富兰克林演讲稿

第一篇：富兰克林演讲稿

Second Inaugural Address(1937)We Will Carry On!持久进步之路

Franklin D.Roosevelt富兰克林-罗斯福（1882---1945）

32nd President of the United States(1933---1945)Political Party : Democratic When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President ,the Republic ,single-minded in anxiety ,stood in spirit here.we dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision-to speed the time when there would be the pursuit of happiness.We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it;to end by action ,tireless and unafraid , the stagnation and despair of that day.We did those first things first.Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there.Instinctively we recognized a deeper need-the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization.Repeated attempts at their soluation without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered.For , without that aid ,we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind.To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.We of Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable ,to solve problems once considered unsolvable.We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as , after centuries of fatalistic suffering , we had found a way to master epidemics of disease.We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth;we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation.At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War;they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution.A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and the blessings of liberty to the American people.Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the objectives.Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct.They hold out the clear hope that government within communities , government within the separate States , and government of the United States can do the things the times require , within yielding its democracy.Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase , so power to govern them also must increase-power to stop evil;power to do good.The essential democracy of stop our Nation and safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power , but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections.The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.In fact , in these last four years , we have made the exercise of all power more democratic;for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public’s government.The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the processes

of a democracy—has been shattered.They have been challenged and beaten.Our progress out of the depression is obvious.But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things.Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials.By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit.Old truths have been relearned;untruths have been unlearned.We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals;we know now that it is bad economics.Out of the collapse of properity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays.We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal;and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such.We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.In this process evil things formerly accepted willnoy be so easily condoned.Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness.We are moving toward an era of good feeling.But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.For these reasons I am justified that the greastest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.Among men of good will ,science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual.With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to impeove our economic order , we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead ？Shall we call this the promised land ？Or ,shall we continue on our way ？For “Each age is a dream that is dying , or one that is coming to birth.”

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision.Comfort says , “Tarry a while.” Opportunism says , “This is a good spot.”Timidity asks , “How difficult is the road ahead ?”

True ,we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair.Vitality has been preserved.Courage and confidence have been restored.Mental and moral horizons have been extended.But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances.Advance became imperative under the good of fear and suffering.The times were on the side of progress.To hold to progress today , however , is more difficult.Dulled conscience , irresponsibility , and ruthless self-interest already reappear.Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster!Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.Let us ask again : Have we reach the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933 ? Have we found our happy valley ? I see a great nation , upon a great continent , blessed with a great wealth of natural resources.Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves;they are making their county a good neighbour among the nations.I see a U nited States which can demonstrate that , under democratic methods of government , national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown , and the lowest standard of living

can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.But here is the challenge to our democracy : In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens---a substantial part of its whole population---who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.I see millions denied education , recreation , and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.I see one-third of a nation ill-clad , ill-housed , ill-nourished.It is not in despair that I paint you that picture.I paint it for you in hope---because the Nation , seeing and understanding the injustice in it , proposes to paint it out.We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country’s interest and concern;and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders we add more to the abundance of those who have much;it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation , we will not listen to Comfort , Opportunism , and Timidity.We will carry on.Overwhelmingly , we of the Republic are men and women of good will;men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication;men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well.They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people.It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts.It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.If I know aught of the will of our people , they wil demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained.They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and , therefore , strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization.In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together.In our personal ambitions we are individualists.But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation , we all go up , or else we all go down , as one people.To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods , a vast amount of humility.But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need.Then political leadership can voice common ideals , and aid in their realizatioin.In talking again the oath of office as President of the United States , I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance.While this dutty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do theit will , seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.

第二篇：富兰克林演讲稿

SecondInauguralAddress(1937)WeWillCarryOn!

持久进步之路

Franklin D.Roosevelt富兰克林-罗斯福（1882---1945）

32nd President of the United States(1933---1945)Political Party : Democratic

When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President ,the Republic ,single-minded in anxiety ,stood in spirit here.we dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision-to speed the time when there would be the pursuit of happiness.We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it;to end by action ,tireless and unafraid , the stagnation and despair of that day.We did those first things first.Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there.Instinctively we recognized a deeper need-the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization.Repeated attempts at their soluation without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered.For , without that aid ,we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind.To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.We of Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable ,to solve problems once considered unsolvable.We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as , after centuries of fatalistic suffering , we had found a way to master epidemics of disease.We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth;we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation.At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War;they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution.A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and the blessings of liberty to the American people.Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the objectives.Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct.They hold out the clear hope that government within communities , governmentwithin the separate States , and government of the United States can do the things the times require , within yielding its democracy.Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase , so power to govern them also must increase-power to stop evil;power to do good.The essential democracy of stop our Nation and safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power , but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections.The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.In fact , in these last four years , we have made the exercise of all power more democratic;for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public’s government.The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the processes1

of a democracy—has been shattered.They have been challenged and beaten.Our progress out of the depression is obvious.But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things.Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials.By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit.Old truths have been relearned;untruths have been unlearned.We have always known that heedless self-interestwas bad morals;we know now that it is bad economics.Out of the collapse of properity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays.We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal;and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such.We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.In this process evil things formerly accepted willnoy be so easily condoned.Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness.We are moving toward an era of good feeling.But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.For these reasons I am justified that the greastest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.Among men of good will ,science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual.With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to impeove our economic order , we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead ？Shall we call this the promised land ？Or ,shall we continue on our way ？For “Each age is a dream that is dying , or one that is coming to birth.”

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision.Comfort says , “Tarry a while.” Opportunism says , “This is a good spot.”Timidity asks , “How difficult is the road ahead ?”

I see a great nation , upon a great continent , blessed with a great wealth of natural resources.Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves;they are making their county a good neighbour among the nations.I see a U nited States which can demonstrate that , under democratic methods of government , national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown , and the lowest standard of living

第三篇：富兰克林罗斯福演讲稿

富兰克林罗斯福演讲稿

昨天，１９４１年１２月７日必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子.美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的攻击。美国和日本是和平相处的，根据日本的请求仍在同它的政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋地区的和平。实际上，就在日本空军部队已经着手开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻美国大使和同僚还向我们的国务卿提交了对美国最近致日方消息的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但却并未包含有关战争或武装攻击的威胁或暗示历史将会作证，由于夏威夷离日本的距离如此之遥，显然表明这次进攻是经过许多天甚至许多星期精心策划的。在调停期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维持和平的愿望来欺骗美国。

昨天对夏威夷群岛的攻击给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，许多美国人丧失了生命，此外，根据报告，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。

昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。昨晚，日本军队进攻了香港。昨晚，日本军队进攻了关岛。

昨晚，日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。昨晚，日本人进攻了威克岛。

今早，日本人进攻了中途岛。因此，日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。昨天和今天的事实不言自明。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且非常清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。作为陆、海军总司令，我已指示，为了我们的防务采取一切措施。但是，我们整个国家将永远记住这次对我们突袭的性质。不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次有预谋的入侵，美国人民将一定要以自己的正义力量赢得绝对的胜利。我们现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种背信弃义的形式永远不会再次危及到我们。我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。

敌对行动已经存在。无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。相信我们的武装部队，依靠我国人民的坚定决心,我们将取得必然的胜利,愿上帝帮助我们！

我要求国会宣布：自１９４１年１２月７日星期日，日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was

deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false

statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will

gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.-------------------

formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery

the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they

believed

and were not afraid, we

have so

much to be thankful for.Nature surrounds us with

her bounty, and human

efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of

public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Y es, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple

to the

ancient truths.A

measure of that restoration lies

in the extent

to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they

teach suthat our

true

destiny is not

to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves,to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct inbanking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and

selfish wrong-doing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty , on

honor, on the sacredness of our

obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance.Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This nation is asking for action, and

action now.Our greatest primary

task is to put

people to work.This

is no unsolvable

problem if

we take

wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in

part

by direct

recruiting by the

government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through

this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Y es the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms.It can be

helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local

government act

forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be

helped by merely talking about it.We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order;there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;there

must

be an end

to speculation with other people’s

mo ney;

and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special

session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making

income balance outflow.Our

international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world

trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait

on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these

specific means of national

recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United

States of America

–

recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American

spirit of the pioneer.It

is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor.The

neighbor who resolutely

respects himself,and because

he does

so，respects

the rights foothers.The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before，our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are laready

and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume

unhesitatingly, the

leadership

of this great

army

of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors.Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central

form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And

it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But

may be that an

unprecedented demand and need

for undelay

action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with

the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential

democracy.The people of the United

States have not failed.In their need, they have registered a mandate thatey want direct, vigorous action.They

have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made

me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in

this dedication of

th a

nation,we humbly ask the blessings of God,may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.===

第四篇：富兰克林名人名言

富兰克林名人名言

1、我不让工作追求，而是去追求工作，常常努力于完全统驭工作，而不做工作的奴隶。人大凡具有完全统驭工作的信心，精神就必然振奋。——富兰克林（美国）

2、一个人失败的最大原因，是对自己的能力缺乏充分的信心，甚至以为自己必将失败无疑。——富兰克林

3、你热爱生命吗?那么别浪费时间，因为时间构成生命的`材料。——富兰克林

4、择友宜慎，弃之更宜慎。富兰克林

5、兄弟可能不是朋友，但朋友常常如兄弟。——富兰克林

6、闲暇就是为了做一些有益事情的时间。——富兰克林

7、你热爱生命吗？那么别浪费时间，因为时间是组成生命的材料。——富兰克林

8、没有任何动物比蚂蚁更勤奋，然而它却最沉默寡言——富兰克林

9、懒鬼起来吧！别再浪费生命，将来地坟墓内有足够的时间让你睡的。————（美国）富兰克林

10、失足，你可能马上复站立，失信，你也许永难挽回——富兰克林

11、七十一懒惰象生锈一样，比操劳更能消耗身体经常用的钥匙，总是亮闪闪的。——富兰克林

12、我不让工作追求，而是去追求工作，常常努力于完全统御工作，而不做工作的奴隶。人如果能具有完全统御工作的信心，精神就必然振奋。——富兰克林

13、你热爱生命吗?那么别浪费时间，因为时间是组成生命的材料。——富兰克林

14、失足，你可以马上恢复站立;失信，你也许永难挽回。——(美)富兰克林

15、闲暇是为了做出某种有益的事而有的时间。——富兰克林（美国）

16、我们从别人的发明中享受了很大的利益，我们也应该乐于有机会以我们的任何一种发明为别人服务；而这种事我们应该自愿的和慷慨地去。——富兰克林

17、命运的变化犹如月之圆缺，对智者毫无妨害。——富兰克林

18、你热爱生命吗？那么别浪费时间，因为时间是构成生命的材料。——富兰克林

19、一个人失败的最大原因，就是对于自己的能力永远不敢充分的信任甚至自己认为必将失败无疑。——富兰克林

20、今天乃是我们惟一可以生存时间。我们不要庸人自扰-或为未来的漫无目的而苦闷，或为昨天的过去而伤怀-而使它成了我们身体上和精神上的地狱。——富兰克林（美国）

21、懒惰像生锈一样，比操劳更能消耗身体经常用的钥匙，总是亮闪闪的。——富兰克林

22、你热爱生命吗？那幺别浪费时间，由于时间是组成生命的材料。——富兰克林

23、早眠早起，使人健康富有明智。——富兰克林

24、诚实和勤勉应该成为你永久的伴侣。——富兰克林

25、读书是易事，思索是难事，但两者缺一，便全无用处。——（美国）富兰克林

26、你热爱生命吗？那么别挥霍时刻，由于时刻是构成生命的原料。——富兰克林

27、对于所受的伤害，宽恕比复仇更高尚，鄙视比雪耻更有气度。——富兰克林

28、成功与失败的分水岭，可以用这五个字来表达我没有时间。（美国）富兰克林

29、忽视当前一刹那的人，等于虚掷了他所有的一切。——富兰克林

30、读书使人充实，思考使人深邃，交谈使人清醒。——富兰克林

31、你热爱生命吗？那么别浪费时间，因为时间是组成生命的材料——富兰克林

32、失足，你可能马上复站立，失信，你也许永难挽回。——富兰克林

33、我们常听说由水变成酒是个奇迹。这个由上帝恩典造成的奇迹每日都发生天堂将下雨水到葡萄园，由树根进入葡萄，变成酒。这是上帝爱我们，并乐见我们快乐的明证。——富兰克林

34、浪费时刻是所有支出中最奢侈及最昂贵的。——富兰克林

第五篇：富兰克林名言

富兰克林名言

1、要成大事，就得既有理想，又讲实际，不能走极端。

2、与其说人类的幸福来自偶尔发生的鸿运，不如说来自每天都有的小实惠。

3、早熟的人凋枯得也早。

4、把别人对你的诋毁放在尘土中；而把别人对你的恩惠刻在大理石上。

5、如果自己家的窗户是玻璃的，就不要向邻居扔石头。

6、恶习知道自己委实很丑陋，所以往往戴了假面具。

7、不谦虚的话只能有这个辩解，即缺少谦虚就是缺少见识。

8、早睡早起会使人健康、富有和聪明。

9、让你的不满成为你心中的秘密---如果你的不满一旦被世人知道，只会遭到鄙视，从而使你更添不满。

10、我们各种习气中再没有一种象克服骄傲那麽难的了。虽极力藏匿它，克服它，消灭它，但无论如何，它在不知不觉之间，仍旧显露。

11、忠诚老实：不要说有害于人的谎话，要表里一致。

12、Fish and visitors smell three days.（Franklin Benjamin,American president）鱼放三天发臭，客住三天讨嫌。

13、不谦虚的话只能这样辩解，即缺少谦虚就是缺少见解。

14、我的大部分知识都是这样获得的：在寻找某个资料时意外的发现了另上的资料。

15、如果你很有天赋，勤勉会使天赋更加完善；如果你的才能平平，勤勉会补足缺陷。

16、挥霍无度的人，等于将自己的前途抵押了出去。

17、骄傲道德导致丰盈，然后导致贫困，最后导致声誉扫地。

18、有耐心的人会得到他所希望的一切。

19、我们从别人的发明中享受了很大利益，我闪也应该乐于有机会以我们的任何一种发明为别人服务；而这种事我们应该自愿地和慷慨地去作。

20、希望是生命的源泉，失去它生命就会枯萎。

21、最难抑制的情感是骄傲，尽管你设法掩饰，竭力与之斗争，它仍然存在。即使我敢相信已将它完全克服，我很可能又因自己的谦逊而感到骄傲。

22、不惜牺牲自由以图苟安的人，既不配享受自由，也不配获得安全。

23、你热爱生命吗？那么别浪费时间，因为时间是组成生命的材料。

24、图书馆使我得以有恒地研习而增进我的知识，每天我停留在里面一两个钟头，用这个办法相当的补足了我失掉的高深教育。

25、傻瓜的心在嘴里，聪明人的嘴在心里。

26、信奉真理的人，必受天佑。

27、如果灾难没有出现，那恐惧是徒劳的；如果灾难已经发生，那恐惧只会增加痛苦。

28、不惜牺牲自由以图苟安的人，既不配享受自由，也不配获得安全。

29、对于不知足的人，没有一把椅子是舒服的。

30、谁为富？知足者。谁知足？无名小辈。

31、国民的感情中最难克服的要数骄傲了，随你如何把它改头换面，与之斗争，使之败阵，扑而灭之，羞而辱之，它还会探出头来，显示自己

32、失足可以很快弥补，失言却可能永远无法补救。

33、不走极端，别人有损于你，也要善于克制。

34、我们各种习气中再没有一种象克服骄傲那么难的了。虽极力藏匿它，克服它，消灭它，但无论如何，它在不知不觉之间，仍旧显露。

35、懒鬼起来吧！别再浪费生命，将来地坟墓内有足够的时间让你睡的。

36、对酒肉、女色和惰性都要有自制，否则病痛和瘟疫就会抓住你。

37、站着的农夫比跪着的绅士高贵。

38、眠早起，使人健康、富有、明智。

39、时间就是生命。

40、把钱用在对自己对别人都有益的事情上，不要错花一分钱。

41、钱财并不属于拥有它的人，而只属于享用它的人。

42、我们从别人的发明中享受了很大的利益，我们也应该乐于有机会以我们的任何一种发明为别人服务；而这种事我们应该自愿的和慷慨地去作。

43、二十岁时支配作用的是意志，三十岁时是机智，四十岁时是判断。

44、闲暇是为了做出某种有益的事而有的时间。

45、平庸的人最大缺点是常常觉得自己比别人高明。

46、有两条路可以得到幸福，即消除欲望或增加财富。

47、Do you love life?Then do not squander time;for thats the stuff5 life is made of.（Benjamin Franklin,American president）你热爱生命吗？那么，别浪费时间，因为生命是由时间组成的。

48、心胸开阔：不要为令人不快的区区琐事而心烦意乱，悲观失望。

49、人生应为生存而食，不应为食而生存。

50、自己多次受伤害，总比给他人一次伤害好。

51、国民的感情中最难克服的要数骄傲了，随你如何把它改头换面，与之斗争，使之败阵，扑而灭之，羞而辱之，它还会探出头来，显示自己。

52、我从不到酒馆、赌场或任何其他娱乐场所去消磨时光。

53、你要追求工作，别让工作追求你。

54、虚荣是骄傲的食物，轻蔑是它的饮料。

55、对上司谦逊，是一种责任；对同事谦逊，是一种素养；对部属谦逊，是一种尊荣。

56、悠闲的生活与懒惰是两回事。

57、不劳则无获。

58、没有任何动物比蚂蚁更勤奋，然而它却最沉默寡言。

59、在你胜利之际，千万不要露出任何兴高采烈傲慢无礼的表情，而应该真心诚意地用礼貌的方式来宽慰你的对手，使他不要太苛求自己。

60、如果你懂得量入为出，那你就可以致富了。

61、懒惰象生锈一样，比操劳更能消耗身体；经常用的钥匙，总是亮闪闪的。

62、勤劳的家庭，饥饿过其门而不入。

63、兄弟可能不是朋友，但朋友常常如兄弟。

64、一个人失败的最大原因，就是对于自己的能力永远不敢充分的信任；甚至自己认为必将失败无疑。

65、今日能做的事，勿延至明日。

66、真话说一半常是弥天大谎。

67、需要面前不能讨价还价。

68、美的欣赏是可以意会而不可以言传的；这随各人的心境志趣嗜好而不同。

69、命运的变化如月亮的阴晴圆缺，无损智者大雅。

70、爱情的视觉不是眼睛，而是心灵。

71、正如种种魅力皆属于胡言乱语，胡言乱语本身也是种魅力。

72、诚实是最好的政策。

73、健康是对于自己的义务，也是对于社会的义务。

74、倾已所有追求知识，没有人能夺走它；向知识投资，收益最佳。

75、青年时鲁莽，老年时悔恨。

76、我们在享受着他人的发明给我们带来的巨大益处，我们也必须乐于用自己的发明去为他人服务。

77、At twenty years of age,the will reigns;at thirty,the wit;and at forty,the judgment.（Benjamin Franklin,American president）二十岁时起支配作用的是意志，三十岁时是机智，四十岁时是判断。

78、懒惰，像生锈一样，比操劳更能消耗身体，经常用的钥匙总是亮闪闪的。

79、惜时如金（智商）如果有什么需要明天做的事，最好现在就开始。

80、倘若人能够完成他所希望的一半，那么，他的麻烦也将加倍。

81、失足，你可能马上复站立；失信，你也许永难挽回。

82、能忍耐的人才能达到他所希望达到的目的。

83、骄傲者憎恨他人骄傲。

84、知足是穷人富有；贪婪是富人贫穷。

85、懿行美德远胜貌美。

86、实现明天理想的唯一障碍是今天的疑虑。

87、命运的变化犹如月之圆缺，对智者无妨害。

88、贫穷本身并不可怕，可怕的是自己以为命中注定贫穷或一定老死于贫穷的思想。

89、争吵是一种人玩的游戏。然而它是一种奇怪的游戏，没有任何一方曾经赢过。

90、诚实和勤勉，应该成为你永久的伴侣。

91、须要注意小额费用。一艘大船的沉没，有时是微的裂口所致。

92、闲暇就是为了作一些有益事情的时间。

93、读书是易事，思索是难事，但两者缺一，便全无用处。

富兰克林演讲稿

第一篇：富兰克林演讲稿

第二篇：富兰克林演讲稿

第三篇：富兰克林罗斯福演讲稿

第四篇：富兰克林名人名言

第五篇：富兰克林名言

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