第一篇：肯尼迪就职演讲背景分析 The Background Meaning in John F.Kennedy Inaugural Address
The Background Meaning in John F.Kennedy‟s Inaugural Address 摘要:肯尼迪是美国历史上最年轻的总统,他的当选代表了二战后的年轻主张.肯尼迪的就职演讲被认为是美国总统就职演讲中最为精彩的篇章之一,其语言简明、结构巧妙, 内容也反映了当时的政治，文化，社会背景，值得我们探究学习。
关键词:就职演讲;权利;核力量.Abstract:
Kennedy was the youngest person elected U.S.President.His presidency came to represent the America youthful idealism in the aftermath of World War II.And Kennedy‟s address was considered as one of the most wonderful in American history, the words in it is short, well-organized, inflected the political, culture, social background, and his sentences were worthing study.Key Words: Inaugural address;Rights;Nuclear power.President Kennedy was an excellent speaker and writer;Kennedy's speech object is global，does not only aimed at the American citizen, moreover in view of international judgment.He applied various historics.Such as, alleles, repetition, alliteration, antithesis, metaphor, synecdoche.And he used the first person, let people in the same standpoint, feel comfortable, so make it easy to win their support.He aroused American's sense of pride and responsibility, enabled the speech having strong sedition.In his address, we can learn the political, social, cultural situations at that moment;appreciate the art of his language.1.Kennedy‟s victory is all the people‟s victory.“We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration offreedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change…”(张汉熙,1995,51-56)
Kennedy emphasized that he become the president of America is not only a victory of a party but also embody the celebration of freedom.It symbolizing a new start , which fulfill hope, freedom.Equal rights.It is also the victory of all the American people and the human rights career.2.The new generations advocate freedom, equal rights and peace.“…We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world…”(张汉熙,1995,51-56)Some Americans proudly called the 1950s the Placid Decade.The United States had made huge profits in the Second World War...As a result, the post-war years saw a degree of prosperity of capitalist economy.The relation between capital and labor became less intense.(狄红秋,2008;209-211)There was a relative peace.As to the new generation ,few of they have been influenced by the old doctrine of pre-world war，they witness the tragedy of war and the power of the nucleus.Americans are free—free to express to create, and ideally, to solve problems, and expect to make the world a better place.They rose with a respect, recognition for and expectation of continued freedom;they have immense freedom and their ancient people fought to have freedom.Kennedy, as a spirited image, he called on people to pursue freedom, human rights, etc.He took vigorous action in the cause of equal rights calling for new civil rights legislation.He wished America to resume its old mission as the first dedicated to the revolution of human rights.With the Alliance for Progress and the Peace Corps, he brought American idealism to the aid of developing nations and leaded the nation on its longest sustained expansion since WWII.3.Diplomacy policy and nuclear power at Kennedy‟s times.VS
“… Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction...But neither can two GREat and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.”(张汉熙,1995,51-56)At that time, the contradiction between socialism countries and capitalistic states is still sharp.Ever since the advent of atomic bombs at the end of the Second World War, the nuclear weapon has played a very important part in United States world strategy.In its rivalry with the former Soviet Union, the United States had used its nuclear arsenal either as a trump card or as a bargaining chip according to the ever-changing balance of power.4.The Cuba nuclear crisis.Soon after his inauguration, Russians tried to install nuclear missiles in Cuba.When this was discovered in October 1962.Kennedy imposed quarantine on al offensive weapons bound for Cuba.While the world trembled on the brink of nuclear war, the Russians backed down and agreed to take he missiles away… the months after the Cuba crisis showed significant progress toward Kennedy‟s goal of “a world of law and free choice, banishing the world of war and coercion”.His administration thus saw the beginning of new hope for both the equal rights of Americans and the peace of the world.5.” …become the host of our own…”America say to the Americas.“…To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside…” “…Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house….”(张汉熙,1995,51-56)In this address, Kennedy used many metaphors to convey implicated meanings.In the first sentence, he talked about some countries were used to seek the aids from socialist country, but lost their freedom at last.He thought this is very foolish, implying and treating the other countries don‟t be close to socialism any more.Next, he spoke in a sincerely tone, calling on all the American people to protect their freedom, their human rights … of course, under their eldest brother--America„s leader.He compared “…his peaceful revolution of hope...” and “Americas” to “…the prey hostile powers” and “a house”(李志坤, 2007:3), and America will never allow it, Americas should become the host of their own.Once again, the United States called on other countries to under the flag of capitalistic to fight against socialism countries(the former Soviet Union).6.Massive Holy Bible languages were used in the address.Although Kennedy‟s address was given to the whole world, as to the people of English countries who mostly is Christian and believe in the God, he quoted many sentences in the Bible.Perhaps he thought that such language style would arouse the sense of agreement among English countries, or on the other hand, maybe this is because Kennedy believes in Catholicism.And people always suspect whether he can fulfill his responsibility impartially or not, because he is a Catholic.In order to reply this, in September of 1960,Kennedy said he was not Catholic candidate for President;he was the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic.And he was not speaking for his Church on public matters—and the Church does not speak for him.And Kennedy also stressed there are many other things which is much more important than religion.War, hunger, ignorance and despair have no religion limit, and we should use religion tolerance to serve the national well-being.His speech restrained the noisy sound surrounding his religion issues.Biography: [1]狄红秋.Celebration Hall: Presidents of the U.S.A.[ M ].天津：天津大学出版社，2008，209-211.[2]李志坤et al.《肯尼迪就职演说词的语用含义探究》[J/OL].CJFD收录刊, 科技信息(学术研究)2007年 09期,3.[3]张汉熙et al.《高级英语》[ M ].北京：外语教学与研究出版社,1995,51-56.
第二篇：肯尼迪就职演讲
肯尼迪就职演讲
约翰·肯尼迪自幼受到良好的教育，最后就读了哈佛大学和斯坦福大学，1940年毕业。第二次世界大战中肯尼迪加入美国海军，在对日作战中负伤。战后，肯尼迪29岁即当选为议员，后三次连任。他在1953 年9月12 日与杰奎琳·布维尔结婚，生有二子一女。
1960年肯尼迪参加总统竞选。他提出“新边疆”的竞选口号，倡导在科学技术、经济发展、战争与和平等各个领域开拓新天地。1961年，肯尼迪在选民投票过程中以极小的差距赢得总统的位置，击败了共和党人尼克松，成为美国历史上最年轻的总统，也是第一个罗马天主教总统。
在肯尼迪的就职演说中说道：“不要问你的国家能为你做什么？而要问你能为你的国家做什么。”作为总统，他开始履行他的竞选承诺再次使美国运转起来。他上台后并非一切如愿。任职开始就遇到了美国入侵古巴惨败的事实。他为了寻得平等的权利采取有力措施，要求新公民权利立法。他给予民族文化的质量和艺术在一起至关重要的社会中心角色。他希望美国恢复老的任务作为致力于人权的革命的最早的民族。由于发展和和平小组的联盟，他对发展中国家的帮助为美国人带来理想主义。1963年，正当肯尼迪踌躇满志要进一步干一番事业的时候，他遇刺身亡。
we observe today not a victory of party，but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end，as well as a beginning--signifying renewal，as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state，but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place，to friend and foe alike，that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century，tempered by war，disciplined by a hard and bitter peace，proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed，and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know，whether it wishes us well or ill，that we shall pay any price，bear any burden，meet any hardship，support any friend，oppose any foe，in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share，we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United，there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided，there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free，we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that，in the past，those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery，we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves，for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it，not because we seek their votes，but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor，it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border，we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states，the United Nations，our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace，we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally，to those nations who would make themselves our adversary，we offer not a pledge but a request： that both sides begin anew the quest for peace，before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons，both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom，yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness，and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides，for the first time，formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars，conquer the deserts，eradicate disease，tap the ocean depths，and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens.。and to let the oppressed go free.”
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion，let both sides join in creating a new endeavor，not a new balance of power，but a new world of law，where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1，000 days，nor in the life of this Administration，nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands，my fellow citizens，more than in mine，will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded，each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms，though arms we need； not as a call to battle，though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle，year in and year out，“rejoicing in hope，patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man： tyranny，poverty，disease，and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance，North and South，East and West，that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind？ Will you join in that historic effort？
In the long history of the world，only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy，the faith，the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so，my fellow Americans： ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world： ask not what America will do for you，but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally，whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world，ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward，with history the final judge of our deeds，let us go forth to lead the land we love，asking His blessing and His help，but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.朝气蓬勃的约翰．菲茨杰拉德．肯尼迪是美国口才最好的总统之一，他于一九六三年十一月三十三日在得克萨斯州达拉斯城被暗杀，事业悲惨以终。一九六一年一月二十日在就职演讲词中，他呼吁以果断与牺牲的精神来应付当前的许多挑战。这一演讲词重新肯定了杰佛逊与威尔逊的第一任就职演讲词所立下的原则。
我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。
我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。
让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。
这是我们矢志不移的事－－而且还不止此。
对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。
对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记取，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，结果却被虎所吞噬。
对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。
对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作善行，在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己会管。
至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会，在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中，它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言；不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对于新国弱国的保护，并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。
最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。
我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。
可是这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心－－双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担，双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇，可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡，而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。
因此让我们重新开始，双方都应记住，谦恭并非懦弱的征象，而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。
让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题，而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。
让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议，并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。
让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，开发海洋深处，并鼓励艺术和商务。
让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令，去「卸下沉重的负担„„(并)让被压迫者得自由。」
如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，那么，让双方联合作一次新的努力吧，这不是追求新的权力均衡，而是建立一个新的法治世界，在那世界上强者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。
凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成，不会在最初的一千天中完成，不会在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。
同胞们，我们事业的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来，每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。
现在那号角又再度召唤我们－－不是号召我们肩起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的；不是号召我们去作战，虽然我们准备应战；那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争，「在希望中欢乐，在患难中忍耐」；这是一场对抗人类公敌－－暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身－－的斗争。
我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人，来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力? 在世界的悠久历史中，只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩；我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人，而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。所以，同胞们：不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
全世界的公民：不要问美国愿为你们做些什么，而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。
最后，不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民，请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧，我们行为的最后裁判者是历史，让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土，企求上帝的保佑与扶携，但我们知道，在这个世界上，上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。
第三篇：肯尼迪就职演讲
全世界最著名的十大演讲稿排行-第十名
肯尼迪就职演讲 约翰.F.肯尼迪，1961 今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端;意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。
现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。
今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和丅平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪--他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。
让每个国家都知道--不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落--为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。
这些就是我们的保证--而且还有更多的保证。
对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜;我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成--因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。
对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由丅行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的XX来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由--而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。
对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间--之所以这样做，并不是因为共丅产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。
对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证--在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政丅府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和丅平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。
对联合国，主丅权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和丅平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所;加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护;扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。
最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和丅平。
我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。
但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰--发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。
因此，让我们双方重新开始--双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。
让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。
让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。
让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令--“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”(注：《圣经?旧约全书?以塞亚书》第58章6节。)如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力;不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和丅平将得到维护。
所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政丅府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。
公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。
现在，号角已再次吹响--不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器;不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人--专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。
为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗?你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗? 在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。
因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。
最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。
@肖稀君 整理
第四篇：肯尼迪就职演讲
肯尼迪就职演讲
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning;signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味看变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。
Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are;but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope;patient in tribulation”，a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.现在，号角已再次吹响---不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人---专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility.I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion
which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么、而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些计人，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God's work must truly be our own.最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。
背景介绍：
约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪（John Fitzgerald Kennedy，通常被称作约翰·F·肯尼迪（John F.Kennedy）、JFK或杰克·肯尼迪（Jack Kennedy），），美国第35任总统，美国著名的肯尼迪家族成员，他的执政时间从1961年1月20日开始到1963年11月22日在达拉斯遇刺身亡为止。肯尼迪在1946年—1960年期间曾先后任众议员和参议员，并于1960年当选为美国总统，成为美国历史上最年轻的当选总统，也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统。
第五篇：肯尼迪就职演讲
第一讲：美国总统就职演讲特质
一国总统的识见、魄力、智慧与心智成熟
在就职演说中,新任总统宣布自己的施政纲领,表明自己的政见和立场,激起听众的热情,劝说听众接受其政治主张并采取相应的行动。
Like other great communicators including Winston Churchill before him and Reagan since then and Barack Obama now---he was someone who took word-craft very seriously indeed.1、约翰-肯尼迪 就职演讲如何开启？ FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom，symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning，signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.chief justice 审判长，首席法官
Clergy/clergyman可以统指神职人员,其中clergyman在英国国教里又指牧师；Reverend是对教士的尊称。
renewal 英 [rɪ'njuːəl] 美 [rɪ'nuːəl] n.更新；恢复；革新；复苏；复活 We are all delighted at the renewal of negotiation.God Almighty/Almighty God全能上帝.forebear 祖先，祖宗
星期五,1961年1月20日
首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：
今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端，表示了一种更新，也表示了一种变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。
2、手按《圣经》宣誓就职
1961年1月20日,肯尼迪总统按照惯例,手按《圣经》宣誓就职。誓词出自美国宪法第一章第二条:
“I do solemnly swear(or affirm)that I will faithfully execute（执行；实行；处决）the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”
仅从总统宣誓就职的誓词本身,美国总统对于宪法的重视可见一斑。
3、世界为何不同了？
The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal（致命的；终有一死的）hands the power to abolish（废除）all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue（在争论、在争论中）around the globe，the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity（慷慨，大方;宽容或慷慨的行为;丰富）of the state, but from the hand of God.现在的世界已大不相同了，人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利井非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。
“自由”、“人权”、“民主”这几个字眼,美国人一向偏爱。美国人相信“天赋人权”,自由是人权的一种体现。在《独立宣言》中就有这样一段有关人权的论述: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by（被赋予）their Creator with certain unalienable（不可剥夺的）Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”
4、薪火相传
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs（继承人;后嗣，嗣子）of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans，born in this century, tempered by（受过锻炼）war, disciplined by（训练有素的）a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed（忠诚的，坚定的，把…托付给）, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。
Imagery: “The torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans”
意象：“火炬已经传给了新一代的美国人”
Imagery is vivid descriptive language that appeals to one or more of the senses(sight, hearing, touch, smell, and taste).以维护天下的人权为己任
肯尼迪在其就职演说中指出，”a new generation of Americans, ……unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which the nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.“ 这里,肯尼迪的政治主张非常明确,在外交政策上延续了国际主义的走向――自诩为自由世界的维护者和领导者的美国要以维护天下的人权为己任。
5、美国人一向的偏爱
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival（幸存，生存;幸存者;遗物;遗风）and the success of liberty.This much we pledge（保证;典当，抵押），and more.让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落——为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。
这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。肯尼迪在其就职演说一开始提到的“revolutionary belief(革命信念)“即是《独立宣言》中关于”天赋人权“的信念。
在肯尼迪就职演说词中,”自由(liberty, freedom,)“一词就用了多达9次,而与”自由“息息相关的”人权(human rights)“也多次出现。
这里,肯尼迪表达的是美国人对于自由、人权的一贯追求。对自由、人权的重视是美国人的核心价值观。
6、精神渊源的老盟友
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do，for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.（在争吵下休、四分五裂时）
对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无在而下胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵下休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。
第二讲：一国与世界的关注
1、加入到自由行列中来的新国家
To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地骑在虎背上谋求权力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告终。
2、身居茅舍和乡村的人们
To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贪困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽量大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的，自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法保全少数富人。
Combinations of contrasts and lists(by contrasting a third item with the first two): “Not because the communists are doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right” 对比与排比相结合（三句中的最后一句和前两句意义相反）
3、做自己家园的主人
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。
But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。
4、最后、最美的希望——对联合国的理解
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ（[法] 令状； 文书）may run.联合国是主权国家的世界性议事机构，是我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我们重申予以支持；防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。
5、要求而不是保证
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by（释放）science engulf（吞没;吞食;包住;狼吞虎咽）all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，对那些想与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷人到预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。
肯尼迪也认识到,要与以苏联为首的社会主义阵营对抗,就得尽可能地赢得更多的支持,尽可能地扩大美国的势力范围,不管是利诱还是威胁。这样,肯尼迪在其就职演说”power(力量)“一词用了多达7次,”pledge(保证、承诺)“一词也用了7次,”help(帮助)“一词用了4次,在确保原有欧洲盟国的忠诚中,和支持的前提下,利用”金元外交“,尽量拉拢亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲国家,实践其扩张主义,诸如此类的细节的出现,就是在情理之中了。另一方面,肯尼迪在就职演说中也确实需要”pledge(保证、承诺)“很多东西,因为他在总统大选中仅以微弱的优势获胜,被很多国内外人士认为太年青,缺乏经验,难以领导美国对抗强大的苏联。
6、两个“毫无疑问”
We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远下会使用这些军备。
7、两个强大的国家集团——受累！
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from（从中得到安慰）our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady（稳定的，不变的）spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter（改变;更改）that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰——发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却在争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不移定的恐怖均势。
第三讲：政治家的智慧——如何处理争端？
1、双方重新开始
So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility（礼貌）is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.因此，让我们双方重新开始——双方都要牢记。礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有侍于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。
2、团结起来
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring（痛击；痛斥；冗长地解释）those problems which divide us.让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。
3、认真而又明确的提案
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate（构想出，规划;确切地阐述）serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。
4、寻求利用科学的奇迹
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders（创造奇迹）of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate（摧毁;完全根除）disease, tap（开发）the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深梅，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。
5、各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令
Let both sides unite to heed（听从）in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.” 让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令——“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”
当选美国总统(包括肯尼迪总统)在其就职仪式上手按《圣经》宣读誓言,然后才开始发表就职演说。肯尼迪在其就职演说中多次提到God(上帝),还直接援引《圣经》原文来阐述其施政方针和政治理想,如: “Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah to 'undo the heavy burdens…(and)let the oppressed go free'.” 在演说词的结束部分,肯尼迪也不忘借助上帝之名来进行最后的呼吁。肯尼迪在其就职演说中或直接引用《圣经》,把自己的政治主张托词于上帝的意旨,或直接祈求上帝的保佑和赐福,或模仿使用《圣经》风格语言等等,有助于使其演说更易得到笃信上帝的听众的同情、理解和支持,使演说更具感染力和号召力。可以说,肯尼迪就职演说从开头到结尾、从形式到内容都充满着鲜明的宗教色彩,利用宗教的力量和影响,来达到政治诉求的目的。这是一种独特的文化现象,是美国社会历史渊源的反映。”政教分离“的美国事实上是政教融合。
6、双方共同作一次新的努力
And if a beachhead（滩头）of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor（努力）, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.如果合作的滩头阵地的逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全，和平将得到维护。Three-part lists: “Where the strong are just, and the weak secure and the peace preserved” 三句式排比“强国秉持公正，弱国不受威胁，和平得以维系”
7、让我们开始吧！
All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.所有这一切下可能在第一个一百天内完成，也不可能在第一个一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。
8、对国家的忠诚
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。
9、反对人类共同的敌人
Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.现在，号角已再次吹响——不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器，不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，“从希望中得到欢乐，在苦难中保持坚韧”，去反对人类共同的敌人——专制、贫困、疾病和战争本身。
10、愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？
赋予保卫自由的责任
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有力国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。
最牛的格言
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能力你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
Contrast:
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.全世界的公民们，不要间美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自中做些什么。
让我们走向前去！
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应该要求我们现出我们同样要求于你们地高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所珍爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切的说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。
Alliteration: “Let us go forth to lead the land we love” 押前韵（译者注：靠近的两个单词的第一个单词相同，比如例句中的“land”和“love”，都是“l”打头）
Impressive though the rhetoric and imagery may have been, what really made the speech memorable was that it was the first inaugural address by a US president to follow the first rule of speech-preparation: analyse your audience-or, to be more precise at a time when mass access to television was in its infancy, analyse your audiences.虽然这些修辞和意象给听众留下了很深的印象，这篇演讲的最可贵之处还在它对听众的分析，这是美国总统在就职演讲时第一次这么做。当电视开始进入千家万户时，话题有针对性，作为演讲准备的第一要素，就变得尤为重要。
I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jarring discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,From every mountainside, let freedom ring!And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that.Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last!Free at last!Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
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