英语著名演讲

第一篇：英语著名演讲

Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate Ronald Reagan delivered 12 June 1987, West Berlin [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]

Thank you.Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F.Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall.Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin.And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom.But I must confess, we are drawn here by other things as well;by the feeling of history in this city--more than 500 years older than our own nation;by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten;most of all, by your courage and determination.Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents.You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: ¡°Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin¡± [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.] Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America.I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East.To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people.To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me.For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.[There is only one Berlin.] Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe.From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers.Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall.But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly;here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizs & auml;cker has said, “The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.” Well today--today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament.For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation.Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help.And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan.Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: “Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.” In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan.I was struck by a sign--the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt.I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city.The sign read simply: “The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.” A strong, free world in the West--that dream became real.Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant.Italy, France, Belgium--virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth;the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder.Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom.The German leaders--the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes.From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland.Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums.Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles--the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth.Now the Soviets may have had other plans.But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze.[Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.²] In the 1950s--In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: “We will bury you.” But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history.In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind--too little food.Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself.After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity.Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace.Freedom is the victor.And now--now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, becoming to understand the importance of freedom.We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness.Some political prisoners have been released.Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed.Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness;for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty--the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr.Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr.Gorbachev--Mr.Gorbachev, tear down this wall!I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens.To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion.So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength.Yet we seek peace;so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe.The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment(unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution)--namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides.For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness.As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city;and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm.And I invite those who protested then--I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table.Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons.At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons.And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur.And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative--research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend;on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them.By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world.But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed;we are armed because we mistrust each other.And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty.When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled;Berlin was under siege.And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty.And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth.Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth.In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom.Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope.We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world.And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971.Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future.Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr.Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical.We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With--With our French--With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin.It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East.Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same.And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea--South Korea--has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North.International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city.And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city.You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade.Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall.What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage.But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment.No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions.Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says “yes” to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom.In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin--is “love.” Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West.The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship.The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz.Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind.Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross.There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner(quote): “This wall will fall.Beliefs become reality.” Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith;it cannot withstand truth.The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word.I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming.And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all.Thank you.

第二篇：著名演讲

马丁路德金----我有一个梦想（演讲稿原文）

I Have a Dream（Martin Luther King)我有一个梦想（马丁 路德 金）

......I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.……今天，我对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管此时的困难与挫折，我们仍然有个梦，这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creedblack men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants-will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, free at last;thank God Almighty, we are free at last.” 当我们让自由之声响彻之时，当我们让它从每一座村庄，从每一个州和每一座城市响起时，我们将能加速这一天的到来，那时，所有上帝的孩子们，黑人和白人，犹太人和异教徒们，基督徒和天主教徒们，将能手挽手，以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱； “终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”

======================= I Have a Dream I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize the shameful condition.In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are “insufficient funds” in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we’ve come to cash this check-a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American Dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners, will they be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream, that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream, that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character, I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low;the rough places will be made plain;and the crooked places will be made straight;and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that, let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside.Let freedom ring and when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, free at last, thank God almighty, we are free at last.” ================================

第三篇：希特勒著名演讲

篇一：希特勒最著名的演讲

希特勒最著名的演讲----给中国的领导们上一课

今天，我们站在这里！站在德国的土地上！站在柏林，这块我们祖先用鲜血和尊严浇灌的土地上！我的身后，是安德烈.柯里昂的雕像！他是全世界公认的自由斗士！他是全世界的光！我的面前，站着的是一个民族，一个在屈辱中呻吟的民族！那场战争结束之后，我们这个民族的骄傲就没有了！那些战胜者们骑在我们的脖子上作威作福，他们随意 践踏我们的尊严，一个欧洲大陆上最高贵的民族的尊严！你们告诉我，你们是选择像本杰明.马丁一样去做一个自由的斗士，还是一个奴隶？！

你们或许要说：希特勒先生，我需要一个工作，一块面包。是的，你的说法很对，生命实在是太重要了。但是我要告诉你们，这世界上还有一种东西比生命更重要，那就是自由！那就是尊严！

只要阿尔萨斯和洛林上空一日还飘扬着法国的国旗，我们的尊严就不存在！只要那些法国人、英国人在我们的国土上横行霸道，我们的尊严就不存在！只要在欧洲的 版图上，这个叫德国的国家四分五裂积弱不堪，我们的尊严就不存在！只要其他国家的人，在聊天的时候说到德国这个字眼的时候会发出一声轻蔑的笑声，我们的尊 严就不存在！

我们需要的，不是一块面包！而是一个生存空间！一个民族的生存空间！这生存空间，不是靠乞求和抗议来实现的，而是靠铁和血来实现的！

别人欺辱我们，哪怕是最弱小的民族也来践踏我们，我们只会叫着：我们表示强烈的愤慨和抗议，这样的人，是没有骨头的！这样的人，是低贱的！我们应该用大炮的震耳欲聋声让敌人颤抖！我们应该碾压他们的尊严、生命，让他们知道我们不是一群只知道抗议的懦夫！你们要记住，一个只懂得抗议的国家，是一个没有骨头的国家！一个只懂得抗议的政府，是一个没有骨头的政府！当我们地尊严、领土和生存的空间都遭受践踏的时候，还不知羞耻地抗议地政府，我们是不需要的！你们最后也会抛弃它们的！

我很骄傲，在你们这些人中，这样没有骨头的人，少之又少！我的面前，是一个留着千年不屈血液的军团！这血液，曾经在我们祖先的血管里面流淌过，他们没有屈服过！现在，它们在我们的身体里面汩汩奔涌，你们告诉我，你们愿意它冷却吗！？

能够团结人们的，有两件东西：共同的理想和共同的敌人！我们有雕刻在德意志旗帜上面的伟大理想，我们会为这理想流尽我们的最后一滴血！在今天的柏林。没有 任何东西能够拯救我们的祖国，只有这理想！凡尔赛条约，是一个极大的耻辱！我们有拒绝执行它的决心和理由！做你们想做的吧！就像本杰明.马丁拿起枪，就像 他带领着他的同胞们高举着那面自由的大旗英勇杀敌一样！假如你们期望战斗，那就去战斗吧！然后我就能够看到你们是七千万奴隶还是七千万坚贞不屈的日耳曼 人！

如果有那么一天，我，阿道夫.希特勒，也会像本杰明.马丁那样，举着属于我们德意志的大旗冲在最前方！哪怕是战死，我也会微笑着进入天堂！我会见到那些德 意志的荣耀的祖先们，我可以昂着头颅走到伟大的腓特烈大帝跟前，我可以骄傲地对他说：我，你的子孙，没有给你丢脸，我为伟大的德意志流尽了最后一滴血！

我们为不被奴役而战！我们为自由而战！我们不是机器，不是牛马，我们是人！是从来没有屈服过的日耳曼人！

我们以自由的名义团结起来！为一个新的、公平的世界而战！我们为人人有工作而战！为那些奴役我们的人滚出德国人的土地而战！为我们不需要整天喊着抗议而 战！为我们的尊严而战！为我们的诺言而战！为解放这个国家而战！日耳曼人，我们为我们的祖先的荣耀而战！为我们的子孙后代能够骄傲地宣传：我们是从来不屈 服的日耳曼人而战！我的同胞们，德国和德国人民万岁！自由，万岁！篇二：希特勒著名的演讲文本

im sorry but i dont want to be an emperori dont want to rule or conquer anyone.i should like to help everyone if possible, jew, gentile, black man, white.we all want to help one another, human beings are like that.we want to live by each others happiness, not by each others misery.we dont want to hate and despise one another.in this world there is room for everyone and the good earth is rich and can provide for everyone.the way of life can be free and beautiful.but we have lost the way.greed has poisoned mens soulsdont give yourselves to brutes, men who despise you, enslave youonly the unloved hatedont fight for slavery, fight for liberty!in the seventeenth chapter of saint luke it is written thekingdomofgodis within manbut in all menlet us all unite！!let us fight for a new world, a decent world that will give men a chance to work, that will give you the future and old age and security.by the promise of these things, brutes have risen to power, but they lie!they do not fulfil their promise, they never will!dictators free themselves but they enslave the people!now let us fight to fulfil that promise!let us fight to free the world, to do away with national barriers, to do away with greed, with hate and intolerance!let us fight for a world of reason, a world where science and progress will lead to all mens happiness.soldiersdont need other help-can win the war, they also invented several kind of means and methods to force them to surrender, we empire usaf remorseless fierce fried densely populated areas, and take the hunger tactics.although i warned them over and over again, ill take the hot air for three months, i have warned them in.but these warning was churchill in one ear and out the other.strange? the man did not spare others life? he only those culture and architecture? i promise, when i have time, if he gives us a bomb, bomb with a necessary when i return them, but still could not make him about his behavior is the man of god gongzhu.he claimed that he never depressed, even he assured us that, no matter how we fierce attacks, the british people will put him back in london stands array.in recent years, the fool in europe has been like a madman, jumping, hoping to find the opportunity to fire.unfortunately, he has repeatedly discovered the vampire has all the domestic put fire in them.his last winter disorderly check-kiting, big lie, make americans believe that by german empire, in the past several months of war, and now they were alive, he also know so, so he is necessary in europe, then a war.this plan in early 1939 he yijiusilingnian autumn and spring is reflected.at that time, britains situation that he can mobilize around a hundred division.but last may and june, we saw the british suddenly rout, make him seriously attempt this plan.but in the last autumn, winston churchill and want to begin to solve this problem.due to the army tanks and anti-tank weapons are obvious advantage, make war reversed, churchill believed north now is the best time for the war, he can be transferred from libya stage in greece.he ordered the therefore, it is also churchill in this war that the biggest strategic errors.i know a british dont intend to take in the balkans, more taken after the stronghold of the necessary steps.germany to the false gentleman trick is a more often, and raised the necessary force to hit him.german no consciousness in the balkans.instead, we use as far as possible, and the method of justice, of course, the greek settle disputes with these methods are in italy legislation hope.italian leaders agreed to support us and not to make peace with our goal of yugoslavia signing bilateral agreements.finally, the yugoslav government agreed to join the hegemony of convention, yugoslavia, what need not only for our obligation to borrow word is enough.so, this year march 26, we guarantee in vienna in future, yugoslavia, and external interference is not a guarantee of balkan peace.gentlemen, you believe or not, i will depart from the city of beautiful unexpectedly filled with happiness, not only because he is eight years of foreign policy, also because i believe from this moment, germany may need to reach the balkans.we were ruling group the news frightened, the news is a group of better-bribed rebel against convicted without authorization, also make the british prime minister with excitement testimony that he may have the good news for the first time across the uk.24.gentlemen, im sure you can understand, i heard the news, i immediately ordered against yugoslavia.german empire will never allow take years to other parties, signed the contract, but the beneficial overnight found one-sided, but they also destroyed insulted us ambassador to the imperial german, threatening the and god know i was peaceful.but thanks to god, it gave me the optional use means to defend germanys interests.i was very calm in the determination of underground.because i know that i shall not be moved to china in bulgarias loyalty to germany, and play a loyal hungarian knows it after the indignation.26 the battle was very special results.by signing a battle-hardened bell part can also cause intercontinental uneasy this fact, we immediately removed the danger, it is to eliminate the causes of the parent of many injuries tensions across europe.28 for moderate repair due to world war ii and infringement, the front of these places is not made in germany take unfair greed.at the political level, we are only the regional peace, protection and in economic terms, we hope to see the social order, in order to build up cargo, and to everyone.29.however, the use of justice should accord with the highest except outside, still must consider ethnography, history or economic conditions.30 i can guarantee to you, i for our future, also extremely confident.german empire and his allies, whether in power, military, economic, especially the moral aspect, more than any other in the world.to the federal the german army, if necessary, whenever they were not afraid challenge.the german confidence should always篇三：希特勒最著名的演讲

希特勒最著名的演讲----给中国的领导们上一课 来源： 华定平的日志

今天，我们站在这里！站在德国的土地上！站在柏林，这块我们祖先用鲜血和尊严浇灌的土地上！我的身后，是安德烈.柯里昂的雕像！他是全世界公认的自由斗士！他是全世界的光！我的面前，站着的是一个民族，一个在屈辱中呻吟的民族！那场战争结束之后，我们这个民族的骄傲就没有了！那些战胜者们骑在我们的脖子上作威作福，他们随意 践踏我们的尊严，一个欧洲大陆上最高贵的民族的尊严！你们告诉我，你们是选择像本杰明.马丁一样去做一个自由的斗士，还是一个奴隶？！

你们或许要说：希特勒先生，我需要一个工作，一块面包。是的，你的说法很对，生命实在是太重要了。但是我要告诉你们，这世界上还有一种东西比生命更重要，那就是自由！那就是尊严！

只要阿尔萨斯和洛林上空一日还飘扬着法国的国旗，我们的尊严就不存在！只要那些法国人、英国人在我们的国土上横行霸道，我们的尊严就不存在！只要在欧洲的 版图上，这个叫德国的国家四分五裂积弱不堪，我们的尊严就不存在！只要其他国家的人，在聊天的时候说到德国这个字眼的时候会发出一声轻蔑的笑声，我们的尊 严就不存在！

我们需要的，不是一块面包！而是一个生存空间！一个民族的生存空间！这生存空间，不是靠乞求和抗议来实现的，而是靠铁和血来实现的！

别人欺辱我们，哪怕是最弱小的民族也来践踏我们，我们只会叫着：我们表示强烈的愤慨和抗议，这样的人，是没有骨头的！这样的人，是低贱的！我们应该用大炮的震耳欲聋声让敌人颤抖！我们应该碾压他们的尊严、生命，让他们知道我们不是一群只知道抗议的懦夫！你们要记住，一个只懂得抗议的国家，是一个没有骨头的国家！一个只懂得抗议的政府，是一个没有骨头的政府！当我们地尊严、领土和生存的空间都遭受践踏的时候，还不知羞耻地抗议地政府，我们是不需要的！你们最后也会抛弃它们的！

我很骄傲，在你们这些人中，这样没有骨头的人，少之又少！我的面前，是一个留着千年不屈血液的军团！这血液，曾经在我们祖先的血管里面流淌过，他们没有屈服过！现在，它们在我们的身体里面汩汩奔涌，你们告诉我，你们愿意它冷却吗！？

能够团结人们的，有两件东西：共同的理想和共同的敌人！我们有雕刻在德意志旗帜上面的伟大理想，我们会为这理想流尽我们的最后一滴血！在今天的柏林。没有 任何东西能够拯救我们的祖国，只有这理想！凡尔赛条约，是一个极大的耻辱！我们有拒绝执行它的决心和理由！做你们想做的吧！就像本杰明.马丁拿起枪，就像 他带领着他的同胞们高举着那面自由的大旗英勇杀敌一样！假如你们期望战斗，那就去战斗吧！然后我就能够看到你们是七千万奴隶还是七千万坚贞不屈的日耳曼 人！

如果有那么一天，我，阿道夫.希特勒，也会像本杰明.马丁那样，举着属于我们德意志的大旗冲在最前方！哪怕是战死，我也会微笑着进入天堂！我会见到那些德 意志的荣耀的祖先们，我可以昂着头颅走到伟大的腓特烈大帝跟前，我可以骄傲地对他说：我，你的子孙，没有给你丢脸，我为伟大的德意志流尽了最后一滴血！

我们为不被奴役而战！我们为自由而战！我们不是机器，不是牛马，我们是人！是从来没有屈服过的日耳曼人！

我们以自由的名义团结起来！为一个新的、公平的世界而战！我们为人人有工作而战！为那些奴役我们的人滚出德国人的土地而战！为我们不需要整天喊着抗议而 战！为我们的尊严而战！为我们的诺言而战！为解放这个国家而战！日耳曼人，我们为我们的祖先的荣耀而战！为我们的子孙后代能够骄傲地宣传：我们是从来不屈 服的日耳曼人而战！我的同胞们，德国和德国人民万岁！自由，万岁！

第四篇：著名毕业典礼演讲

世界十大最著名毕业典礼上的演讲 1.david foster wallace，美国著名小说作家、评论家、幽默作家，代表作《无尽的玩笑》，入选《时代周刊》“百部最佳英文小说”。david foster wallace2008年9月13日患抑郁症自杀家中，享年46岁。david foster wallace, kenyon, 2005 learning how to think really means learning how to exercise some control over how and what you think.it means being conscious and aware enough to choose what you pay attention to and to choose how you construct meaning from experience.because if you cannot exercise this kind of choice in adult life, you will be totally hosed.this address at kenyon was vintage wallace: a smart, occasionally meandering discussion of the issues that consumed him, from the banality of life to the meaning of consciousness.i know that this stuff probably doesnt sound fun and breezy and grandly inspirational, he concluded.what it is, so far as i can see, is the truth...the capital-t truth is about life before death.it is about making it to 30, or maybe 50, without wanting to shoot yourself in the head.all the reasons wallace didnt make it to 50 are apparent here;in hindsight, the speech reads like the first draft of a suicide note for an author who took his own life last year at age 46.while its a macabre read, theres tons thats worthwhile here: the speech crackles with wit and intelligence — and offers tricks for escaping the depression to which wallace ultimately succumbed。

2．steve jobs，苹果电脑创始人，声名显赫的“计算机狂人” steve jobs, stanford, 2005 your time is limited, so dont waste it living someone elses life.dont be trapped by dogma — which is living with the results of other peoples thinking.dont let the noise of others opinions drown out your own inner voice.and most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition...stay hungry, stay foolish.3.conan obrien，美国著名脱口秀主持人。conan obrien, harvard(class day), 2000 i left the cocoon of harvard, i left the cocoon of saturday night live, i left the cocoon of the simpsons.and each time it was bruising and tumultuous.and yet, every failure was freeing, and today im as nostalgic for the bad as i am for the good。so, thats what i wish for all of you: the bad as well as the good.fall down, make a mess, break something occasionally.and remember that the story is never over.when conan obrien spoke at harvard universitys 2000 class day, he had a lot of things to say — many of them about harvard.obrien graduated from the prestigious university in 1985, and he took at few shots at his alma maters expense.the last time i was invited to harvard it cost me $110,000, he said, so youll forgive me if im a bit suspicious.he endured along the way.he discussed his bombed television pilot, embarrassingly bad reviews and what it was like to be 28 and unemployed in new york city, proving that no one, not even the man who would one day take over the tonight show, escapes disappointment and self-doubt.but despite his stumbles, obrien kept going.and he told harvards class of 2000 that they should too。4.russell baker，《纽约时报》专栏作家，1982年普利策奖获得者。成名作为个人自传《成长》。russell baker, connecticut college, 1995 listen once in a while.its amazing what you can hear.on a hot summer day in the country you can hear the corn growing, the crack of a tin roof buckling under the power of the sun.in a real old-fashioned parlor silence so deep you can hear the dust settling on the velveteen settee, you might hear the footsteps of something sinister gaining on you, or a heart-stoppingly beautiful phrase from mozart you havent heard since childhood, or the voice of somebody — now gone — whom you loved.or sometime when youre talking up a storm so brilliant, so charming that you can hardly believe how wonderful you are, pause just a moment and listen to yourself.its good for the soul to hear yourself as others hear you, and next time maybe, just maybe, you will not talk so much, so loudly, so brilliantly, so charmingly, so utterly shamelessly foolishly。

baker, a pulitzer prize–winning author and columnist, knows how to reach college kids.hes funny and engaging(the best advice i can give anybody about going out into the world is this: dont do it)without being cynical, and lands enough light jabs to remind his audience that his advice — from get married to sleep in the nude — is worth heeding。5．winston churchill，英国前首相。winston churchill, harrow school, 1941 never give in.never give in.never, never, never, never — in nothing, great or small, large or petty — never give in, except to convictions of honor and good sense.no leader in history, perhaps, matched churchills capacity for 6.george marshall，1880-1959，美国将军、政治家，出任国务卿期间，推出欧洲复兴计划。篇二：十篇著名的大学毕业典礼演讲 1.winston churchill(harrow school)memorable quote: never give in.never give in.never, never, never, never--in nothing, great or small, large or petty--never give in, except to convictions of honor and good sense.never yield to force.never yield to the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy.3.jon stewart(college of william and mary)memorable quote: im sure my fellow doctoral graduates--who have spent so long toiling in academia, sinking into debt, sacrificing god knows how many years of what, in truth, is a piece of parchment that, in truth, has been so devalued by our instant gratification culture as to have been rendered meaningless--will join in congratulating me.with jokes, but stewart also dished out valuable advice to graduates near the end, telling them to love what you do and get good at it.4.theodor geisel(lake forest college)memorable quote: as you partake of the worlds bill of fare, thats darned good advice to follow.do a lot of spitting out the hot air.and be careful what you swallow.in 1977, the beloved theodor geisel(a.k.a.dr.seuss)was chosen as the memorable quote: out of the many here assembled, it is the heart of he or she that i seek who looks at a life of vapid materialism, of capitalist excess, and finds it simply intolerable.it may be one hundred of you, or fifty, or even ten, or even one of you who makes that choice.i am here to honor and applaud that choice and to warn you that, though the suffering may indeed be great, it is nothing to the joy of doing the right thing.evergreen state college via audiotape.the speech was controversial because abu-jamal was a death row inmate convicted of murdering a police officer.students, law enforcement officers, the policemans widow, congressman tom delay and a number of others protested the schools choice of speakers, but abu-jamals speech was delivered 6.russell baker(connecticut college)memorable quote: the best advice i can give anybody about going out into the world is this: dont do it.i have been out there.it is a mess.american columnist, pulitzer prize-winning author and political satirist russell 7.will ferrell(harvard university)memorable quote: after months of secret negotiations, several hundred secret ballots, and a weekend retreat with vice president dick cheney in his secret mountain bunker, a class day speaker was chosen, and it was me.you obviously have made a grave error.but its too late now.so lets just go with it.love him or hate him, actor will ferrell is responsible for one of the funniest and memorable quote: i have two last pieces of advice.first, being pre-approved for a credit card does not mean you have to apply for it.and lastly, the best career advice i can give you is to get your own tv show.it pays well, the hours are good, and you are famous.candid advice for college grads.he also shows off his ability to ask for a mcdonalds happy meal in five different languages.9.david foster wallace(kenyon college)conscious and aware enough to choose what you pay attention to and to choose how you construct meaning from experience.because if you cannot exercise this kind of choice in adult life, you will be totally hosed.in 2005, a couple of years before his tragic suicide, influential postmodern author 10.j.k.rowling(harvard university)memorable quote: the knowledge that you have emerged wiser and stronger from setbacks means that you are, ever after, secure in your ability to survive.you will never truly know yourself, or the strength of your relationships, until both have been tested by adversity.such knowledge is a true gift, for all that it is painfully won, and it has been worth more than any qualification i ever earned.j.k.rowling may be one of the best-selling authors of all time, but before she published harry potter she was an unemployed single parent one step away from 10大最佳毕业典礼演讲

what makes a great speech? persuasion.成就一场演讲的是什么？说服力。

分析沟通技能公司quantified impressions的专家认为，这是与听众建立联系的关键点——至少当听众是大学毕业生时是这样的。

这家公司选出了31场被媒体称为精彩难忘的毕业嘉宾演讲，对照一般演讲和日常对话数据库进行了评估。分析涵盖了80项不同的指标，结果发现，这31场演讲最普遍的共性就是说服力指标或变量。and based on that, quantified impressions came up with a list of 10 best speeches.根据这项分析评估，quantified impressions评选出了十佳毕业典礼演讲。these speeches are the best because the speakers persuade the audience to be emotionally moved, says noah zandan, quantified impressions president.“这些演讲非常出色，演讲者从情感上说服了听众，让他们真心被打动，”quantified impressions的总裁诺阿?赞登说。turns out, the best speakers persuade by doing three key things.they explain their relevance(i was just like you).they give insight(heres what life will be like).and they use inclusive words:you, we, us, with, along.分析显示，这些顶级的演讲人做了三件关键的事情。与听众建立联系（“当时我就像你们一样”）。提供真知灼见（“我们来谈谈，未来生活将是什么样子？”）。使用包容性的词汇：你们、我们、和、与。

排在第一名的人不出意料是奥普拉?温弗里。她五年前在斯坦福大学（stanford）做的那次演讲事实上超出了她上周对哈佛（harvard）毕业生做的演讲。the speech ranked no.3 below is particularly historic this week: its 50 years ago this month that john f.kennedy, in the midst of the cold war and on the heels of the cuban missile crisis, startled the soviets by offering unilateral nuclear restraint.排名第三的演讲本周特别值得怀念：五十年前的6月，正值冷战时期，古巴导弹危机（cuban missile crisis）刚刚发生，约翰?f.?肯尼迪提出的单边核克制震动了苏联人。1.oprah winfrey2005, kenyon 2.大卫?福斯特?华莱士——2005年, 肯尼恩学院（kenyon）3.john f.kennedy1977, university of california, riverside 4.玛雅?安吉罗——1977年，加利福尼亚大学大学河滨分校（university of california, riverside）

5.winston churchill2013, smith 6.阿瑞安娜?赫芬顿——2013年，史密斯学院（smith）7.oprah winfrey2012, syracuse 8.阿伦?索尔金——2012年，雪城大学（syracuse）9.former yahoo(yhoo)ceo carol bartzmadison 9.前雅虎（yahoo）ceo卡罗尔?巴茨——2012年，威斯康辛大学麦迪逊分校(university of wisconsin机会从来不会主动敲门 这与财富无关，而是与成功有关 8.谷歌全球销售高级副总裁奥米德·柯德斯塔尼(omid kordestani)，2007年，圣何塞州立大学 谷歌全球销售高级副总裁奥米德〃柯德斯塔尼

精彩语录：为了保持我的敏锐，我必须象移民一样思考和行动，他们的乐观和动力让我受益匪浅。移民是天生的梦想家和斗士。9.1999-2005年惠普ceo卡莉·菲奥莉娜(carly fiorina)，2004年，加州理工学院 惠普ceo卡莉〃菲奥莉娜

精彩语录：什么才能称得上你们这一代的伟大之处？我认为是使用你们在这里所学的知识，不仅仅是找到与计算机连接的方式，而且找到与人的连接方式；不仅仅是架设桥梁填补技术间的鸿沟，更是架设文化间的桥梁；不仅仅是使用数字和公式创造，更是使用语言去引领。在这个过程中，填补愚昧与智慧间的差距。（有几个人能明白这句话的意义？）10.通用电气ceo杰夫·伊梅尔特(jeff immelt)，2007年，圣母大学 通用电气ceo杰夫〃伊梅尔特 精彩语录：通过你的决心让自己脱颖而出，努力锻炼自己的能力，为生活设定一个目的，你将定义你自己的目标。努力工作并实现你的梦想。

第五篇：英语的著名的演讲 学习英语的好材料

葛底斯堡演讲：

〔另译〕：在八十七年前，我们的国父们在这块土地上创建一个新的国家，乃基于对自由的坚信，并致力于所有男人皆生而平等的信念。〔注：father 在此应避免有血缘的联想。在当时的人，尤其是在政治上，没有男女平等的观念，men指的是男人，而且没有说出来的还是白种男人而已。为求忠实，不应将其视 为人类的通称。）

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.当下吾等被卷入一场伟大的内战，以考验是否此国度，或任何肇基于和奉献于斯者，可永垂不朽。吾等现相逢于此战中一处浩大战场。而吾等将奉献此战场之部分，作为这群交付彼者生命让那国度勉能生存的人们最后安息之处。此乃全然妥切且适当而为吾人应行之举。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.但，于更大意义之上，吾等无法致力、无法奉上、无法成就此土之圣。这群勇者，无论生死，曾于斯奋战到底，早已使其神圣，而远超过吾人卑微之力所能增 减。这世间不曾丝毫留意，也不长久记得吾等于斯所言，但永不忘怀彼人于此所为。吾等生者，理应当然，献身于此辈鞠躬尽瘁之未完大业。吾等在此责无旁贷献身 于眼前之伟大使命：自光荣的亡者之处吾人肩起其终极之奉献—吾等在此答应亡者之死当非徒然—此国度，于神佑之下，当享有自由之新生—民有、民治、民享之政府当免于凋零。

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.肯尼迪就职演讲

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom.Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life.And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue [4] around the globe.The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth [5], from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall pay

any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty.This much we pledge and more.To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do, in a host of [6] cooperative ventures [7].Divided there is little we can do.For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics [8] south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress to assist free men and free governments in casting off [9] the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.就职演讲

－－约翰·肯尼迪

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落一为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜：我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进行的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

Emotional Speech Unit selection techniques will provide synthesizers with the quality of the database they are built from.Thus we can synthesized various emotions if we record database of the appropriate type.However, before we give some examples of this direction, it is worth better defining what is meant by emotional speech, and more importantly how we might actually use such synthesizers in applications.Traditionally emotional speech is split in four groups: neutral, happy, sad, and angry(hot and/or cold anger).Various studies show that listeners can fairly reliably distinguish between happy and sad, though may confuse these with hot anger and cold anger in ambiguous situations.Testing output quality is hard, studies usually use lexically neutral statements so just the spectral and prosodic properties vary, while in real life situations, lexical issues and context probably are a bigger clue to the emotional state of the speaker.The following experiment highlights how lexical choice influences human perception of voice characteristics.In developing a child voice synthesizer, we specifically required a gender neutral voice.Our recordings were based on an adult voice-over actress with experience in performing child voices.When we first tested recordings from her with a group of potential users we found most people identified the voice as an adult pretending to be a child.However we noted that the sentence contents, designed for phonetic and metrical coverage are not typical sentences that would be spoken by children.It is difficult to imagine situations where a child might say.A sense of psychological certainty is no proof in itself of epistimelogical validity.Thus on later tests we synthesized child specific utterances to test the perceived view of the voice.Are we there yet?

Please read me my a story.Can't I do it tomorrow?...We also synthesized girl specific sentences, and boy specific sentences Can I go to the Mall with Kimmy? I like to go shopping for new clothes.When I grow up I want to help animals....Last weekend my Dad took me to a ball game.I'm starving, is there anything to eat?

My Mom says I'm not old enough to watch Wrestling....We played these utterances to parents, not familiar with synthesis, and rather than ask them the gender of the speaker, asked them to give us a suitable name and suggest the age of the speaker.Overwhelmingly all listeners give boy names when listing to the ``boy'' sentences, and girl names for ``girl'' sentences.However in general the listeners did consider the boy younger than the girl.These informal tests show that people's perception of voice type is subtle, and content can easily overwhelm prosodic and spectral qualities of voices.In our experience in building speech synthesis systems, these standard definitions of emotion are actually rarely requested by users.Though much more subtle notions of emotion and style are needed.著名英文演讲：奥巴马竞选宣言

DECLARATION OF CANDIDACY

February 10, 2007 | Springfield, Illinois

Let me begin by saying thanks to all of you who’ve traveled, from far and wide, to brave the cold today.We all made this journey for a reason.It’s humbling, but in my heart I know you didn’t come here just for me;you came here because you believe in what this country can be.In the face of war, you believe there can be peace.In the face of despair, you believe there can be hope.In the face of a politics that’s shut you out, that’s told you to settle, that’s divided us for too long, you believe we can be one people, reaching for what’s possible, building that more perfect union.That’s the journey we’re on today.But let me tell you how I came to be here.As most of you know, I am not a native of this great state.I moved to Illinois over two decades ago.I was a young man then, just a year out of college;I knew no one in Chicago, was without money or family connections.But a group of churches had offered me a job as a community organizer for $13,000 a year.And I accepted the job, sight unseen, motivated then by a single, simple, powerful idea—that I might play a small part in building a better America.My work took me to some of Chicago’s poorest neighborhoods.I joined with pastor s and laypeople to deal with communities that had been ravaged by plant closings.I saw that the problems people faced weren’t simply local in nature— that the decision to close a steel mill was made by distant executives;that the lack of textbooks and computers in schools could be traced to the skewed priorities of politicians a thousand miles away;and that when a child turns to violence, there’s a hole in his heart no government alone can fill.It was in these neighborhoods that I received the best education I ever had, and where I learned the true meaning of my Christian faith.After three years of this work, I went to law school , because I wanted to understand how the law should work for those in need.I became a civil rights lawyer and taught constitutional law, and after a time, I came to understand that our cherished rights of liberty and equality depend on the active participation of an

awakened electorate.It was with these ideas in mind that I arrived in this capital city as a State Senator.It was here, in Springfield, where I saw all that is America converge—farmers and teachers, businessmen and laborers, all of them with a story to tell, all of them seeking a seat at the table, all of them clamoring to be heard.I made lasting friendships here—friends that I see in the audience today.It was here we learned to disagree without being disagreeable— that it’s possible to compromise so long as you know those principles that can never be compromised;and that so long as we’re willing to listen to each other, we can assume the best in people instead of the worst.That’s why we were able to reform a death penalty system that was broken.That’s why we were able to give health insurance to children in need.That’s why we made the tax system more fair and just for working families, and that’s why we passed ethics reforms that the cynics said could never, ever be passed.It was here, in Springfield, where north, south, east, and west come together that I was reminded of the essential decency of the American people—where I came to believe that through this decency, we can build a more hopeful America.And that is why, in the shadow of the Old State Capitol , where Lincoln once called on a divided house to stand together, where common hopes and common dreams still live, I stand before you today to announce my candidacy for President of the United States.I recognize there is a certain presumptuousness —a certain audacity —to this announcement.I know I haven’t spent a lot of time learning the ways of Washington.But I’ve been there long enough to know that the ways of Washington must change.The genius of our founders is that they designed a system of government that can be changed.And we should take heart , because we’ve changed this country before.In the face of tyranny , a band of patriots brought an empire to its knees.In the face of secession , we unified a nation and set the captives free.In the face of Depression , we put people back to work and lifted millions out of poverty.We welcomed immigrants to our shores, we opened railroads to the west, we landed a man on the moon, and we heard a King ’s call to let justice roll down like water, and righteousness like a mighty stream.Each and every time, a new generation has risen up and done what’s needed to be done.Today we are called once more—and it is time for our generation to answer that call.For that is our unyielding faith —that in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it.That’s what Abraham Lincoln understood.He had his doubts.He had his defeats.He had his setbacks.But through his will and his words, he moved a nation and helped free a people.It is because of the millions who rallied to his cause that we are no longer divided, North and South, slave and free.It is because men and women of every race, from every walk of life , continued to march for freedom long after Lincoln was laid to rest , that today we have the chance to face the challenges of this millennium together, as one people— as Americans.All of us know what those challenges are today—a war with no end, a dependence on oil that threatens our future, schools where too many children aren’t learning, and families struggling paycheck to paycheck despite working as hard as they can.We know the challenges.We’ve heard them.We’ve talked about them for years.What’s stopped us from meeting these challenges is not the absence of sound policies and sensible plans.What’s stopped us is the failure of leadership, the smallness of our politics—the ease with which we’re distracted by the petty and trivial , our chronic avoidance of tough decisions , our preference for scoring cheap political points instead of rolling up our sleeves and building a working consensus to tackle big problems.For the last six years we’ve been told that our mounting debts don’t matter, we’ve been told that the anxiety Americans feel about rising health care costs and stagnant wages are an illusion , we’ve been told that climate change is a hoax ，and that tough talk and an ill-conceived war can replace diplomacy, and strategy, and foresight.And when all else fails, when Katrina happens, or the death toll in Iraq mounts, we’ve been told that our crises are somebody else’s fault.We’re distracted from our real failures and told to blame the other party, or gay people, or immigrants.And as people have looked away in disillusionment and frustration , we know what’s filled the void.The cynics, and the lobbyists , and the special interests who’ve turned our government into a game only they can afford to play.They write the checks and you get stuck with the bills, they get the access while you get to write a letter, they think they own this government, but we’re here today to take it back.The time for that politics is over.It’s time to turn the page.We’ve made some progress already.I was proud to help lead the fight in Congress that led to the most sweeping ethics reform s ince Watergate.