确认日---罗伯特·肯尼迪在开普敦大学的演讲

第一篇：确认日---罗伯特·肯尼迪在开普敦大学的演讲

Robert F.Kennedy

Day of Affirmation Address at Cape Town University1

delivered 6 June 1966, Jameson Hall, Cape Town, South Africa

Mr.Chancellor, Mr.Vice Chancellor, Professor Robertson, Mr.Diamond, Mr.Daniel, and Ladies and Gentlemen:

I come here this evening because of my deep interest and affection for a land settled by the Dutch in the mid-seventeenth century, then taken over by the British, and at last independent;a land in which the native inhabitants were at first subdued, but relations with whom remain a problem to this day;a land which defined itself on a hostile frontier;a land which has tamed rich natural resources through the energetic application of modern technology;a land which once the importer of slaves, and now must struggle to wipe out the last traces of that former bondage.I refer, of course, to the United States of America.But I am glad to come here--and my wife and I and all of our party are glad to come here to South Africa, and we're glad to come to Cape Town.I am already greatly enjoying my stay and my visit here.I am making an effort to meet and exchange views with people of all walks of life, and all segments of South African opinion, including those who represent the views of the government.Today I am glad to meet with the National Union of South African Students.For a decade, NUSAS has stood and worked for the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights--principles which embody the collective hopes of men of good will all around the globe.Your work at home and in international student affairs has brought great credit to yourselves and to your country.I know the National Student Association in the United States feels a particularly close relationship with this organization.And I wish to thank especially Mr.Ian Robertson, who first extended the invitation on behalf of NUSAS.I wish to thank him for his kindness to me in inviting me.I am very sorry that he can not be with us here this evening.I was happy to have had the opportunity to meet and speak with him earlier this evening.And I presented him with a copy of Profiles in Courage which was a book that was written by President John Kennedy and was signed to him by President Kennedy's widow, Mrs.John Kennedy.This is a Day of Affirmation, a celebration of liberty.We stand here in the name of freedom.At the heart of that Western freedom and democracy is the belief that the individual man, the child of God, is the touchstone of value, and all society, all groups and states exist for that person's benefit.Therefore, the enlargement of liberty for individual human beings must be the supreme goal and the abiding practice of any Western society.The first element of this individual liberty is the freedom of speech: the right to express and communicate ideas, to set oneself apart from the dumb beasts of field and forest;the right to recall governments to their duties and to their聽 obligations;above all, the right to affirm one's membership and allegiance to the body politic--to society--to the men with whom we share our land, our heritage, and our children's future.Hand in hand with freedom of speech goes the power to be heard, to share in the decisions of government which shape men's lives.Everything that makes man's life worthwhile--family, work, education, a place to rear one's children and a place to rest one's head--all this depends on the decisions of government;all can be swept away by a government which does not heed the demands of its people, and I mean all of its people.Therefore, the essential humanity of man can be protected and preserved only where government must answer--not just to the wealthy, not just to those of a particular religion, not just to those of a particular race, but to all of the people.And even government by the consent of the governed, as in our own Constitution, must be limited in its power to act against its people, so that there may be no interference with the right to worship, but also no interference with the security of the home;no arbitrary imposition of pains or penalties on an ordinary citizen by officials high or low;no restriction on the freedom of men to seek education, or to seek work or opportunity of any kind, so that each man may become all that he is capable of becoming.These--These are the sacred rights of Western society.These were the essential differences between us and Nazi Germany, as they were between Athens and Persia.They are the essence of our differences with communism today.I am unalterably opposed to communism because it exalts the State over the individual and over the family;and because its system contains a lack of freedom of speech, of protest, of religion, and of the press, which is characteristic of a totalitarian regime.The way of opposition to communism, however, is not to imitate its dictatorship, but to enlarge individual human freedoms.There are those in every land who would label as Communist every threat to their privilege.But may I say to you as I have seen on my travels in all sections of the world, reform is not communism.And the denial of freedom, in whatever name, only strengthens the very communism it claims to oppose.Many nations have set forth their own definitions and declarations of these principles.And there have often been wide and tragic gaps between promise and performance, ideal and reality.Yet the great ideals have constantly recalled us to our own duties.And with painful slowness, we in the United States have extended and enlarged the meaning and the practice of freedom to all of our people.For two centuries, my own country has struggled to overcome the self-imposed handicap of prejudice and discrimination based on nationality, on social class or race--discrimination profoundly repugnant to the theory and to the command of our Constitution.Even as my father grew up in Boston, Massachusetts, signs told him: “No Irish Need Apply.” Two generations later President Kennedy became the first Irish Catholic, and the first Catholic, to head the nation;but how many men of ability had, before 1961, been denied the opportunity to contribute to the nation's progress because they were Catholic or because they were of Irish extraction? How many sons of Italian or Jewish or Polish parents slumbered in the slums--untaught, unlearned, their potential lost forever to our nation and to the human race? Even today, what price will we pay before we have assured full opportunity to millions of Negro Americans? In the last five years we have done more to assure equality to our Negro citizens, and to help the deprived both white and black, than in the hundred years before that time.But much, much more remains to be done.For there are millions of Negroes untrained for the simplest of jobs, and thousands every day denied their full and equal rights under the law;and the violence of the disinherited, the insulted, the injured, looms over the streets of Harlem and of Watts and of the South Side Chicago.But a Negro American trains now as an astronaut, one of mankind's first explorers into outer space;another is the chief barrister of the United States government, and dozens sit on the benches of our court;and another, Dr.Martin Luther King, is the second man of African descent to win the Nobel Peace Prize2 for his nonviolent efforts for social justice between all of the races.We have passed laws prohibiting--We have passed laws prohibiting discrimination in education, in employment, in housing, but these laws alone cannot overcome the heritage of centuries--of broken families and stunted children, and poverty and degradation and pain.So the road toward equality of freedom is not easy, and great cost and danger march alongside all of us.We are committed to peaceful and nonviolent change, and that is important to all to understand--though change is unsettling.Still, even in the turbulence of protest and struggle is greater hope for the future, as men learn to claim and achieve for themselves the rights formerly petitioned from others.And most important of all, all of the panoply of government power has been committed to the goal of equality before the law, as we are now committing ourselves to the achievement of equal opportunity in fact.We must recognize the full human equality of all of our people before God, before the law, and in the councils of government.We must do this, not because it is economically advantageous, although it is;not because the laws of God command it, although they do;not because people in other lands wish it so.We must do it for the single and fundamental reason that it is the right thing to do.We recognize that there are problems and obstacles before the fulfillment of these ideals in the United States, as we recognize that other nations, in Latin America and in Asia and in Africa, have their own political, economic, and social problems, their unique barriers to the elimination of injustices.In some, there is concern that change will submerge the rights of a minority, particularly where that minority is of a different race than that of the majority.We in the United States believe in the protection of minorities;we recognize the contributions that they can make and the leadership that they can provide;and we do not believe that any people--whether majority or minority, or individual human beings--are “expendable” in the cause of theory or of policy.We recognize also that justice between men and nations is imperfect, and the humanity sometimes progresses very slowly indeed.All do not develop in the same manner and at the same pace.Nations, like men, often march to the beat of different drummers, and the precise solutions of the United States can neither be dictated nor transplanted to others--and that is not our intention.What is important, however, is that all nations must march toward increasing freedom, toward justice for all, toward a society strong and flexible enough to meet the demands of all of its people--whatever their race--and the demands that the world of immense and dizzying change that face us all.In a few hours, the plane that brought me to this country crossed over oceans and countries which have been a crucible of human history.In minutes we traced migrations of men over thousands of years;seconds, the briefest glimpse, and we passed battlefields on which millions of men once struggled and died.We could see no national boundaries, no vast gulfs or high walls dividing people from people;only nature and the works of man--homes and factories and farms--everywhere reflecting Man's common effort to enrich his life.Everywhere new technology and communications brings men and nations closer together, the concerns of one inevitably becomes the concerns of all.And our new closeness is stripping away the false masks, the illusion of differences which is the root of injustice and of hate and of war.Only earthbound man still clings to the dark and poisoning superstition that his world is bounded by the nearest hill, his universe ends at river shore, his common humanity is enclosed in the tight circle of those who share his town or his views and the color of his skin.It is--It is your job, the task of young people in this world, to strip the last remnants of that ancient, cruel belief from the civilization of man.Each nation has different obstacles and different goals, shaped by the vagaries of history and of experience.Yet as I talk to young people around the world, I am impressed not by the diversity but by the closeness of their goals, their desires and their concerns and their hope for the future.There is discrimination in New York, the racial inequality of apartheid in South Africa, and serfdom in the mountains of Peru.People starve to death in the streets of India;a former Prime Minister is summarily executed in the Congo;intellectuals go to jail in Russia, and thousands are slaughtered in Indonesia;wealth is lavished on armaments everywhere in the world.These are different evils, but they are the common works of man.They reflect the imperfections of human justice, the inadequacy of human compassion, the defectiveness of our sensibility toward the sufferings of our fellows;they mark the limit of our ability to use knowledge for the well-being of our fellow human beings throughout the world.And therefore they call upon common qualities of conscience and indignation, a shared determination to wipe away the unnecessary sufferings of our fellow human beings at home and around the world.It is these qualities which make of our youth today the only true international community.More than this, I think that we could agree on what kind of a world we would all want to build.It would be a world of independent nations, moving toward international community, each of which protected and respected the basic human freedoms.It would be a world which demanded of each government that it accept its responsibility to insure social justice.It would be a world of constantly accelerating economic progress--not material welfare as an end in/of itself, but as a means to liberate the capacity of every human being to pursue his talents and to pursue his hopes.It would, in short, be a world that we would all be proud to have built.Just to the north of here are lands of challenge and of opportunity, rich in natural resources--land and minerals and people.Yet they are also lands confronted by the greatest odds--overwhelming ignorance, internal tensions and strife, and great obstacles of climate and geography.Many of these nations, as colonies, were oppressed and were exploited.Yet they have not estranged themselves from the broad traditions of the West;they are hoping and they are gambling their progress and their stability on the chance that we will meet our responsibilities to them to help them overcome their poverty.In the world we would like to build, South Africa could play an outstanding role, and a role of leadership in that effort.This country is without question a preeminent repository of the wealth and the knowledge and the skill of this continent.Here are the greater part of Africa's research scientists and steel production, most of its reservoirs of coal and of electric power.Many South Africans have made major contributions to African technical development and world science.The names of some are known wherever men seek to eliminate the ravages of tropical disease and of pestilence.In your faculties and councils, here in this very audience, are hundreds and thousands of men and women who could transform the lives of millions for all time to come.But the help and the leadership of South Africa or of the United States cannot be accepted if we, within our own country or in our relationships with others, deny individual integrity, human dignity, and the common humanity of man.If we would lead outside our own borders, if we would help those who need our assistance, if we would meet our responsibilities to mankind, we must first, all of us, demolish the borders which history has erected between men within our own nations--barriers of race and religion, social class and ignorance.Our answer is the world's hope: It is to rely on youth.The cruelties and the obstacles of this swiftly changing planet will not yield to obsolete dogmas and outworn slogans.It cannot be moved by those who cling to a present which is already dying, who prefer the illusion of security to the excitement and danger which comes with even the most peaceful progress.This world demands the qualities of youth;not a time of life but a state of mind, a temper of the will, a quality of the imagination, a predominance of courage over timidity, of the appetite for adventure over the life of ease--a man like the Chancellor of this University.It is a revolutionary world that we all live in, and thus, as I have said in Latin America and in Asia and in Europe and in my own country, the United States, it is the young people who must take the lead.Thus, you, and your young compatriots everywhere, have had thrust upon you a greater burden of responsibility than any generation that has ever lived.“There is,” said an Italian philosopher, “nothing more difficult to take in hand, more perilous to conduct, or more uncertain in its success than to take the lead in the--in the introduction of a new order of things.”3 Yet this is the measure of the task of your generation, and the road is strewn with many dangers.First, is the danger of futility: the belief there is nothing one man or one woman can do against the enormous array of the world's ills--against misery, against ignorance, or injustice and violence.Yet many of the world's great movements, of thought and action, have flowed from the work of a single man.A young monk began the Protestant Reformation, a young general extended an empire from Macedonia to the borders of the earth, and a young woman reclaimed the territory of France.It was a young Italian explorer who discovered the New World, and 32 year-old Thomas Jefferson who proclaimed that “all men are created equal.” “Give me a place to stand,” said Archimedes, “and I will move the world.” These men moved the world, and so can we all.Few will have the greatness to bend history, but each of us can work to change a small portion of the events, and then the total--all of these acts--will be written in the history of this generation.Thousands of Peace Corps volunteers are making a difference in the isolated villages and the city slums of dozens of countries.Thousands of unknown men and women in Europe resisted the occupation of the Nazis and many died, but all added to the ultimate strength and freedom of their countries.It is from numberless diverse acts of courage such as these that the belief that human history is thus shaped.Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.“If Athens shall appear great to you,” said Pericles, “consider then that her glories were purchased by valiant men, and by men who learned their duty.” That is the source of all greatness in all societies, and it is the key to progress in our time.The second danger is that of expediency: of those who say that hopes and beliefs must bend before immediate necessities.Of course, if we must act effectively we must deal with the world as it is.We must get things done.But if there was one thing that President Kennedy stood for that touched the most profound feeling of young people around the world, it was the belief that idealism, high aspirations, and deep convictions are not incompatible with the most practical and efficient of programs--that there is no basic inconsistency between ideals and realistic possibilities, no separation between the deepest desires of heart and of mind and the rational application of human effort to human problems.It is not realistic or hardheaded to solve problems and take action unguided by ultimate moral aims and values, although we all know some who claim that it is so.In my judgment, it is thoughtless folly.For it ignores the realities of human faith and of passion and of belief--forces ultimately more powerful than all of the calculations of our economists or of our generals.Of course to adhere to standards, to idealism, to vision in the face of immediate dangers takes great courage and takes self-confidence.But we also know that only those who dare to fail greatly, can ever achieve greatly.It is this new idealism which is also, I believe, the common heritage of a generation which has learned that while efficiency can lead to the camps at Auschwitz, or the streets of Budapest, only the ideals of humanity and love can climb the hills of the Acropolis.And a third danger is timidity.Few men are willing to brave the disapproval of their fellows, the censure of their colleagues, the wrath of their society.Moral courage is a rarer commodity than bravery in battle or great intelligence.Yet it is the one essential, vital quality for those who seek to change the world--which yields most painfully to change.Aristotle tells us: “At the Olympic games it is not the finest or the strongest men who are crowned, but those who enter the lists.” “So, too, in the life of the honorable and the good it is they who act rightly who win the prize.”4 I believe that in this generation those with the courage to enter the conflict will find themselves with companions in every corner of the world.For the fortunate amongst us, the fourth danger, my friends, is comfort, the temptation to follow the easy and familiar paths of personal ambition and financial success so grandly spread before those who have the privilege of an education.But that is not the road history has marked out for us.There is a Chinese curse which says, “May he live in interesting times.” Like it or not we live in interesting times.They are times of danger and uncertainty;but they are also the most creative of any time in the history of mankind.And everyone here will ultimately be judged, will ultimately judge himself, on the effort he has contributed to building a new world society and the extent to which his ideals and goals have shaped that effort.So we part, I to my country and you to remain.We are, if a man of 40 can claim the privilege, fellow members of the world's largest younger generation.Each of us have our own work to do.I know at times you must feel very alone with your problems and with your difficulties.But I want to say how I--impressed I am with the stand--with what you stand for and for the effort that you are making;and I say this not just for myself, but men and women all over the world.And I hope you will often take heart from the knowledge that you are joined with your fellow young people in every land, they struggling with their problems and you with yours, but all joined in a common purpose;that, like the young people of my own country and of every country that I have visited, you are all in many ways more closely united to the brothers of your time than to the older generations in any of these nations.You're determined to build a better future.President Kennedy was speaking to the young people of America, but beyond them to young people everywhere, when he said: “the energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it;and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.” And, he added, “With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.”5 I thank you.

第二篇：罗伯特·肯尼迪(1968年演讲节选)

即使我们消除了物质的贫困，我们还面临一个更大的任务，那就是---满足的贫困，目标的贫困，尊严的贫困---还困扰着我们每一个人。在太长时间里，我们太注重物质的积累，而放弃了个人的美德和社会的价值。

But even if we act to erase material poverty,there is another greater task, it is to confront the poverty ofsatisfactionthat afflicts us all.Too muchand for too long, we seemed to have surrendered personal excellenceand community values in the mere accumulation of materialthings.我们的国民生产总值现在已经超过八千亿美元，但这个国民生产总值---如果我们用它来衡量美国---这个国民生产总值包括了空气污染和香烟广告，以及为交通事故而奔忙的救护车。

Our Gross National Product, now, is over $800billion dollars a year, but that Gross National Productthat Gross NationalProduct counts air pollution and cigarette advertising, andambulances to clear our highways of carnage.它包括了我们装在门上的特种锁和关撬锁的人的监狱，包括了我们对红木森林的破坏和因城市无序蔓延而消失的自然奇观。它包括了凝固汽油弹，包括了核弹头，包括了警察用来应付城市骚乱的装甲车，包括了惠特曼步枪和斯佩克刀，包括了为了向孩子推销玩具而美化暴力的电视节目。

It counts special locks for our doors and thejails for the people who break them.It counts the destruction ofthe redwood and the loss of our natural wonder in chaotic sprawl.It counts napalm and counts nuclear warheads and armored cars forthe police to fight the riots in our cities.It countsWhitman's rifle and Speck's knife, and thetelevision programs which glorify violence in order to sell toys toour children.然而，这个国民生产总值不包括我们孩子的健康，他们教育的质量和游戏的快乐。不包括我们诗歌的美丽，我们婚姻的坚强，我们公众辩论中的智慧，和我们官员的正直。

Yet the gross national product does not allow forthe health of our children, the quality of their education or thejoy of their play.It does not include the beauty of our poetry orthe strength of our marriages, the intelligence of our publicdebate or the integrity of our public officials.它不包括我们的机智和勇气，不包括我们的智慧和学问，不包括我们的同情心，不包括我们对国家的热爱。总之，它衡量一切，却把那些令人生有价值东西排除在外。它告诉我们美国的方方面面，却不能告诉我们为什么为她自豪。It measures neither our wit nor our courage,neither our wisdom nor our learning, neither our compassion nor ourdevotion to our country, it measures everything in short, exceptthat which makes life worthwhile.And it can tell us everythingabout America except why we are proud that we are Americans.

第三篇：肯尼迪在莱斯大学演讲范文

President Pitzer, Mr.Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr.Webb, Mr.Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:

I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a State noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance.The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation’s own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip [aut'strip] v.[T] 追过，胜过，凌驾our collective comprehension.No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense [kən'dens] v.[T] 1.压缩；浓缩 2.聚集（光线）3.缩短，减缩（文章等）4.使冷凝，使凝结

v.[I] 1.（气体）冷却成液体（或固体）2.浓缩；凝结, if you will, the 50,000 years of man¹s recorded history in a time span n.[C] 1.（桥墩间的）墩距；孔；跨距；支点距 2.一段时间（尤指人的一生）；短促的时间 3.指距 4.全长 5.小范围；短距离 6.持续时间，时间阶段

v.[T] 1.（桥、拱等）横跨，跨越 2.（建筑工人等）在...上架桥（或建造拱门等）3.以指距量；测量 4.用手环绕（或围绕）（腰、腕等）5.持续；包括 6.【数】生成，张成 7.缚住，扎牢 8.拉紧，张紧 9.套上（马等）of but a half a century.Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them.Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from自...出现 摆脱出来，走出阴影his caves to construct other kinds of shelter.Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels.Christianity 1.基督教began less than two years ago.The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power.Newton explored the meaning of gravity.Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available.Only last week did we develop penicillin n.盘尼西林,青霉素and television and nuclear power, and now if America¹s new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus n.1.金星；太白星 2.维纳斯, we will have literally ad.1.逐字地；照着原文 2.确实地，真正地，不加夸张地 3.【口】（用于夸张）简直reached the stars before midnight tonight.This is a breathtaking 1.非常激动人心的，壮观的 2.惊人的；惊险的 3.使人透不过气来的pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels v.[T] 驱散，驱逐old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers.Surely the opening vistas n.1.（农村、城市等的）景色，景观 2.（未来可能发生的）一系列情景，一连串事情 3.美国微软的新视窗操作系统 Vista)of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait.But this city of Houston, this State of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them.This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred.The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in the race for space.Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolutions, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space.We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it.For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace.We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first.In short, our leadership in science and in industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people.For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own.Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war.I do not say the we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet.Its hazards are hostile to us all.Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again.But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?

We choose to go to the moon.We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history.We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor.We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth.Some 40 of them were “made in the United States of America” and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science.The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the the 40-yard lines.Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course.Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them.And they may be less public.To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight.But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school.Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs.Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this State, and this region, will share greatly in this growth.What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space.Houston, your City of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community.During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year;to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities;and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this Center in this City.To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money.This year¹s space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined.That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year.Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United Stated, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us.But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.[laughter]

However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid.I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job.And this will be done in the decade of the sixties.It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university.It will be done during the term of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform.But it will be done.And it will be done before the end of this decade.I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it.He said, “Because it is there.”

Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there.And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.Thank you.

第四篇：肯尼迪总统在美国大学毕业典礼的演讲(英文)

John F.Kennedy

American University Commencement Address

delivered 10 June 1963 President Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914.This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business.By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating.Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support.“There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university,” wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities--and his words are equally true today.He did not refer to towers or to campuses.He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, “a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see.”

I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived.And that is the most important topic on earth: peace.What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war.Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children--not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.I speak of peace because of the new face of war.Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces.It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War.It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace.But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles--which can only destroy and never create--is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men.I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears.But we have no more urgent task.Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet union adopt a more enlightened attitude.I hope they do.I believe we can help them do it.But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs.And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home.First examine our attitude towards peace itself.Too many of us think it is impossible.Too many think it is unreal.But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view.Our problems are manmade;therefore, they can be solved by man.And man can be as big as he wants.No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings.Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions--on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned.There is no single, simple key to this peace;no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers.Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts.It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation.For peace is a process--a way of solving problems.With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations.World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement.And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever.However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors.So let us persevere.Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable.By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it.And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union.It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write.It is discouraging to read a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims--and I quote--“of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war.”

Truly, as it was written long ago: “The wicked flee when no man pursueth.” Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us.But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue.As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity.But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war.Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other.And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet union in the Second World War.At least 20 million lost their lives.Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked.A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland--a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago.Today, should total war ever break out again--no matter how--our two countries will be the primary target.It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation.All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours.And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens.For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease.We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons.In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race.Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet union as well as ours.And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved.And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity.For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet.We all breathe the same air.We all cherish our children's futures.And we are all mortal.Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points.We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment.We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different.We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us.We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace.And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war.To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy--or of a collective death-wish for the world.To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use.Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint.Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility.For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard.And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove we are resolute.We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded.We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system--a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished.At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war.Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides.We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada.Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear.We are bound to many nations by alliances.Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap.Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests.The United States will make no deal with the Soviet union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge.Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace.It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others.The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today.For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions.It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves.And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication.One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis.We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arm[s] controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war.Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms.The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's.It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations.And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort--to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests.The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas.It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms.It would increase our security;it would decrease the prospects of war.Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard.First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty.Our hope must be tempered--Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history;but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind.Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so.We will not--We will not be the first to resume.Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one.Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home.The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad.We must show it in the dedication of our own lives--as many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home.But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together.In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete.It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government--local, State, and National--to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority.It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate.And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land.All this--All this is not unrelated to world peace.“When a man's way[s] please the Lord,” the Scriptures tell us, “he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him.” And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation;the right to breathe air as nature provided it;the right of future generations to a healthy existence? While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests.And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both.No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion.But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war.We do not want a war.We do not now expect a war.This generation of Americans has already had enough--more than enough--of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it.We shall be alert to try to stop it.But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success.Confident and unafraid, we must labor on--not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace.来源：http://wsc.jxbsu.com/show.php?itemid=122

第五篇：肯尼迪在美国大学的演讲词

个性化教育项目专家

John F.Kennedy

American University Speech

约翰．肯尼迪 在美国大学的演讲词

肯尼迪对和平的愿望像一条缕缕不绝的线贯穿着他的许多演讲词。但他于一九六三年六月十日在华盛顿市美国大学所发表的这篇演讲中对和平愿望所作的阐述，是最激动人心不过的了。

伍德鲁．威尔逊教授曾经说过，每个大学毕业生都应是爱国者，应有时代精神。我坚信，从本校荣幸毕业的男女学生，会继续把年华和才智奉献出来，悉心为公众服务，充当社会的栋梁。

约翰．梅斯菲尔德在给英国各大学题辞时写道：「世间事物几乎没有什么比大学更美好的。」他的这番话在这里也同样适用。他指的不是高耸的塔尖和巍峨的高楼，也不是绿树成荫的校园和长满常春藤的围墙。他说。他赞美大学的美，因为那是「痛恨愚昧的人孜孜求知之所，领悟真理的人诲人不倦之处」。

因此，我选择此时此地来讨论一个问题，对这个问题，目前无知者太多，悟理者太少。然而它却是天下头等重要的课题，那就是世界和平。

我所指的是什么样的和平呢?我们所寻求的又是什么样的和平呢?不是那种靠美国的战争武器强加于世界的美国统治下的和平。不是坟墓般的平静，也不是奴隶式的安全。我所讲的是真正的和平，是使人活在世上有意义的那种和平，是使人和国家能够兴旺发达，满怀希望，并为子孙后代创造更美好生活的和平；不仅仅是美国人的和平，而且是所有男女的和平，不仅仅是我们这一时代的和平，而且是永久的和平。

我所以要谈论和平，是因为战争的面貌不同了。在大国能够维持庞大而较难击破的核武力，并且不会在使用这些武力之前投降的时代里，在一枚核武器的爆炸力几乎十倍于第二次世界大战期间所有盟国空军所投炸弹的爆炸力总和的时代里，在核战争产生的致命毒素将被风、水、土和种子传播到地球每个角落并将影响尚未出世后裔的时代里，总体战已失去了意义。

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现在每年要花数十亿美元来生产武器，目的是为了确保我们永远不需要使用这些武器，这对维持和平是必要的。但是贮存这些闲置不用的武器，而且这些武器只能破坏而不能创造财富，这肯定不是唯一的、更不是最有效的维护和平的手段。

因此我认为，和平是有理性的人应该追求的合理目标。我知道，致力于和平事业不像从事战争那样引人注目，而且人们对于呼吁和平往往置若罔闻。但我们现在没有比这个更紧迫的任务了。

有人说，谈论世界和平、世界法律和世界裁军毫无用处，将来也毫无用处，除非苏联领导人采取较为开明的态度。我希望苏联领导人那样做。我相信我们能够帮助他们那样做。但是我也认为，我们个人和国家也必须重新检讨一下自己的态度，因为我们和他们的态度一样关系重大。本校的每一个毕业生，每一个反对战争希望和平的有识之士都应该内省，检查自己对和平的可能性、对苏联、对冷战进程和对本国的自由与和平的看法。

首先，让我们检查一下对和平的看法。我们当中认为和平不可能保持的人太多了，认为不可能有真正和平的人也太多了。然而这是一种危险的和失败主义的想法。它会使人得这种道理结论：战争是不可避免的，人类注定要灭亡，我们被一种无法控制的力量支配着。

我们没有必要接受这种看法。我们的问题都是人为的，因而能够由人来解决。事在人为。有关人类命运的问题，没有一个是人所不能解决的。人靠自己的理智和精神解决了一些似乎无法解决的问题。我们相信，他们还能这么做。

我所讲的和平与善意，不是一些幻想家和狂热分子所梦想的那种绝对而无限的普遍和平与善意的概念。我不否认希望与梦想的价值，但如果把它作为我们眼前唯一的目标，那就只会带来沮丧和怀疑。

让我们把注意力集中在比较实际的、比较能实现的和平上。这种和平不是建立在人性突变的基础上，而是建立在人类制度逐步演变的基础上，建立在符合众人利益的一系列具体行动和有效协议的基础上。要实现这种和平，没有任何快捷方式可走，也不是一两个大国采用任何宏伟、奇妙的方案所能实现的。真正的和平是许多国家采取许多行动才能实现的。它必然是充满活力而不是静止的，并能不断变化以应付每一代新人所提出的挑战，因为和平是解决问题的过程和途径。

有了这种和平，仍然会有争论和利害冲突，就像在家庭和国家内部那样。世界和平有如社会安宁，并不要求每个人爱他的邻居，只要求他们互相宽容共处，并用公正和平的方法解决纠纷。历史教导我们，国与国之间的仇恨如同人与人之间的仇恨一样，不是永世不能消除的。不管我们的爱与憎看起来多么根深蒂固，但随着时间的推移和事态的发展，国家之间和邻居之间的关系常常会发生意料不到的变化。

所以让我们坚持不懈地努力下去。和平不一定是不能实现的，战争也不一定是不

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可避免的。只要我们更加确切地表明我们的目标，使之显得较易处理，不那么渺茫，我们就能帮助各国人民看清目标，从中获得希望还勇往直前。

第二、让我们重新检查一下我们对苏联的看法。想到苏联领导人有可能真的相信他们宣传家的宣传，确实使人感到丧气。看到最近列登在苏联权威刊物[军事战略]上的一篇文章，就很使人失望。文章通篇都是毫无根据、难以置信的论断，诸如「美帝国主义集团正在准备发动不同类型的战争……现在存在着美帝国主义先发制人向苏联发动战争的真正威胁……美帝国主义的政治目标是在经济和政治上奴役欧洲和其它资本主义国家……并借助侵略战争达到其统治世界的目的。」

古语说：「作贼心虚。」确实如此。然而读到苏联的这些言论，意识到我们之间鸿沟为阻，却是很令人沮丧的。但这也提醒美国人民不要像苏联人那样上当，不要只看到对方那种歪曲和极端的观点，不要把冲突看成不可避免，不要把和解看成绝不可能，不要把对话看作只不过是相互威胁而已。

没有一个政府或社会制度会邪恶到这种程度，致使人们可以把那里的人民也看成乏善可陈。我们美国人，认为共产主义否定个人自由和尊严是极易令人反感的。但是我们同时也为俄罗斯人民在科学和太空、经济和工业发展以及文化方面取得的许多成就和英勇的行为而欢呼。

在我们两国人民所具有的许多共性中，最突出的莫过于憎恨战争。我们两国之间从未交战过，这在世界列强中几乎是绝无仅有的。在战争历史上，还没有哪一个国家比苏联在第二次世界大战中所遭受的苦难更深。至少有两千万人丧失了生命。不计其数的家庭和农场或化为灰烬，或被劫掠一空。全国三分之一地区，包括将近三分之二工业基地成了废墟，受害面积相常于我国芝加哥以东的整个地区。

今天一旦再爆发总体战，不管是怎么发生的，我们两国都会首当其冲。这两个最强大的国家遭受破坏的危险也最大，这似乎有点反常，但事实的确如此。我们的建设成果，我们努力获致的一切，将会在最初二十四小时的战斗内被摧毁殆尽，甚至在那给许多国家(包括我国最亲密盟国在内)带来风险和负担的冷战中，也是我们两国的负担最重，因为我们两国都把大量金钱花在武器上，而这笔钱本来是可以用来克服愚昧、贫穷和疾病的。我们双方都被卷进一个危险的恶性循环里，一方的疑心马上会引起另一方的猜测；一方有了新武武器，另一方也立即会有对抗的武器。

简言之，美国和它的盟国、苏联和它的盟国都深切希望有公正而真正的和平，希望停止军备竞赛。在这方面如能达成协议，则对苏联和我们都很有利。即使对于那些敌意最深的国家，也应相信他们会接受并遵守那些条约义务；他们只能接受和遵守那些条约义务，因为那符合他们本身的利益。

因此，我们不应对我们的分歧视若无睹，但是，也应该注意我们的共同利益和解决分歧的方法。如果我们现在不能消除分歧，至少我们应该努力使世界不致因分

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歧而不安全。因为归根结底我们最基本的共同点是都居住在这个星球上。我们都呼吸着同样的空气。我们都为子女的前途着想，而且我们的寿命都是有限的。

第三、让我们重新检查一下对冷战的看法。要记住我们现在不是在进行辩论，不是要列举各方的论点。我们并不是在这里责备别人或是判断他人的是非。我们必须从当前实况出发来处理世界问题，而不要将我们的看法建筑在如果过去十八年的历史不是这样的话，那么世界可能是另一番景象的假设上。

所以我们必须坚持不懈地去探求和平，希望共产主义集团内部建设性的变化会带来一些我们目前似乎是办不到的解决办法。我们处理事情的方式，必须使共产主义集团看到，达到真正的和平是对他们有利的。尤其重要的是，当核大国在维护本身的重大利益时，必须避免使其对手不得不在忍辱退却和原子战争二者之 间进行抉择的那种针锋相对的做法。在核时代，采取这种做法只不过证明我们政策的破产，或表示大家都希望世界毁灭。

为达此目的，美国的武器不用于挑衅，而且慎加控制，旨在起威慑作用，并能有选择地使用。我们的军队是致力于保卫和平的，在自我克制方面也是训练有素的。我们的外交官奉命避免发表不必要的刺激性言论和造成纯属论战的敌对状态。

我们可以在不放松警惕的情况下来寻求紧张局势的缓和。从我们方面来说，我们无须用威胁来证明我们的决心。我们也无须唯恐我们的信仰遭受腐蚀而去干扰别国的广播。我们不愿意把我们的制度强加给任何不愿意接受的人民，但是我们愿意并且能够与世界上任何国家的人民进行和平竞赛。

与此同时，我们努力加强联合国，帮助联合国解决经费问题，使它成为更有效的和平工具，将它发展成真正的世界安全体系，即成为一个能够根据法律解决争端、确保大小国家安全和为最终消灭军备而创造条件的体系。

我们同时努力维护非共产主义国家内部的和平。在非共产主义世界里，许多国家由于各种争端而发生分裂。这些国家都是我们的朋友，它们的争端削弱了西方的团结，容易招来共产党的干涉，或有导致战争的危险。尽管受到来自双方面的批评，我们在西新几内亚、刚果、中东和印度次大陆的努力是始终不懈的和极 有耐心的。我们也曾努力调整与最亲密的邻邦墨西哥和加拿大的微小但却重要的分歧，试图为别人树立榜样。

谈到其它国家，我想表明一点。我们与许多国家有联盟关系，这种联盟关系之所以存在，是因为我们和他们有相当多共同关心的问题。例如，由于我们切身利益的一致性，我们承担的保卫西欧和西柏林的义务一直没有减少。美国不会以牺牲其它国家和人民的利益为代价来与苏联进行交易。这不仅仅是因为这些国家和人民是我们的伙伴，而且也因为他们的利益和我们的利益是一致的。

我们利益的一致性，不仅表现在保卫自由的疆界上，而且也表现在追求和平的道路上。我们的希望和盟国政策的目标，是促使苏联认识到，它也应该让每个国家选择自己的前途，只要这种选择不妨碍其它国家的选择。共产党国家力图把他们

www.xiexiebang.com 个性化教育项目专家 的政治和经济制度强加于别国，是今天世界紧张局势的主要原因。如果所有 国家都不干涉别国的自决，和平毫无疑问会更有保障。

这需要作出新的努力来制定世界法律，为讨论世界上的问题提供新的条件。这就需要增强苏联和我们之间的相互了解。要加强了解就必须加强接触和交换意见。这方面的一个步骤，就是拟议中的在莫斯科和华盛顿之间安装一条直线电话，以避免彼此在危机时期可能出现的危险的延搁，以及对另一方行动的误会和误 解。

我们一直在日内瓦就有关武器控制的其它初步措施举行谈判，目的是限制军备竞赛的加剧和减少意外战争的危险性。然而我们在日内瓦会谈的首要和长远的目标是全面彻底裁军。裁军可分阶段进行，同时也在政治方面求得进展，建立新的和平体制以取代军备。自二十年代以来，我国政府一直为实现裁军而努力。前三届政府也为此进行了不懈的奋斗。不管今天裁军的前景是多么的黯淡，我们仍准备继续努力。我们继续这方面的工作是为了使所有的国家，包括我们自己，能更好地了解裁军方面存在的问题及其各种可能性。

这些谈判的一个重要方面，是签订禁止核试验的条约，条约的缔结已指日可待，然而却迫切需要取得新的进展。签订这样一个条约似乎近在眼前却又远不可及，条约的缔结可以制止军备竞赛中最危险的一个领域的恶性循环，而且将使得核大国能更有效地处理人类在一九六三年所面临的最大危害之一，即核武器进一步扩散的问题。条约的缔结将增加我们的安全，也将减少战争的可能性。这个目标确是极其重要的，需要我们不断努力追求，但是也不能因此受惑而放弃我们所坚持的至关重要的和可靠的保障措施。

因此，我借此机会宣布两项有关的重要决定。

第一：赫鲁晓夫主席、麦克米伦首相和我已经同意，最近将在莫斯科举行高级会议，期望能尽早达成一项全面禁止核试验的协议。我们怀着希望，同时也不要忘记历史的教训，但是我们所抱的希望是与全人类的希望一致的。

第二：为了表明我们对这个问题的诚意和庄严的信念，我现在宣布：只要其它国家不在大气层进行核试验，美国也不打算在大气层进行核试验。我们将不首先恢复大气层核试验。这个声明代替不了有约束力的正式条约，但是我希望它有助于我们缔结条约。这样一个条约也不能代替裁军，但是我希望它有助于我们实 现裁军。

我的美国同胞们，最后，让我们在这里检查一下我们对国内的和平自由的看法。我们社会的性质和精神，须能证明我们在国外所进行的努力是正确的，并且还能对那种努力起推动作用。我们必须以我们的献身精神来表明这一点。在今天毕业的同学中，许多人将有表现这种献身精神的极好机会，他们可在国外的和平队或国内筹建中的国民服务队里担任义务工作。

但是不管我们在哪里，我们在日常生活中，都必须遵循一条古训：和平与自由不

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可分割。今天在我们相当多的城市里，和平之仍无保障，因为自由还未臻完善。

地方、州和联邦各级政府的行政机构均有责任在他们的权力范围内，尽一切办法向所有公民提供自由和保障自由。举凡立法机构的权力有不完善之处，各级立法机构有责任使之臻于完善。我们各阶层的公民有责任尊重他人的权利和国家的法律。

所有这些都与世界和平有关。圣经说：「当一个人的行动使上帝满意时，他甚至也能使他的敌人与他和睦相处。」归根结底，和平基本上不就是一个人类的权利问题吗?不就是不虞受害而安度一生的权利，自由呼吸大自然所提供的空气的权利，以及让后代健康生活的权利吗?

当我们捍卫我们的国家利益时，让我们也来捍卫人类的利益。消灭战争和武器显然是符合上述两项利益的。任何条约不管给所有人带来多大的好处，也不管措辞多么严谨，都不能杜绝欺骗和漏洞。但是如果条约的实施相当有效，而且相当符合签约者的利益，那么它能够比毫无削减的、漫无控制的和难以预料的军备竞赛提供远为可靠的安全，人们所冒的风险也要少得多。

众所周知，美国决不会发动战争。我们不要战争。我们现在不盼望战争。这一代美国人已受够了战争、仇恨和压迫，并且受得太多了。如果别人想要战争，我们将严阵以待。我们将提高警惕，设法制止它。我们也会为建设一个弱者安全，强者公正的和平世界而尽我们的一点责任。要完成这个任务，我们不是无能为 力的，对实现这个目标，我们也不是毫无信心的。我们信心百倍，无所畏惧，努力奋斗－－不是旨在消灭他人，而是谋求和平。

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