第一篇：富兰克林罗斯福演讲稿
富兰克林罗斯福演讲稿
昨天，１９４１年１２月７日必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子.美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的攻击。美国和日本是和平相处的，根据日本的请求仍在同它的政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋地区的和平。实际上，就在日本空军部队已经着手开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻美国大使和同僚还向我们的国务卿提交了对美国最近致日方 消息的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但却并未包含有关战争或武装 攻击的威胁或暗示历史将会作证，由于夏威夷离日本的距离如此之遥，显然表明这次进攻是经过许多天甚至许多星期精心策划的。在调停期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维持和平的愿望来欺骗美国。
昨天对夏威夷群岛的攻击给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，许多美国人丧失了生命，此外，根据报告，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。
昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。昨晚，日本军队进攻了香港。昨晚，日本军队进攻了关岛。
昨晚，日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。昨晚，日本人进攻了威克岛。
今早，日本人进攻了中途岛。因此，日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。昨天和今天的事实不言自明。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且非常清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。作为陆、海军总司令，我已指示，为了我们的防务采取一切措施。但是，我们整个国家将永远记住这次对我们突袭的性质。不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次有预谋的入侵，美国人民将一定要以自己的正义力量赢得绝对的胜利。我们现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种背信弃义的形式永远不会再次危及到我们。我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。
敌对行动已经存在。无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。相信我们的武装部队，依靠我国人民的坚定决心,我们将取得必然的胜利,愿上帝帮助我们！
我要求国会宣布：自１９４１年１２月７日星期日，日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。
Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:
Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was
deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false
statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery
shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will
gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.-------------------
formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery
shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will
gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with
the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they
believed
and were not afraid, we
have so
much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with
her bounty, and human
efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of
public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Y es, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple
to the
ancient truths.A
measure of that restoration lies
in the extent
to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they
teach suthat our
true
destiny is not
to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves,to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct inbanking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and
selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty , on
honor, on the sacredness of our
obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and
action now.Our greatest primary
task is to put
people to work.This
is no unsolvable
problem if
we take
it
wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in
part
by direct
recruiting by the
government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through
this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Y es the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be
helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local
government act
forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be
helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there
must
be an end
to speculation with other people’s
mo ney;
and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special
session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making
income balance outflow.Our
international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world
trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait
on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these
specific means of national
recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United
States of America
–
a
recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American
spirit of the pioneer.It
is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The
neighbor who resolutely
respects himself,and because
he does
so，respects
the rights foothers.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before，our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are laready
and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume
unhesitatingly, the
leadership
of this great
army
of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central
form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And
it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But
it
may be that an
unprecedented demand and need
for undelay
action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with
the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential
democracy.The people of the United
States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate thatey want direct, vigorous action.They
have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made
me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in
this dedication of
th a
nation,we humbly ask the blessings of God,may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.===
第二篇：富兰克林 罗斯福
富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福这个坐了20多年轮椅的伟人，战胜了
残疾、战胜了对手、战胜了经济萧条、战胜了法西斯。对于美国人来
说，他使美国成为世界超级大国。对于世界来说，他参与奠定了一个
新的全球政治格局。对于残疾人来说，他用一生告诉我们：无论是总
统还是平民，当厄运到来时要牢牢把握住自己命运的舵盘，让生命之
舟扬帆远航
美国总统罗斯福，当他还是参议员时，英姿焕发，英俊漱洒，才
华横溢，深受人民爱戴。正当富兰克林·罗斯福准备在政坛大展身手的时候，一场无情的灾难突然降临到他的身上。
在养病期间，他阅读了大量美国历史、政治方面的书籍。在这段
时间里，罗斯福的性格也产生了重大的变化，他变得温和、谦虚、平
易近人。他把与疾病斗争、积极锻炼身体看作是一件非常愉快的事情。经过这段挫折的锤炼，罗斯福的眼界和思路更开阔了。他学会尊重并
理解与自己不同的观点，对那些受折磨又极需要帮助的人充满了深切的同情。他躺在那里一天天地成熟起来，从一个轻浮的年轻贵族变为
一个能理解下层人民的人道主义者，而正是这一点使他最终入主白
宫。
利用一副钢与皮革制成的双腿支架，罗斯福最终可以在别人的搀
扶下站立和行走了。经过7年的养精蓄锐，他重新走上政坛，并在1928年成为纽约州州长。随后，他开始了向总统宝座的冲刺
。政敌们常用他的残疾来攻击他，这是罗斯福终生都不得不与之
搏斗的事情，但是他总能以出色的政绩、卓越的口才与充沛的精力将
其变成优势.罗斯福曾对那些轻看残疾人的人说过：“我还要走路，我要走进白宫。” 第一次竞选总统时．他对助选员说：“你们布置一个大讲台，我要让所有的选民看到这个得小儿麻痹症的人，可以‘走到前面’演讲，不需要任何拐杖。”
首次参加竞选他就通过发言人告诉人们：“一个州长不一定是一个杂技演员。我们选他并不是因为他能做前滚翻或后滚翻。他干的是脑力劳动，是想方设法为人民造福。”依靠这样的坚忍和乐观，罗斯福终于在1933年以绝对优势击败胡佛，成为美国第32届总统。
罗斯福一直被视为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一，是20世纪美国最受民众期望和受爱戴的总统，也是美国历史上唯一连任4届总统的人，任职长达12年。他是身残志坚的代表人，也受到世界人民的尊敬
其实很多事情的成功，最主要的是靠不屈不挠的意志力与绝对的信心。老是以自己本身某部分的缺陷，气限定占己的能力的，人，是不聪明的。那只是找借口来掩饰自己害怕失败的心理。有些人可能会说自己完全没有销售方面的经验，不敢去尝试而白白浪费了一个可能让他踏上成功的机会。
生命本身是一种挑战，即使自己有缺陷，但是只要不认输，肯努力去证明自己某方面的本领，一定能获得成功
罗斯福无疑是一个时代的伟人，但又是一个执著地追求美国现实利益的总统，他的行为方式更多地体现出了实用主义的倾向。正是这种不拘泥于教条理论的务实态度，才使罗斯福在内政和外交方面取得了前
所未有的成就。
美国著名记者约翰逊在罗斯福传记中写道：“他推翻的先例比任何人都多，他砸烂的古老结构比任何人都多，他对美国整个面貌的改变比任何人都要迅猛而激烈。然而正是他最深切地相信，美国这座建筑物从整个来说，是相当美好的。” 罗斯福是20世纪最受爱戴和最令人憎恨的美国总统。他受人爱戴的是因为，虽然他出身贵族，但他相信平凡人的价值，并且为维护百姓的权利而战，无时无刻都在为他的贫民着想，在他最困难的时期，也忘不了走进国民中，了解他们的困难。他受人爱戴的另一个原因是，他有着慑人的魅力。他愉快地工作，对未来充满信心。他带领美国走出经济困境，改变了美国人的生活方式。然后为了捍卫民主政体，帮助世界实现了安全。
他足可以为身后的一切欣慰：他去世后25天，德国无条件投降，3个月后，日本无条件投降。而那个伴随他一生并与之顽强斗争的脊髓灰质炎症，也在他去世整整十年后——1955年4月12日被最终攻克。
历史学家和政治学家们一致认为，罗斯福与华盛顿和林肯是美国历史上最伟大的三位总统
第三篇：富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲
PresidentHoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americansexpectthat on my inductioninto the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision whichthe present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor needwe shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure,as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief thatthe only thing we have to fear is fear itself nameless,unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts toconvert retreatinto advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigorhas met with that understanding and support of the people themselves whichis essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will againgive that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thankGod, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels.taxes have risen.our abilityto pay has fallen.government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income.themeans of exchange are frozenin the currents of trade.the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side.farmers find no markets for their produce.and the savings ofmany years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizensface the grim problem of existence, and an equally greatnumber toil with little return.Only afoolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague oflocusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have stillmuch to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty andhuman efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of itlanguishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,through their own stubbornness and their ownincompetence, have admitted their failure, and haveabdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of publicopinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True,they have tried.But their efforts havebeen cast in the pattern of an outworntradition.Faced by failure of credit, they haveproposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by whichto induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfullyfor restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of selfseekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.Wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in theextent to which we apply social values more noble thanmere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money.it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescentprofits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but tominister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in handwith the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to bevalued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit.and there mustbe an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too oftenhas given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for itthrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, andon unselfish performance.withoutthem it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is toput people to work.This is nounsolvable problem if we face itwisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by theGovernment itself, treating the task as we would treatthe emergency of a war, but at thesame time, through this employment, accomplishing great greatlyneeded projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our greatnatural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to providea better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventingrealistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our smallhomes and ourfarms.It can be helped by insistence thatthe Federal, the State, and the local governmentsact forthwith on the demand thattheir cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by theunifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,uneconomical, unequal.It can behelped by national planning for and supervisionof all forms of transportation and ofcommunications and other utilities thathave a definitely public character.There are manyways in which it can be helped, but it cannever be helped by merely talking aboutit.We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require twosafeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking andcredits and investments.There must be anend to speculation with other people's money.Andthere must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress inspecial session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shallseek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house inorder and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, thoughvastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary tothe establishment of a sound national economy.Ifavor, as a practical policy, the putting of firstthings first.I shall spare no effort torestore world trade by international economic readjustment.but the emergency athome cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thoughtthat guides these specific means of national recovery is notnationally narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a firstconsideration, upon the interdependenceof the various elements in and parts of the United States of America arecognition of the old and permanently importantmanifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the wayto recovery.It is the immediate way.Itis the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nationto the policy of the good neighbor: theneighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights ofothers.the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreementsin and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before,our interdependence on each other.that we can not merely take, but we must give as well.that if we are to goforward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice forthe good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made,no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline,because it makes possible a leadership which aims atthe larger good.This, I propose to offer,pledging that the larger purposes will bind uponus, bind upon us all as a sacred obligationwith a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which wehave inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is sosimple, so practicalthat it is possible always tomeet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss ofessential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superblyenduring political mechanism the modern worldhas ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislativeauthority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meetthe unprecedented task before us.But it may be that anunprecedented demand and need for undelayed actionmay call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty torecommend the measures that a strickennation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measuresas the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within myconstitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall failto take one of these two courses, in the eventthat the national emergency is still critical, I shallnot evade the clear course of duty that will thenconfront me.I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisisbroad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power thatwould be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befitthe time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days thatlie before us in the warm courage of nationalunity.with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moralvalues.with the clean satisfactionthat comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance ofa rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the the future of essential democracy.The people of the United Stateshave not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate thatthey want direct, vigorousaction.They have asked for discipline and directionunder leadership.They have made me thepresent instrument of their wishes.Inthe spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication Inthis dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.
第四篇：富兰克林·罗斯福 就职演讲
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today.This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunken to fantastic levels;taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money;and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
第五篇：富兰克林·罗斯福新政改革
富兰克林·罗斯福新政改革
黄安年
在美国现代史、美国经济发展史和20世纪世界现代史上，罗斯福新政是最具重大意义的历史事件,在某种意义上可以说,罗斯福新政改革挽救了美国的现代资本主义,并带来了当代资本主义的新发展,就本世纪的改革而言,罗斯福新政也是资本主义世界最为重要、最影响的一次改革。
一 罗斯福新政措施 1.临危不惧,推行新政
1932年7月2日，纽约州长富兰克林·罗斯福在芝加哥民主党全国代表大会上,以坚忍不拔毅力扔掉双拐从轮椅上站立起来,接受了总统竞选候选人提名，并发表演说称：“如果竞选成功,我保证为美国人民施行新政。”这位自1921年8月起患小儿麻痹症下身完全瘫痪的政治家,给人们以誓死力挽狂澜,拯救濒于崩溃的资本国家的可敬可佩形象。
1932年11月，罗斯福以472张压倒多数的选举人票,战胜胡佛当选第32任美国总统。他在1933年3月4日的总统就职典礼上,号召美国人民战胜对经济大危机的恐惧心理说：“我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身。”批评前领导“脱不开过时传统的窼臼”，宣布“我们首要任务是给人民工作”，“要把救济工作统一掌握起来。”“要求国会准许使用应付危机的唯一手段----向非常状况开战的广泛的行政权力。”
他依靠华莱士(农业部长)、伊克斯(内政部长)、珀金斯(劳工部长)、霍普金斯（商务部长）以及来自哈佛大学和哥伦亚大学教授莫利、特格韦尔、伯利等新政派智囊团精英人士，在实践中不断探索、不断修订政策，从1933年3月9日-6月16日间，通过国会和政府先后颁布了70多个新政立法和命令，史称《百日新政》。
罗斯福新政,一般指1933--1939年期间罗斯福政府所实行的经济和政治改革政策,罗斯福的对外政策并不包括在内。1933-1935年初为第一次新政，主要目的在于复兴和救济；1935-1939年为第二次新政，主要意图在改革。由于复兴(RECOVERY)、救济(,RELIEF)、改革(REFORM)三个英文字母开头都是R，所有人们称罗斯福新政为三R计划。在新政期间，总共颁布了700多项法令，涉及整顿财政金融、调整工业生产、节制农业发展、实行社会救济、举办公共工程、调整三权分立体制等六个方面。有人统计，在罗斯福新政任内所讨论的有关美国经济生活、社会问题,比以前历届总统所讨论的相关问题加在一起还要多。
2.大刀阔斧,整顿财政 第一，整顿银行。主要有其一,1933年3月9日,国会召开特别会议通过决议,四小时后总统签署命令,颁布《银行紧急法令》,授权总统全权整顿破产银行,由政府提供35亿美元贷款,帮助有信誉的银行复业,同时颁布《存款保险法》,稳定储户对银行的信心。在此前的3月5日,罗斯福下令禁止囤积黄金,3月6日总统颁布命令暂停银行活动进行整顿。3月12日罗斯福首次发表“炉边谈话”解释政府的改革银行政策。
其二,1933年6月16日, 政府颁布了《格拉斯—斯高特法》,即1933年银行法,迫使商业银行与投资银行脱钩。
其三,1933年5月27日, 政府颁布了《联邦证券法》，要求所有担保人和经纪人提供真实情报。
其四，1934年6月6日,政府颁布《证券交易法》，建立证券和兑换委员会，防止并惩处投机行为。
第二,统制货币。主要有其一，1933年4月22日,罗斯福颁布不准黄金出口令。5月又宣布减少美元含黄金成分50%，发行30亿美元的纸币。
其二,1933年6月5日,罗斯福签署命令，颁布《放弃金本位法令》。其三，1934年1月31日,总统颁布《黄金储备法令》 宣布美元贬值，将美元稳定在35美元兑换一盎斯黄金(等于0.999512市两黄金,即1英两黄金),相当于1900年时黄金价值的59.06%,即美元贬值了41%。这一举措,加强了美国出口商品的竞争力。
其四，1934年6月19日,政府还颁布了《白银购买法》。
第三,改革银行体系。主要有其一，1934年2月2日, 成立进出口银行。
其二，1935年8月23日,联邦政府颁布了《银行法》，规定凡拥有百万美元以上资金的银行,都要参加联邦储备银行。
第四,改革税制。主要有其一，1933年3月22日, 颁布《啤酒税法》，征啤酒税。1933年12月5日，宪法第21条修正案批准，废除了1919年批准的第18条宪法修正案关于禁酒的规定。
其二，1935年6月, 罗斯福发表修改税制的特别咨文。其后，1935年8月30日,颁布《财产税法》、1936年6月22日, 1937年8月26日,1938年5月27日先后颁布新税法。
其三,1939年5月16日,实施食品税计划。
第五,实施公平竞争。主要有其一,1936年6月20日, 颁布联邦反对价格歧视法令,又称罗宾逊——怕特曼法。
其二,1937年8月18日,颁布密勒——泰丁斯法,规定零售商的公平交易法则。3.全国工业复兴法和农业调整法,调整工业生产，节制农业发展 在调整工业生产方面
首先,最重要的是1933年6月16日,颁布《全国工业复兴法》,又称产业复兴法。据此, 在同年8月5日, 建立全国劳工局;据该法第2条,建立公共工程管理局。罗斯福称“这是美国国会制订的最重要、最具有深远意义的立法。”该法案宣称“旨在鼓励全国产业复兴，促进公平竞争，规定某些有益的公共工程的兴建。”该法案第三条规定了生产规模和价格，被称为“工业和平”的公平竞争法规。
第七条A款，则规定了劳工的基本权利。该法案第二章则详细规定了共用事业和建设计划。根据这一法案，建立了国家复兴管理局，由雇主、雇员和消费者共同监督和调节生产。参与该法规的企业标有蓝鹰记号。1935年5月27日,在谢克特家禽公司诉美国政府案中，全国工业复兴法被宣布违宪。
其次, 1935年7月5日，政府颁布了《全国劳资关系法》,即华格纳法。该法重申了全国工业复兴法中七条A款的重要内容，即雇员有组织集体谈判的权利；雇主应遵守最高工时，最低工资等雇佣条件；不得以是否参加工会作为限制受雇的条件。
第三,1938年6月25日，政府颁布了《公平劳动标准法》,即工资工时法，规定最低工资每小时40美分，最高工时每周40小时。在这以前的1936年6月30日,政府还颁布了《政府雇员工作法》。
第四, 规定其它管制工业立法主要有:1935年8月30日,颁布格菲——施奈德法案，据此,建立全国烟煤委员会。1938年4月26日,又颁布了《格菲—文森烟煤法》。1935年,颁布康纳利法, 规定石油运价。1935年,颁布酒精管制法。1935年8月28日,颁布《公用事业控股公司法》,即惠勒——雷伯恩法案等。
在节制农业发展方面
首先，最重要的是1933年5月12日颁布了农业调整法,该法宣称旨在“提高农村购买力以解救当前全国经济危机”，规定了保持农产品生产和消费之间的某种平衡的具体措施。根据法案成立了农业调整局，控制小麦、棉花、玉米、水稻、烟草、猪等农副产品的生产。剩余农副产品部分由政府收购，部分则销毁或暂存仓库。据此，1933年政府同各州农场主签订减少耕地面积的合同，1934年美国小麦和棉田面积各减少1 000万英亩，玉米播种面积减少900万英亩。凡拒绝执行签约的农场不得享受贷款和援助。其后，推广到奶油、糖、亚麻等农产品。大量小麦、马铃薯、牛奶被销毁，猪、牛、羊等牲畜被屠宰。1936年1月6日，最高法院审理巴特勒诉美国政府案，宣布农业调整法违宪。
其次,加强土壤保护,主要有1935年4月27日,颁布<<土壤保护法>> , 据此, 建立土壤保护署。1936年2月29日，颁布《土壤保持和国内分配法》，提倡土壤保护和科学耕作制度。
第三, 1938年2月16日,政府再次颁布《农业调整法》，规定丰年时由政府收购剩余农产品，歉收时由政府控制市场物价。
第四,其它农业调整和扶持措施,主要有：1933年6月16日,颁布农场信贷法,建立农场信贷管理署。
1934年2月23日,颁布公司贷款法。1933年10月18日,成立农产品贷款公司。1934年1月30日,颁布《农场抵押再贷款法案》,建立联邦农场抵押公司。1934年4月7日,颁布《琼斯—康纳利农场救济法》。1934年4月21日,颁布《班克里德棉花控制法》。1934年5月9日,颁布《琼斯—科斯蒂根食糖法》。1934年6月颁布《克尔——史密斯法案》。1934年6月28日,颁布《烟草控制法》。1934年6月28日,颁布《联邦农场破产法》。1935年8月30日,通过了《农场抵押延缓法》。
1937年7月22日,颁布《班克里德—琼斯农场租佃法》,建立农场保障署。4.社会保障制度和田纳西工程
在实行社会救济和社会保障方面，首先,1933年3月31日,颁布了《民间护林保土队救济法》, 建立民间护林保土队。
其次,实施联邦紧急救济措施,主要有:1933年5月12日,颁布《联邦紧急救济法》。1935年4年月8日,通过了《紧急救济拨款法》,实施以工代赈计划。1935年5月1日,根据《紧急救济拨款法》成立重新安置署。1935年6月7日,根据《紧急救济拨款法》建立全国资源委员会。1935年6月26日,根据《紧急救济拨款法》建立全国青年管理署。
这些救济措施,对于解救临时性困难起了重要作用。民间护林保土队先后雇用了275万青年，从事垦殖、建筑国有公园和森林。全国青年管理署,先后安排了75万中学生、大学生和研究生,受雇为打字员、实验员、图书管理员和家庭教师等。在霍普金斯任工程振兴局局长的1935-1941年间，共耗资113.65亿美元,用于公共建设、资源保护以及各种社团救济等。
第三, 建立社会保障机制。这是新政时期最具深远影响的社会立法。最重要的是1935年8月14日,罗斯福总统签署了国会通过了《社会保险法》,从而确立了美国现代社会保障制度。
第四,实施了保障住宅的立法措施,主要有1933年6月13日,颁布《农场主再贷款法》,建立农场主贷款公司。1937年9月1日,颁布《国有住宅法》，通称《瓦格纳—斯蒂高尔法》,建立美国住房署。据此许多城市居民可以租到房租低廉的住房。
第五,建立保障雇员权益的一些机构,主要有1933年6月6日,颁布全国雇员制度法,建立美国雇员署。1933年6月16日，颁布《紧急铁路运输法》等。
第六,建立民间救济工作管理机构,如1933年11月8日,建立民间工作管理署。1934年2月15日,颁布民间工作紧急救济法等。
第七,规定铁路职工福利保障,如1934年6月27日,颁布《铁路职工退休法》。1935年8月29日,颁布《瓦格纳—克罗塞铁路职工退休法》等。
第八,规定退伍军人福利保障。如1936年1月24日,颁布了《退伍军人补偿金调整法案》等。在举办公共工程方面，首先,最重要的是1933年5月18日,颁布了《田纳西河流域管理法》,据此成立了田纳西河流域管理局。该法旨在“改进通航，并为田纳西河的洪水控制作准备；确保重新造林和合理使用田纳西河流域地区；保证该地区工农业的发展”等，这项计划已久的最大的综合工程，保护了3 000万英亩的农田，使整个流域居民平均收入提高了9倍。在罗斯福新政期间，还建成了胡佛水坝、密苏里河上的佩克堡水坝等。
其次,建立其它公共工程管理机构,主要有1935年5月11日,建立农村电力管理局。1935年8月9日,颁布《机动运载工具法》等。
第三,其它水利工程主要有1936年6月22日,颁布《洪水控制法》。1939年8月2日,颁布《哈奇法》,扩大农田灌溉工程。
5.行政机构和司法制度的改革
首先,改革司法制度。1937年2月25日, 罗斯福提出增加最高法院法官的建议, 由9名增至15名。7月国会司法委员会提出反对改革的报告，认为“它违反历史上的一切先例”“破坏了宪法给予少数派的保障。”，拒绝批准罗斯福的建议。
其次,改革行政管理机构,主要有1938年6月16日,建立临时国民经济委员会。1938年7月4日,颁布《全国经济问题第一号》行政命令。1939年4月3日,颁布《政府机构改组法》。1939年9月8日,颁布第一号行政命令, 即8248号命令。这些举措使总统管理经济的权力得以扩大，并使总统制职权体制化，建立了包括白宫办公室、预算局在内总统办事机构和管理体系。
二
罗斯福新政的历史地位
罗斯福新政研究一直是美国和我国学术界的热点之一。罗斯福新政的研究涉及评论标准,在我国一般有以下几种见解: 一是由党派之见和国家关系亲疏引起的不同评价,如中美统一战线时期、中美敌对关系时期、中美关系正常化到来之时，就存在不同评价;在美国民主党和共和党政府之间，对罗斯福的评价也截然不同。
二是由阶级性质的不同引起的相悖评论,即依是否有利于无产阶级或资产阶级、是否有利于无产阶级革命的发展和资本主义制度的巩固、是否有利于垄断资产阶级的右翼或资产阶级的自由派来肯定和否定。
三是由信奉的经济思想引起的不同评价：持自由竞争思想论者的评价和持国家干预思想的论者评价就大不相同;从胡佛自由放任哲学角度的评价和从凯恩斯经济学角度的评价截然不同。
四是由新政对大危机所起的作用引起的不同评价,这涉及新政作为一项政策能否解决大危机的所有矛盾这样的问题。五是由社会生产力的发展引起的不同评价,这里涉及是生产力发展的唯一标准，还是社会生产力和阶级利益的双重标准。
无疑社会生产力标准，应是衡量罗斯福新政是非的唯一标准。我们应当注意区别新政的阶级属性和历史作用的不同评价;区别根本标准和相关标准的评价;还要坚持实事求是的评价，而不能把舆论导向作为唯一的是非标准。具体说来应当强调：
1.新政是顺应历史潮流的产物
在到20世纪30年代的美国历史上，有过三次重大抉择,一次是独立战争,一次是美国内战,一次是1929-1933年大危机。面对大危机美国可供选择的道路，一是无产阶级革命，当时并不具备这一主观形势，美共党员不超过两万人，在工人中影响甚微，且力主跟着罗斯福的政策走，左右工运的劳联主张阶级合作，许多工人寄希望于以有作为的总统取代无作为的胡佛总统。二是让法西斯上台，当时虽面临现实威胁，但是广大人民和政界主流反对法西斯上台。三是维持胡佛“自由放任”政策现状，这是一条绝望之路，已为广大人民所否定。四是实行改革，以维护资本制度。显然在这种情况下，避免法西斯，防止共产主义，阻止危机进一步恶化，采取维护资产阶级民主体制的积极改良措施，成为顺应历史发展潮流的必然产物。
2.新政是具有进步意义的改良和传统的继承与发展 新政的实施缓和了经济危机的严重恶果，和由此激化了的阶级矛盾，部分地改善了处于底层的的劳动人民的生活困境，使国民经济免于彻底崩溃，在一定程度上恢复和保护了社会生产力。美国工业生产指数1932年为58，1936年回升到121，工人失业数比1932年减少了一半，1937年的国民收入比1929年危机前还多46亿美元，工人阶级的社会生活状况有了较多的改善。新政的社会救济和公共工程使广大中层人收益。新政期间，新办的社会工程和福利事业在三万项以上，新建了10%的公路、35%医院、65%的学校，开辟240多万英亩国有林地、20万英亩的国有公园、7 700座桥梁、285座机场、24 000英里下水道、122 000栋公共建筑、664 000英里的公路。
新政的实施无疑改良而不是革命。问题不在于新政是改良还是革命，问题的关键在于如何评价新政的改良措施。马克思主义者并不笼统地反对改良，而是具体分析改良措施的历史条件及其所起的作用。在100年来的现代美国史上，并没有发生革命，但是改革调整不断，社会不断进步，经济不断发展。
新政改革从本质上说,是为巩固垄断资本统治而在生产关系和上层建筑领域实行的一种调整措施。在经济上，以国家干预经济的职能来调整垄断资本之间的相互关系，调整垄断资本和中小资产阶级之间及工农之间的相互关系。它既是对垄断资本的某些方面进行扶持或抑制，又对劳动人民作出必要的让步。在政治上，以缓和内部矛盾的某些措施来防范危机的蔓延，避免法西斯上台和无产阶级革命。新政的改良措施缓和了危机的恶果，避免走上了法西斯主义道路，初步恢复了国民经济实力，维护了资产阶级民主体制，为在第二次世界大战中发挥“民主国家兵工厂”的作用奠定了基础，所有这些表明这种改良具有进步意义。
新政是美国历史上进步主义传统的继续,从19世纪末20世纪初的进步主义运动、老罗斯福的“公平交易”和新国家主义改革、威尔逊的“新自由”改革到罗斯福新政，我们可以看到一条改革的线索。新政使《独立宣言》中的一切人生而平等的实惠得以扩大,使得较多的中下层“被遗忘的人”,有机会被列入一切人的范围。有人说新政(NEW DEAL)一词，分别取自威尔逊新自由(NEW FREEDOM)和老罗斯福的公平交易(DEAL SQUARE)两词中的NEW和DEAL。
对于新政的民主精神,1945年4月14日的《新华日报》和《解放日报》分别发表社论称:“罗斯福忠实地继承了华盛顿、杰斐逊、林肯以来最优秀的民主传统，从他开始从政的时候起，一直就本着为人民服务，为人民争取自由的精神和一切反民主的敌人作了坚决而不倦的斗争。”“他用大无畏的精神推行新政，他用提高人民生活水平，扩大人民购买力的政策来代替了帝国主义式的对外经济掠夺，他渡过了危机，安定了国民生活，他也用这政策来代替快到来的反法西斯战争,创立了使美国成为全民主国家兵工厂的准备工作。”“罗氏在美国是一面民主的旗帜，是美国各阶层反法西斯、反人民民主合作的象征。”
新政为战后美国政府,特别是民主党政府的调整和改革措施提供了一种模式。杜鲁门的公平施政、肯尼迪的新边疆、约翰逊的伟大社会、卡特的反滞胀政策、克林顿的新民主党人政策，都宣称和罗斯福新政一脉相承；而艾森豪威尔的折衷主义政策、尼克松福特的新联邦主义政策、里根和布什的振兴经济政策，都在一定程度上打上了新政的烙印。
3.新政是国家垄断资本主义全面干预的尝试
新政的最大贡献是进行垄断资本主义的全面干预的尝试，开始了国家垄断资本主义的新时代，从而带来了战后美国资本主义的新发展。新政措施一反传统的自由放任政策，它的实践和凯恩斯主义强化国家干预经济的思想不谋而合。
实际上,新政措施是国家垄断资本主义的反危机政策，它用国家直接干预各个领域经济事物的办法,来调整生产关系的某些环节，一方面扶植或抑制垄断资本主义的某些方面，另一方面则向工人和农民及其他阶层作出某些让步，提供就业和必要的社会生活保障,阻止危机的恶化和蔓延。新政是在大危机条件下强化国家干预，并在世界战争条件下继续强化国家的干预；战后为了防止危机，也为了保持繁荣，历届政府继续强化国家干预经济和社会生活的政策。这样，资本主义国家不仅依赖自由市场经济,这只看不见的手，而且依赖国家宏观和微观经济政策,这只看得见的手,来交替运行经济和社会发展机制，从而，使美国的资本主义走向更为成熟的发展阶段。
4.新政体现了资产阶级民主派的利益和反映了人民群众的要求。
新政代表了整个资产阶级的利益并着重体现了垄断资产阶级民主派的利益,但也在一定程度上反映了人民群众的要求。罗斯福自己坦言：“从来在美国没有另外一个人,比我对资本主义的制度的私人企业、私有财产和私人利润有着更坚强的信仰”“当这个私人利润和自由企业的制度面临毁灭边沿的时候，是这个政府挽救了它。”有人否定资产阶级代表人物中存在开明派人士，把罗斯福新政和希特勒法西斯专政相混同，等量齐观，各打50大板,这是与事实有悖的，绝不是马克思主义的态度。
在四次总统竞选中，拥护罗斯福的多数是南部白人、城市工人、移民、农民、黑人、广大处于下层的“被遗忘的人”。罗斯福任内,先后举行了998次记者招待会和“炉边谈话”，他和各阶层的人士都保持较为广泛的联系。由于他颇得民心，有人认为在美国历史上他的地位,应和林肯、华盛顿齐名。纽约有一所小学举行民意测验，结果显示，罗斯福最受欢迎，上帝其次，但得票远不如他。
当罗斯福在1945年4月12日突然去世时，在全美国和世界反法西斯国家中引起了巨大的悲哀，显示了罗斯福在美国人民和世界人民中的崇高威望。连大林也称：“在现在资本主义世界的一切首脑中间，罗斯福是一位最有才干的人物。”那种认为在统治阶级代表人物和人民群众之间，不可能有着共同利益的观点显然是站不住的。可以毫不夸张地说，罗斯福是开创当代资本主义新局面的第一人。
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