Ted Talks 马丁雅克：了解中国的崛起演讲稿

第一篇：Ted Talks 马丁雅克：了解中国的崛起演讲稿

Transcript The world is changing with really remarkable speed.If you look at the chart at the top here, you'll see that in 2025, these Goldman Sachs projections suggest that the Chinese economy will be almost the same size as the American economy.And if you look at the chart for 2050, it's projected that the Chinese economy will be twice the size of the American economy, and the Indian economy will be almost the same size as the American economy.And we should bear in mind here that these projections were drawn up before the Western financial crisis.A couple of weeks ago, I was looking at the latest projection by BNP Paribas for when China will have a larger economy than the United States.Goldman Sachs projected 2027.The post-crisis projection is 2020.That's just a decade away.China is going to change the world in two fundamental respects.First of all, it's a huge developing country with a population of 1.3 billion people, which has been growing for over 30 years at around 10 percent a year.And within a decade, it will have the largest economy in the world.Never before in the modern era has the largest economy in the world been that of a developing country, rather than a developed country.Secondly, for the first time in the modern era, the dominant country in the world--which I think is what China will become--will be not from the West and from very, very different civilizational roots.Now I know it's a widespread assumption in the West that, as countries modernize, they also Westernize.This is an illusion.It's an assumption that modernity is a product simply of competition, markets and technology.It is not;it is also shaped equally by history and culture.China is not like the West, and it will not become like the West.It will remain in very fundamental respects very different.Now the big question here is obviously, how do we make sense of China? How do we try to understand what China is? And the problem we have in the West at the moment by-and-large is that the conventional approach is that we understand it really in Western terms, using Western ideas.We can't.Now I want to offer you three building blocks for trying to understand what China is like--just as a beginning.The first is this, that China is not really a nation state.Okay, it's called itself a nation state for the last hundred years.But everyone who knows anything about China knows it's a lot older than this.This was what China looked like with the victory of the Qin Dynasty in 221 B.C.at the end of the warring state period--the birth of modern China.And you can see it against the boundaries of modern China.Or immediately afterward, the Han Dynasty, still 2,000 years ago.And you can see already it occupies most of what we now know as Eastern China, which is where the vast majority of Chinese lived then and live now.Now what is extraordinary about this is, what gives China it's sense of being China, what gives the Chinese the sense of what it is to be Chinese, comes not from the last hundred years, not from the nation state period, which is what happened in the West, but from the period, if you like, of the civilization state.I'm thinking here, for example, of customs like ancestral worship, of a very distinctive notion of the state, likewise, a very distinctive notion of the family, social relationships like guanxi, Confucian values and so on.These are all things that come from the period of the civilization state.In other words, China, unlike the Western states and most countries in the world, is shaped by its sense of civilization, its existence as a civilization state, rather than as a nation state.And there's one other thing to add to this, and that is this: Of course we know China's big, huge, demographically and geographically, with a population of 1.3 billion people.What we often aren't really aware of is the fact that China is extremely diverse and very pluralistic, and in many ways very decentralized.You can't run a place on this scale simply from Beijing, even though we think this to be the case.It's never been the case.So this is China, a civilization state, rather than a nation state.And what does it mean? Well I think it has all sorts of profound implications.I'll give you two quick ones.The first is that the most important political value for the Chinese is unity, is the maintenance of Chinese civilization.You know, 2,000 years ago, Europe: breakdown, the fragmentation of the Holy Roman Empire [Roman Empire].It divided, and it's remained divided ever since.China, over the same time period, went in exactly the opposite direction, very painfully holding this huge civilization, civilization state together.The second is maybe more prosaic, which is Hong Kong.Do you remember the handover of Hong Kong by Britain to China in 1997? You may remember what the Chinese constitutional proposition was.One country, two systems.And I'll lay a wager that barely anyone in the West believed them.“Window dressing.When China gets it's hands on Hong Kong, that won't be the case.” 13 years on, the political and legal system in Hong Kong is as different now as it was in 1997.We were wrong.Why were we wrong? We were wrong because we thought, naturally enough, in nation state ways.Think of German unification, 1990.What happened? Well, basically the East was swallowed by the West.One nation, one system.That is the nation state mentality.But you can't run a country like China, a civilization state, on the basis of one civilization, one system.It doesn't work.So actually the response of China to the question of Hong Kong--as it will be to the question of Taiwan--was a natural response: one civilization, many systems.Let me offer you another building block to try and understand China--maybe not such a comfortable one.The Chinese have a very, very different conception of race to most other countries.Do you know, of the 1.3 billion Chinese, over 90 percent of them think they belong to the same race, the Han.Now this is completely different from the other world's most populous countries.India, the United States, Indonesia, Brazil--all of them are multiracial.The Chinese don't feel like that.China is only multiracial really at the margins.So the question is, why? Well the reason, I think, essentially is, again, back to the civilization state.A history of at least 2,000 years, a history of conquest, occupation, absorption, assimilation and so on, led to the process by which, over time, this notion of the Han emerged--of course, nurtured by a growing and very powerful sense of cultural identity.Now the great advantage of this historical experience has been that, without the Han, China could never have held together.The Han identity has been the cement which has held this country together.The great disadvantage of it is that the Han have a very weak conception of cultural difference.They really believe in their own superiority, and they are disrespectful of those who are not.Hence their attitude, for example, to the Uyghurs and to the Tibetans.Or let me give you my third building block, the Chinese state.Now the relationship between the state and society in China is very different from that in the West.Now we in the West overwhelmingly seem to think--in these days at least--that the authority and legitimacy of the state is a function of democracy.The problem with this proposition is that the Chinese state enjoys more legitimacy and more authority amongst the Chinese than is true with any Western state.And the reason for this is because--well, there are two reasons, I think.And it's obviously got nothing to do with democracy, because in our terms the Chinese certainly don't have a democracy.And the reason for this is, firstly, because the state in China is given a very special--it enjoys a very special significance as the representative, the embodiment and the guardian of Chinese civilization, of the civilization state.This is as close as China gets to a kind of spiritual role.And the second reason is because, whereas in Europe and North America, the state's power is continuously challenged--I mean in the European tradition, historically against the church, against other sectors of the aristocracy, against merchants and so on--for 1,000 years, the power of the Chinese state has not been challenged.It's had no serious rivals.So you can see that the way in which power has been constructed in China is very different from our experience in Western history.The result, by the way, is that the Chinese have a very different view of the state.Whereas we tend to view it as an intruder, a stranger, certainly an organ whose powers need to be limited or defined and constrained, the Chinese don't see the state like that at all.The Chinese view the state as an intimate--not just as an intimate actually, as a member of the family--not just in fact as a member of the family, but as the head of the family, the patriarch of the family.This is the Chinese view of the state--very, very different to ours.It's embedded in society in a different kind of way to what is the case in the West.And I would suggest to you that actually what we are dealing with here, in the Chinese context, is a new kind of paradigm, which is different from anything we've had to think about in the past.Know that China believes in the market and the state.I mean, Adam Smith, already writing in the late 18th century said, “The Chinese market is larger and more developed and more sophisticated than anything in Europe.” And, apart from the Mao period, that has remained more-or-less the case ever since.But this is combined with an extremely strong and ubiquitous state.The state is everywhere in China.I mean, it's leading firms, many of them are still publicly owned.Private firms, however large they are, like Lenovo, depend in many ways on state patronage.Targets for the economy and so on are set by the state.And the state, of course, its authority flows into lots of other areas--as we are familiar with--with something like the the one-child policy.Moreover, this is a very old state tradition, a very old tradition of statecraft.I mean, if you want an illustration of this, the Great Wall is one.But this is another, this is the Grand Canal, which was constructed in the first instance in the fifth century B.C.and was finally completed in the seventh century A.D.It went for 1,114 miles, linking Beijing with Hangzhou and Shanghai.So there's a long history of extraordinary state infrastructural projects in China, which I suppose helps us to explain what we see today, which is something like the Three Gorges Dam and many other expressions of state competence within China.So there we have three building blocks for trying to to understand the difference that is China--the civilization state, the notion of race and the nature of the state and its relationship to society.And yet we still insist, by-and-large, in thinking that we can understand China by simply drawing on Western experience, looking at it through Western eyes, using Western concepts.If you want to know why we unerringly seem to get China wrong--our predictions about what's going to happen to China are incorrect--this is the reason.Unfortunately I think, I have to say that I think attitude towards China is that of a kind of little Westerner mentality.It's kind of arrogant.It's arrogant in the sense that we think that we are best, and therefore we have the universal measure.And secondly, it's ignorant.We refuse to really address the issue of difference.You know, there's a very interesting passage in a book by Paul Cohen, the American historian.And Paul Cohen argues that the West thinks of itself as probably the most cosmopolitan of all cultures.But it's not.In many ways, it's the most parochial, because for 200 years, the West has been so dominant in the world that it's not really needed to understand other cultures, other civilizations.Because, at the end of the day, it could, if necessary by force, get its own way.Whereas those cultures--virtually the rest of the world, in fact--which have been in a far weaker position, vis-a-vis the West, have been thereby forced to understand the West, because of the West's presence in those societies.And therefore, they are, as a result, more cosmopolitan in many ways than the West.I mean, take the question of East Asia.East Asia: Japan, Korea, China, etc.--a third of the world's population lives there, now the largest economic region in the world.And I'll tell you now, that East Asianers, people from East Asia, are far more knowledgeable about the West than the West is about East Asia.Now this point is very germane, I'm afraid, to the present.Because what's happening? Back to that chart at the beginning--the Goldman Sachs chart.What is happening is that, very rapidly in historical terms, the world is being driven and shaped, not by the old developed countries, but by the developing world.We've seen this in terms of the G20--usurping very rapidly the position of the G7, or the G8.And there are two consequences of this.First, the West is rapidly losing its influence in the world.There was a dramatic illustration of this actually a year ago--Copenhagen, climate change conference.Europe was not at the final negotiating table.When did that last happen? I would wager it was probably about 200 years ago.And that is what is going to happen in the future.And the second implication is that the world will inevitably, as a consequence, become increasingly unfamiliar to us, because it'll be shaped by cultures and experiences and histories that we are not really familiar with, or conversant with.And at last, I'm afraid--take Europe, America is slightly different--but Europeans by and large, I have to say, are ignorant, are unaware about the way the world is changing.Some people--I've got an English friend in China, and he said, “The continent is sleepwalking into oblivion.” Well, maybe that's true, maybe that's an exaggeration.But there's another problem which goes along with this--that Europe is increasingly out of touch with the world--and that is a sort of loss of a sense of the future.I mean, Europe once, of course, once commanded the future in it's confidence.Take the 19th century for example.But this, alas, is no longer true.If you want to feel the future, if you want to taste the future, try China--there's old Confucius.This is a railway station the like of which you've never seen before.It doesn't even look like a railway station.This is the new Guangzhou railway station for the high-speed trains.China already has a bigger network than any other country in the world and will soon have more than all the rest of the world put together.Or take this: Now this is an idea, but it's an idea to by tried out shortly in a suburb of Beijing.Here you have a megabus, on the upper deck carries about 2,000 people.It travels on rails down a suburban road, and the cars travel underneath it.And it does speeds of up to about 100 miles an hour.Now this is the way things are going to move, because China has a very specific problem, which is different from Europe and different from the United States.China has huge numbers of people and no space.So this is a solution to a situation where China's going to have many, many, many cities over 20 million people.Okay, so how would I like to finish? Well, what should our attitude be towards this world that we see very rapidly developing before us? I think there will be good things about it and there will be bad things about it.But I want to argue, above all, a big picture positive for this world.For 200 years, the world was essentially governed by a fragment of the human population.That's what Europe and North America represented.The arrival of countries like China and India--between them 38 percent of the world's population--and others like Indonesia and Brazil and so on, represent the most important single act of democratization in the last 200 years.Civilizations and cultures, which had been ignored, which had no voice, which were not listened to, which were not known about, will have a different sort of representation in this world.As humanists, we must welcome, surely, this transformation.And we will have to learn about these civilizations.This big ship here was the one sailed in by Zheng He in the early 15th century on his great voyages around the South China Sea, the East China Sea and across the Indian Ocean to East Africa.The little boat in front of it was the one in which, 80 years later, Christopher Columbus crossed the Atlantic.(Laughter)Or, look carefully at this silk scroll made by ZhuZhou in 1368.I think they're playing golf.Christ, the Chinese even invented golf.Welcome to the future.Thank you.

第二篇：马丁演讲稿

演讲稿及译文

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat

of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想，这个梦想深深扎根于美国的梦想里。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为人人生而平等的真理不言而喻。”我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，从前奴隶的后嗣将能够和奴隶主的后嗣坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成绿洲，充满自由和正义。我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将生活在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里。今天，我有一个梦想。我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并立。

今天，我有一个梦想。我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降；坎坷曲折的道路变成坦途，那圣光披露，普照天地。这就是我们的希冀。我怀着这种信念回到南方。

第三篇：我看中国崛起的演讲稿

我看中国之崛起------经济总量是衡量一国经济发展水平和综合经济实力的硬标。根据世界银行资料，折合成美元，我国2010年国内生产总值为6.04万亿美元，相当于美国的40.01%，已超过了日本。从一个经济发展起点低的贫穷国家，到成为跻身世界前三甲的经济大国，我国62年经济建设取得的巨大进步令人震惊。由弱到强，由小到大，由封闭半封闭到全方位开放，由一个没有话语权的“东亚病夫”，到当今世界具有举足轻重地位的经济巨人，中国用62年时间完成了令全世界为之瞩目的伟大崛起。一系列历史巨变和转折的实现，不仅记录了新中国经济建设所取得的辉煌成就，更见证了中国在国际上政治经济地位和影响力的显著提升，因为经济基础决定了上层建筑!中国是一个传统的农业大国，有着悠久的农耕历史，男耕女织是古老中国文明的典型画面。而“脸朝黄土背朝天”的劳作形态和靠天吃饭的生活状况世代延绵，小农经济的模式充斥着整个中国，这种自给自足的经济模式逐渐拉大了我们与国外的差距,其不仅导致了国内的**，而且还导致了列强的随意欺凌。1950年，刚刚结束多年战乱的新中国政府，开始实现它对农民“耕者有其田”的承诺。从1950年冬季开始，一场大规模的土地改革运动广泛展开。到1952年底，除西藏等少数地区外，土地改革在全国农村完成。土地改革的完成，解放了农村生产力。在其后的年代，农村地区虽经历了农业合作化运动、人民公社化运动等等，但由于经济体制和管理体制的高度集权，农民没有生产积极性，农业长期处于徘徊局面，农业生产整体技术水平较低，以及计划经济体制和片面强调“以粮为纲”的政策影响，我国农业生产结构基本上仍停留在“农业以种植业为主，种植业以粮食生产为主”的单一结构阶段。更为糟糕的是十年浩劫，使得我国的经济全面的瘫痪，到1976年文化大革命结束，满目苍夷的中国又经历了两年的停滞和徘徊期。文革对中国经济社会发展造成的危害将中国又带回到新中国成立时一穷二白的困境。在这样的危急关头，党和国家领导人积极寻找对策。就在这样的大环境下，中共十一届三中全会拉开了帷幕。以此为标志，中国进入了改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的历史新时期。而作为我国现代化建设的主要决策者和改革开放的总设计师，邓小平对我国经济建设和经济体制的诸多重大问题，提出了一系列敢为天下先的富于创造性的思想和观点。让我们来用一些数据来说话：从1978年至今，我国的国民生产总值（GDP）总体保持在10%以上，我们城镇居民的可支配收入和农村居民的纯收入增长了6.7倍，我国的对外贸易总额从1978年的109亿增长到2010年的2.97万亿元。从这些数据我们不难看出自1987年邓小平经济改革以来中国经济社会发生的翻天覆地的变化。在这30间，中国在经济领域取得了举世瞩目的成就，经济实力快速成长；人民生活水平大幅提高；社会主义市场经济体制的建立和逐步完善；现代市场体系逐步建立；中国已成为世界经济体的重要成员。中国用自己的努力赢得了世界的认可和尊重。而这些巨大变化的发生都离不开邓小平同志对经济的改革。

改革不仅仅促进了经济的发展、工业的繁荣、国力的增长，而且还拓宽了人们的视野，增长了人们的见识，改善了万千的民生！

60多年前，大多数人还不知道电视为何物。如今，我国已是全球彩电第一生产大国。这对于经历了共和国60多年成长的老人们来说，这种巨变恐怕是当年无法想象的。60多年来我国实现了从落后的农业大国向工业化大国的迈进，继而从工业化初期向中期前进。在落后农业大国基础上，用60多年时间走过了发达国家200年至300年的工业化历程，这不能不说是一个“奇迹”！60多年弹指一挥间。如今，我国已经摆脱了贫穷落后的农业大国的形象，并且随着“中国制造”遍及世界各地，我国已经建立起全面的、具有相当规模和水平的现代工业和通信业体系。国家统计局公布的数据显示，2008年，我国完成工业增加值15.5万亿元，按可比价格计算，比1978年增长了33倍，比新中国成立初期更是增长了上百倍。人们的梦想终于成为了现实。从农业国向工业国的转变，给人们提供了更为丰富的商品，提升了人们的生活水平。如今，我们不仅能造汽车，而且高端的火箭技术已经为包括发达国家在内的其他国家服务。“中国制造”，更意味着我国已经成为一个世界制造业大国。根据联合国工业发展组织资料，按照2000年不变价计算，我国制造业增加值占世界的份额由1995年的5.1%上升到2007年的11.4%。按照国际标准工业分类，在22个大类中，我国制造业占世界比重在7个大类中名列第一。工业产品的产量位次大幅前移，一些产品在国际市场上已经成为举足轻重的力量。截至2008年，我国工业产品产量居世界第一位的已有210种。如果说，新中国用62年的时间，从一穷二白大步走向繁荣富强，完成了自身的伟大变革，那么，对外开放30年，则让中国在融入世界的同时日益影响和改变着世界。08年的奥运会、去年的世博会无不显示着中国这个大国的发展和实力„

中国有世界上最大的水电站三峡、有世界最长的跨海大桥杭州湾大桥„

08年的世界金融危机，中国又是唯一一个保持经济增长的国家，GDP总值跃居世界第三，成为世界关注的焦点„

然而在这些成就的后面又蕴藏着诸多的危机和问题。《中国之谜》里面有这样的一句话“中国仍在历史的三峡前行，但不知前面还有多少浅滩和暗礁。”二十一世纪的世界是一个开放的世界，同时经济全球化、经济知识化、科学技术突飞猛进、社会日新月异，要想正真在走好自己的路子就必须看清自己的问题，做到居安思危，及时纠正。未来不是空中楼阁，它蕴藏在历史和现实之中；未来也不是历史和现实的简单延伸，而是人类今天对社会发展能动抉择的结果。”古老的文明正迈向未来，但这段路子又是艰辛的，充满着阻挠和危险，但我们必须下定决心解决掉所有阻止和可能阻止我们前进的东西。相信我国的经济发展会更上一层楼，相信我国的明天会更好。

第四篇：我有一个梦想演讲稿2018与我有一个梦想演讲稿马丁

我有一个梦想演讲稿2018

1968年4月4日，当马丁路德金在孟菲斯市领导该市的工人罢工时，飞来了一颗罪恶的子弹，一个怀揣这很多美好的梦想还没有实现的伟人倒在了地上，但我有一个梦想这句话却真正站了起来，不仅在美国站起来，而且在全世界站了起来。

如果说人生是一段徒步而行的旅程，那么我们在这路途上的前进的姿态就决定了各自人生的价值。泰戈尔有言：“信念是鸟，它在黎明仍然黑暗之际，感觉到了光明，唱出了歌。”

遥望历史，不曾忘项羽“彼可取而代之”的梦想，于是他中原逐鹿，坚持信念、楚汉争霸，西楚霸王的神话经久不息;不曾忘张爱玲的《天才梦》，这位临水照花的年轻才女不断努力，于是她上路就是巅峰，出手就是经典，傅雷把她的小说称为“文坛最美的收获之一”。不曾忘俞敏洪在北大开学典礼上说：“如果我们有一个伟大的理想，我们一定能把很多琐碎的日子堆砌起来变成一个伟大的生命历程。”他怀揣着“穿越地平线的渴望”，相信优秀是一种习惯，终成新东方的创始人。正如诗人汪国真所言：“我不去想是否能够成功，既然选择了远方，便只顾风雨兼程。”

展望未来，我梦想有一天未名湖边的桃花开时，湖边折枝的人群里会有自己的身影。我梦想有一天，在“思想自由，兼容并包”的大学学府里求学。我梦想有一天，中国的教育不是如钱钟书先生说的：“古代的愚民政策是让人民不受教育，现代的愚民政策是让人民只受一种教育。”

而今，步入毓文的校园，这是人才辈出的地方，这是学子心中的殿堂，我们用顽强拼搏打造理想，用辛勤汗水浇灌希望。持之以恒的积累，石破天惊的畅想。举胸中豪情，倾热忱满腔。与时间赛跑，同日月争光。学练并举，成竹在胸，弯弓搭箭，百步穿杨、师生同心、协力攻关，笑看燕赵魁首谁人争?

久有凌云志，此志可问天。心慕象牙塔，魂系梦亦牵。若能遂了心愿，何惜衣带渐宽!怀揣着“衣带渐宽终不悔”的信念，从最初的“千磨万击还坚劲，任尔东西南北风。”到最终的“千淘万漉虽辛苦，吹尽狂沙始得金。”

我有一个梦想演讲稿马丁

今天，我高兴的同大家一起参加这次将成为我国历史上为争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

1XX年前，一位伟大的美国人--今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下--签署了《解放黑奴宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

然而1XX年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。1XX年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。1XX年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。1XX年后的今天，黑人仍然蜷缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于世。

就某种意义而言，今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时，曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言，他们承诺所有人--不论白人还是黑人--都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

就有色公民而论，美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务，只是给黑人开了一张空头支票，支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产，我们不相信，在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现——这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义保障。

我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国，现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候，现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候，现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来，置于兄弟情谊的磐石上的时候。

如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心，那么，这对美国来说，将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来，黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。1963年并不意味着斗争的结束，而是开始。有人希望，黑人只要撒撒气就会满足;如果国家安之若素，毫无反应，这 些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的基本权利，美国就不可能有安宁或平静，正义的光明的一天不到来，叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。

但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们，有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中，我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须永远举止得体，纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。

现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神，但是不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到，他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的，他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。

当我们行动时，我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人，“你们什么时候才能满足?”

只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害，我们就绝不会满足。

只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所，我们就绝不会满足。

只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区，我们就绝不会满足。

只要我们的孩子被“仅限白人”的标语剥夺自我和尊严，我们就绝不会满足。

只要密西西比州仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举，只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事，我们就绝不会满足。

不!我们现在并不满足，我们将来也不满足，除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛，汹涌澎湃，滚滚而来。

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲 坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到亚拉巴马去，回到南卡罗来纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不可自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想，这个梦想深深扎根于美国的梦想之中。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为真理是不言而喻，人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。

今天，我有一个梦想。我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

今天，我有一个梦想。我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降;坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手 足之情的优美交响曲。

有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由;因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。

在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：“我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山岗。”

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现!

让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨的崇山峻岭响起来!

让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来!

让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼山响起来!

让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山响起来!

让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来!

不仅如此，还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来!

让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!

让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来!

让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来!

当我们让自由之声响起，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：

“自由啦!自由啦!感谢全能上帝，我们终于自由啦!”

马丁·路德·金简介：

1968年4月4日黄昏，马丁·路德·金在洛兰宾馆306房间阳台散心时遇刺身亡，终年39岁。

第五篇：马丁·路德金演讲稿：《我有一个梦想》

GUIZHOU UNIVERSITY OF FINANCE AND ECONOMICS

马丁·路德·金 简介

马丁·路德·金（英语：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美国民权运动领袖。1948年大学毕业。1948年到1951年间，在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年，马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964诺贝尔和平奖获得者。1968年4月，马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工被人刺杀，年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁路德金全国纪念日。

1929年1月15日，小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师，母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人；从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活，也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时，聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位。

尽管美国战后经济发展很快，强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实，金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学，于1955年获神学博士学位后，到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。1955年12月，蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由，逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起

College Of Tourism Management GUIZHOU UNIVERSITY OF FINANCE AND ECONOMICS

“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”，号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利，从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕，也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。

1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。

美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。

College Of Tourism Management