。在会议结束后的联合记者招待会上，罗斯福宣称：法西斯轴心国必须无条件投降“，”这不是说要消灭德、意大利、日本的所有居民，但是确是要消灭这些国家里的基于征服和奴役其他人民的哲学思想“。

从1943年起，同盟国由战略防御转为战略进攻。为了协调盟国的作战行动和探讨盟国的战后政策，罗斯福先后与盟国首脑举行一系列重要会议。1943年3月，罗斯福即与艾登谈及战后成立维持世界和平与安全的国际组织的问题。在罗斯福的努力下，国会同意美国参加此种国际组织。

5月，罗斯福、邱吉尔及有关指挥与参谋人员在华盛顿举行”三叉戟“会议，决定：夺取亚速尔群岛以提供新的海空军事基础；加强对德国的空袭；训令艾森豪威尔在占领西西里之后即着手准备进攻意大利本土；次年5月1日为实施”霸王“计划的日期；制定详细计划，在太平洋地区发动打新的攻势。

墨索里尼的法西斯意大利政府垮台之后，罗斯福和邱吉尔于8月魁北克召开”象限“会议，决定与新政府谈判停战。但是，盟军仍在为争夺意大利而与德军作战。11月，罗斯福与邱吉尔、蒋介石在埃及举行开罗会议。会议讨论了中国和缅甸的军事形势并决定实施”安纳吉姆“计划，签署了三国”开罗宣言“。宣言规定，三国旨在剥夺日本自一战以来在太平洋地区所提的一切岛屿，使日本所窃取于中国之领土归还中国，使朝鲜获得自由与独立。

开罗会议之后，罗斯福、邱吉尔一行即前往伊朗与苏联最高统帅斯大林举行德黑兰会议。会议主要讨论开辟欧洲第二战场、意大利地区的军事行动和太平洋的进攻作战、德国投降后苏联的对日作战、波兰边界、战后德国的处置以及建立战后维持世界和平与安全的国际组织等问题。会议重申盟军将于1944年5月实施”霸王“计划。罗斯福为了让马歇尔留在华盛顿，决定任命艾森豪威尔为实施”霸王“计划的盟军最高司令。1944年6月5日（因气候原因而由5月1日延迟），盟军在法国诺曼底登陆，实施”霸王“作战计划，欧洲第二战场形成。1944年，第二次世界大战到了最紧要的关头，美国的总统大选也同时迫近。美国舆论普遍认为，关键时刻行政首脑不宜更替。美国民主党政府警告选民：“行到河中最好别换船。”

美国历届总统就职演说之---第32任总统Franklin D.Roosevelt的第四任期就职演讲稿

Forth Inaugural Address of Franklin D.Roosevelt MR.Chief Justice, Mr.Vice President, my friends, you will understand and, I believe, agree with my wish that the form of this inauguration be simple and its words brief.We Americans of today, together with our allies, are passing through a period of supreme test.It is a test of our courage—of our resolve—of our wisdom—our essential democracy.If we meet that test—successfully and honorably—we shall perform a service of historic importance which men and women and children will honor throughout all time.As I stand here today, having taken the solemn oath of office in the presence of my fellow countrymen—in the presence of our God—I know that it is America's purpose that we shall not fail.In the days and in the years that are to come we shall work for a just and honorable peace, a durable peace, as today we work and fight for total victory in war.5 We can and we will achieve such a peace.We shall strive for perfection.We shall not achieve it immediately—but we still shall strive.We may make mistakes—but they must never be mistakes which result from faintness of heart or abandonment of moral principle.I remember that my old schoolmaster, Dr.Peabody, said, in days that seemed to us then to be secure and untroubled: ”Things in life will not always run smoothly.Sometimes we will be rising toward the heights—then all will seem to reverse itself and start downward.The great fact to remember is that the trend of civilization itself is forever upward;that a line drawn through the middle of the peaks and the valleys of the centuries always has an upward trend.“

Our Constitution of 1787 was not a perfect instrument;it is not perfect yet.But it provided a firm base upon which all manner of men, of all races and colors and creeds, could build our solid structure of democracy.And so today, in this year of war, 1945, we have learned lessons—at a fearful cost—and we shall profit by them.We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace;that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations far away.We have learned that we must live as men, not as ostriches, nor as dogs in the manger.We have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.We have learned the simple truth, as Emerson said, that ”The only way to have a friend is to be one."

We can gain no lasting peace if we approach it with suspicion and mistrust or with fear.We can gain it only if we proceed with the understanding, the confidence, and the courage which flow from conviction.The Almighty God has blessed our land in many ways.He has given our people stout hearts and strong arms with which to strike mighty blows for freedom and truth.He has given to our country a faith which has become the hope of all peoples in an anguished world.So we pray to Him now for the vision to see our way clearly—to see the way that leads to a better life for ourselves and for all our fellow men—to the achievement of His will to peace on earth.第四个总统任期

罗斯福选中哈里·S·杜鲁门为自己竞选的伙伴。开始，杜鲁门感到突然，认为自己从来没有进 行过这种竞选活动，担心对罗斯福的前途无补。经罗斯福劝解，他才最后答应。为了赢得竞选，罗斯福驳斥了共和党总统候选人托马斯·E·杜威的“疲惫不堪的老人”的抨击，公开了他的医生罗斯· 麦金太尔海军中将向人出示的一份健康证明书的情景，并示威性地在恶劣的天气中进行竞选活动。1944年11月17日，罗斯福再次以53％的得票率第四次当选为美国总统。1944年他召开了一系列会议，在财政、贸易、食品和农业等领域实行比较开放的政策。总之，他看住了美国，他是唯一能够阻止美国重犯孤立主义错误的人。

1945年2月，罗斯福和邱吉尔、斯大林在克里米亚半岛举行雅尔塔会议。会议主要讨论战后德国的处置、波兰与东欧政府、联合国、苏联对日作战等问题。会议重申纳粹德国必须无条件投降。在这一任期里，罗斯福只担任了73天职务就在佐治亚州与世长辞了。这样，富兰克林·罗斯福一连任了四届，1 2年又39天的总统，是第一位任期超过两届、打破华盛顿先例的总统。由于1951年通过的宪法修正案第二十二条的限制，他将是美国历史上惟一一位任期达四届的总统。罗斯福4次当选美国总统，除了战争因素，究竟有无成功的秘诀呢？答案是肯定的。罗斯福的权威传记作家詹姆斯·伯恩斯，经过大量研究而得出以下结论：抓住公众舆论；善于选择时机；关心政治细节；注意内部的派别之争；个人的魅力和政治上的技巧。罗斯福连任4届总统，对于美国政治制度和世界反法西斯战争都是极为重要的。

第五篇：罗斯福就职演说

按：富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。）1933年3月4日

值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。

我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。

更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。

但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。

他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。他们失去了利润的吸引力，无法再使人民遵从他们的虚伪领导，于是他们就不惜进行敲诈，痛哭流涕地要求恢复对他们的信任。他们没有预见，而缺乏预见就要使人民遭殃。

钱商们从我们文化庙堂的高位逃走了。我们现在可以使那庙堂恢复传统的信念。能够恢复到什么程度，则看我们对于比金钱利润更高贵的价值观念予以运用的情况。

幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上；它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。我们在这些暗淡的日子里所付的代价将是完全值得的，如果我们从中汲取教训，认识到我们不应该听天由命，而应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞服务。

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，也就不会再相信担任公职和很高的政治地位之所以可贵仅仅在于官高禄厚；同时也必须终止金融业和商业中的一种作法，它常常使得神圣的委托深似无情和自私的恶行。难怪信心在减退，因为只有诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任心、忠贞的维护和无私的作为才能鼓舞信心；没有这一切，信心出就不能存在。

然而复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念。祖国要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

我们的首要任务是给人民工作。我们只要明智而勇敢地承担起来，这项任务并不是不能解决的。部分地可以由政府直接招雇，象战时紧急状况那样，同时通过雇用这些人员来完成急需的工程，从而促进和改组我们自然资源的利用。

与此同时，我们还必须认识到工业中心已经人口过剩，因此应尽力把土地提供给最善于耕种的人，一方面使土地得到更好的利用，一方面在全国范围重新分配人口。为了促成此项工作，要采取具体措施提高农产品价值，从而提高对我们城市产品的购买力。要从实际出发制止对小房产和农场取消偿还抵押所造成的悲剧和日益严重的损失。要坚持由联邦和各州以及各地方政府立即采取行动支持大量削减抵押的要求。要把救济工作统一掌管起来以避免目前的分散、浪费和不均的现象。要把一切形式的交通运输扣其他明确属于公用事业的设施置于国家计划和监督之下。总之，可以促成此项工作的方法是很多的，唯有空谈无用。我们必须行动起来，迅速行动起来。

最后，在恢复阶段中，我们需要避免旧秩序弊端重新出现的两项保证：必须严格监督一切银行储蓄、信贷和投资，以制止利用他人存款进行投机的活动；必须提供充分而有偿付能力的货币。

这就是我们的行动路线。我即将向新的国会的特别会议提出实施这些路线的具体措施，我还将要求各州立即提供支援。

通过此项行动纲领，我们将致力于整顿财政，平衡收支。我们的国际贸易关系虽然十分重要，但在时间性和必要性上必须从属于健全国民经济的任务。我主张采取切合实际的政策，分清轻重缓急。我一定竭尽一切努力通过国际经济调整来恢复同世界各地的贸易，但是国内的紧急状况是等待不得贸易上的成就的。

国家复兴的这些具体方法，其基本指导思想并不是狭隘的民族主义。我们首先考虑的是：坚持合众国国内的各种因素和合众国各个部分之间的互相依靠——承认美国拓荒精神的传统的和永远重要的体现。这是复兴的道路。这是直接的道路。这是复兴得以持久的最有力的保证。

在对外政策方面，我认为我国应该奉行睦邻政策——决心尊重自己，从而也尊重邻国的权利——珍视自己的义务，也珍视与所有邻国和全世界各国协议中所规定的神圣义务。

如果我对我国人民的情绪体会得正确，尽管我们过去在不能互相依靠时并不理解，我们现在则已经理解到：我们不能只要有所得，也要有所贡献；我们要前进，我们就必须象一支有训练而忠诚的军队那样，为了共同的纪律而乐意有所牺牲，因为没有这样的纪律就不可能前进，就不可能实现有效的领导。我相信我们愿意并且准备为这样的纪律献出我们的生命和财产，因为，只有实现这样的纪律，才能实现为了更高利益而奋斗的领导。我愿意提供这样的领导，保证使这些更高的目标将作为一种神圣义务对我们大家都有所约束，从而产生只有战时才出现过的共同责任感。

作了这项保证之后，我将无所顾忌地领导起我国人民组成的大军，纪律井然地逐一解决我们的共同问题。

我们有从先辈那里继承下来的政府形式，纪律井然地解决共同问题的行动是完全可能的。我们的宪法是简明扼要的，总是可以根据特殊的需要而在重点和安排上有所改变，而无需动摇其基本形式。正是因为如此，我们的宪政才不愧为现代世界所产生的最稳定持久的政治结构。它经受了领土的极度扩张、辛酸的内战、对外战争和国际关系的考验。

但愿正常的行政和立法分权完全足以应付我们所面对的史无前例的重任。然而，史无前例的要求和迅即行动的需要也可能使我们有必要暂时背离正常分权的公开程序。

我准备根据宪法赋予我的职责提出灾难深重的我国在当前灾难深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。这些措施，以及国会根据其本身经验和明智所决定的措施，我都将竭尽宪法所赋予我的权力迅即予以采纳。

然而，万一国会竟不能接受两类中之任一方式，万一全国紧急状况仍然严重，我也将决不回避职责明确向我提出的抉择。我会要求国会准许我使用应付危机的唯一剩余的手段——向非常状况开战的广泛行政权力，就象在实际遭受外部敌人入侵时所应授予我的大权。

对于给予我的信任，我愿意拿出时代所要求于我的勇气和坚贞。我决不会有负众望。

我们瞻望前途的艰苦时日，深感国家统一所给予我们的温暖和勇气，明确必须遵循传统的宝贵道德观念，坚信不分老幼克尽其责必能取得圆满成功。我们务使国民生计获得全面和长久的保证。

我们对基本民主的未来并未失去信念。合众国的人民并未气馁。在困难中，他们作为选民提出的要求是直接而有力的行动。他们要求的是有领导的纪律和方向。他们已经选择我来作为实现他们愿望的工具。我也是以这样的精神来担当的。

值此全国奉献之际，我们恳请上帝赐福。祝愿上帝保佑我们全体和每一个人。祝愿上帝指引我前进。