肯尼迪的公众承诺

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第一篇:肯尼迪的公众承诺

肯尼迪的公众承诺

(蓝色字体基本上为关系字,红字体为重点加强)

1、众所周知,肯尼迪是一位美国总统。很多人却不知道,他曾经是一位非常出色的橄榄球员。虽然他花在橄榄球的时间并不是很多,仅仅是中学的两年时间。但在第二年,他已经从一个从未打过橄榄球的毛头小伙成长到学校橄榄球队队长。

2、肯尼迪的橄榄球之路的成功源自于一句话,这听起来有点不可思议。不过事实的确如此。小时候的肯尼迪由于家境优越,几乎他的要求都会得到满足,于是,小肯尼迪嘴里的愿望便越来越膨胀,每一次在看电视的时候,他都会常立志。比如看到飞机,他便会大声宣布,“我长大了要成为最伟大的飞行员”,看到奥运会,他又大声宣布,“我长大了要成为最伟大的长跑选手。”(失败者常立志,成功者立长志)

3、小肯尼迪也会苦恼,因为从来就没有人把他的话当真。中学一年级的时候,有一次他和同学们去观看学校的橄榄球比赛,由于事后大家都兴高采烈地评论着球员们精彩的表现以及健美的体型,这令有点发胖的肯尼迪心里很不是滋味,头脑一热竟然脱口而出:“只要两年,我可以成为他们的队长。”

4、可以想象,当时周围的同学们可不是他的家人,没有人会去附合他,只有取笑他。所有人都认为肯尼迪只会吹牛,这对他来说是绝对不可忍受的事情。小好胜的肯尼迪这一回被激怒了,他冲到控制台,抢过话筒大声宣布:“我,肯尼迪,两年内要成为橄榄球队长,否则,我把橄榄球吞下去。”(公众承诺)

5、那天以后,肯尼迪的生活发生了翻天覆地的变化,因为这件事使他成了整个学校最热门话题的主角,不管走到哪儿,总有人在指着他的背影谈论橄榄球的事情。就连老师善意的笑容他也理解为是对他的不屑。这一次,肯尼迪明白了,无论如何,他必须要兑现他的承诺,否则他们会真的把橄榄球塞进他的嘴里。

6、后来同学们看到的是一个永不疲倦的肯尼迪,不管早晨还是傍晚,校园里看到的肯尼迪身影总是在不停奔跑。在每一次的橄榄球训练课上,肯尼迪成了令人恐惧的对手,因为他把所有训练当成正式比赛。

7、就像开头说的那样,肯尼迪兑现了他的公众承诺,两年的时间里,他成了学校橄榄球队长,并且每一个队员都信任他,他在每一个同学的心目中形象是:肯尼迪这个家伙,他说到的肯定能够做得到。这个形象后来成了他竞选美国总统的最大优势。

8、当然,我们和肯尼迪都知道,他的成功因素并不是那一句承诺,而是承诺以后他付出的所有辛勤汗水。但如果没有那一句的公众承诺,他还会自觉地付出那此超常的汗水吗?答案是肯定不会,因为没有承诺,他就没有目标,没有动力。

9、承诺给了你目标,给了你行动的方向,但我们要真正兑现承诺的时候,一套有效的行动方法便是你兑现承诺的保证。正如《绝不裸奔》这本书的结构,你看到的封面是一个标准的公众承诺口号,但翻开书本,陈安之式的通俗幽默语言把全套行动方法解剖得清清楚楚。

10、正确的方法就如走上了一条正确的道路。

11、这个世界有许多努力的人,不过并不是每一个努力的人都成功了,因为不是每一个人在努力的时候,他都清楚知道自己的目标,如果你不是朝着终点线奔去的话,不管你跑得多久,你都永远到不了终点。

12、这便是公众承诺,让自己和所有人知道你的目标,然后你便只干一件事——全力以赴往目标奔去!

13、中学的经历让肯尼迪尝到了公众承诺的甜头,在他升入大学的第一年生日会上,他的父亲对他说:“亲爱的儿子,你已经是大学生了,你确定了你以后要从事什么事业吗?”

14、肯尼迪没有马上回答父亲,他走到乐队旁边,拿起话筒对所有来宾大声说:“我,肯尼迪,未来的美利坚合众国总统,我要让美国成为世界第一强国,希望你们现在就给我掌声支持。”

第二篇:公众承诺

公众承诺

自今日起若我因个人情绪影响到他人心情以及正常工作,若有3人证实认可,我愿意接受从一楼到三楼上下楼梯各20遍的惩罚。

承诺人签字:

第三篇:公众承诺的力量

公众承诺的力量

我是普宁新世界中英文学校小学部的老师付晓亮,我非常荣幸的参加了思八达智慧系统工程第13期的培训学习,此次学习让我感触最深,帮助最大的就是——“公众承诺”。

“公众承诺”的意思是说当你想去完成某一件事情的时候,害怕动力不足无法坚持下去,就把它说出来给身边比较亲密的人听,并告诉他们自己一定能够完成,当然也包括让他们来监督自己。亲朋好友无形的监督力度是非常强大的,因为你的生活、工作都要时时刻刻面对他们,你会因为自己完不成或做得不够好而羞于见人。正是这羞于见人的心理促使自己加倍去努力以实现当初的公众承诺。

此次培训进入最后一天时,崔动老师让每位学员写出了阻碍个人发展的阻力,我当时写到阻碍我发展的3个主要阻力:

1、懒惰。

2、得过且过。

3、不敢承担责任。然后我上台和大家进行了分享,并对大家做出了公众承诺。我付晓亮郑重承诺:在2011年12月8日前(即一个月)完成体重减重10斤的目标,若达成此目标,则奖励自己一个12寸的蛋糕来补过自己的生日,若达不成则拿出一个月的工资4200元请普宁团队的20名成员聚餐作为惩罚。

可能我们从小就很少受到信誉的教育,更少用制度来约束你一定要兑现承诺从而成为一种习惯,所以大量的人总在为失信找理由,总在为没有达成目标找充足的借口„„

刚设立起一个目标,稍遇到一点困难就不能坚持了,只要随便找个理由就会轻易放弃„„大量的人都是这样的,因为人要放弃是很容易的,随便找个理由都可以不干。干任何事都有两个面来检验你的智慧:“是坚持?还是放弃?”

我也在想自己能不能成功?我也知道达成巨大目标的背后往往有一个巨大的痛苦。可是我也相信你要想达成一件事情,你要想执行完成一项工作,就必须付出,任何人想成事都需要不断的自我引导,否则就会半途而废。要做到自我引导首先要不断的在头脑中显现我要实现的目标的画面。第二要不断的在头脑中显现我要实现的理由的画面。

第三要不断的在头脑中丰富加强实现此目标理由的画面。

第四要下定决心,与实现此目标无关的事断绝来往。

为什么我们不成功?就是因为我们还没有下决心。为什么我们还不够成功?

就是因为我们还没有下足够的决心。因为没有令我们产生足够快乐的兴奋点及产生痛苦的压力。要成功就必须具备“一定要”去做的动力和决心——这就是达成目标的法则。人真要达成目标,一定不要忘记人性有两大最有力量的“兴奋点”——“追求快乐!”——“逃避痛苦!”就是说人要完成一件事情,这两大动力兴奋点,一定要设计好:达成了会有很多快乐!失败了会有很多痛苦„„可别忘了“人永远在追求快乐,永远在逃避痛苦”。而人逃避痛苦的压力与力量,要大于追求快乐的力量。所以我觉得我不应该说:我要减重。而是要说:我一定要减重,一定要。

对于我的减重计划来说里面有励志,励志是让人快乐——我做到什么,我将给自己什么奖励!励志就是当我完成这项任务后——我将得到什么东西。里面也有“激励”?激励就是给我痛苦——我做不到什么,我将遭到什么惩罚!我自然不想拿出一个月的工资与大家分享,所以我一定要完成,这就是激励的力量。而为这种力量又添加了重要的砝码那就是——公众承诺。

所以当自己要实现某一个目标时,最好把它当作一个公众承诺说给身边的亲朋好友听,你会发现自己的潜能竟能轻而易举地被挖掘出来。

和大家分享一下我这减重10天的成果吧,我已经减了11斤了„„超额完成任务。

耶!~~~~~~

当然这个减重的承诺只是一个引子,我们应该把手里的工作,都制定好一个明确的目标,把它变成一个公众承诺,让大家来给我们力量吧!我相信我们都会成功的!

第四篇:肯尼迪就职演说

Inaugural Address(January 20,1961)By John F.Kennedy We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary belief for which our forebears fought is still at issue around the globe, the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge—and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.T o those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.讲评“肯尼迪总统就职演说词” ■北京外国语大学 李品伟 选评

美国总统就职演说词独具一格,而肯尼迪的讲演更是其中一篇为人们注目的代表作,字字句句经过刻意雕琢,有许多值得品味推敲之处。

它讲的是美国人为之骄傲的美国历史传统,讲的是美国的外交政策。

半个世纪以前的国际形势与今天大不相同:势不两立的两大阵营、激烈的军备竞赛、持续的冷战局面。这些在文章中可见端倪。

可是,在肯尼迪的全篇演说中,没有直截了当地对国际形势进行分析,更没有一处提到一个国家的名字或具体事例,一切都隐晦、委婉、模糊不清,用的只是to friend and foe alike, to those nations who...等,没有经历或不熟悉那一段时期历史的人也许会摸不着头脑。不奇怪,这些在一定程度上代表了西方政治家的风格。

21世纪的今天,全球化(globali-zation)成了全世界所关注的问题,也成了人们天天在重复的一个词语,从形势上与此篇讲演的背景很有可比较之处,但这里我们主要是就此篇讲演中如何沿袭古希腊、罗马的修辞、文风,如何精心选用圣经语言句式,讲演稿如何注意音韵效果等问题分别举例讨论而已。因篇幅有限,只选用了前11段,未选全文。inaugural address 指就职演说词。一般来说,演说词在英语里是speech,用address这个词是比较少的。如果要说两者有什么差别的话,无非是风格上及使用场合上的区别。前者是一个普通的词,而address从风格上来说更为庄重,指正式的致辞,除了总统演说词之外,也用于学校毕业典礼上校长的演说词等。

第一段第一个动词observe一般作“观察”解,但这里“观察”一看就说不通,说不通就可以试着通过上下文来推断或查一下词典。如果你的词典里observe有三个释义,那么你就要注意第二或第三个释义了,你的推断如果是“庆祝”,那就对了,此时它的英语等同语应该是celebrate,其宾语可以是这篇文章中的victory,(a celebration of)freedom。其他常见的搭配还有什么呢?有节日(festivals),有生日(birthdays),有周年纪念(anniversaries)等。这几个宾语中的birthday因为太普通了,可能用得少些。用得多的应该是anniversaries,因为它较之其他两个更为庄重。

从选词风格的角度来说,我们会注意到文章一开始有某些不太常用的词,如:forebears, prescribes等,可以说forbears这个词在中、小型词典中往往是查不到的,你必须查较大的词典。它的意思是祖先、祖宗,也就是我们一般熟悉的ancestor。两者用法上有所不同,那就是ancestor的单数很常见,而forebear则总是以复数形式forebears出现,从风格上,更具古风。Collins Co Build的Essential English Dictionary关于这个字的旁注是:N count(可数名词)/ usu.plural(一般复数)/ Formal(正式);而ancestor的旁注则没有后面两点,由此可见两者的细微差别。

prescribe这个动词你不一定见得多,如见到,也多半是它的名词形式prescription(处方)。prescription是常用词,而动词prescribe则较常用于正式场合。关于这个动词同一词典有这样的第2条释义:If someone prescribes an action or duty, they state formally that it must be carried out.它所指的动作与开医药处方是两回事,意思不是别的而是“命令”,必须执行。

第二段以一个短句开始,与第一段的长句正好相反。唱歌读诗有节奏,句子与句子、段与段的关联也有节奏,如果一篇文章自始至终是缓慢而沉重的长句,读起来就沉重、缺乏起伏。所以第二段的一个短句不单起着承上启下的作用,而且还有速度上适当调节的作用,赋予了段落一种节奏感。

另外在用词方面,你会注意到这里又一次出现了forebears,而且还有一个在层次和风格上可与之称兄道弟的mortal hands与它做伴,在一般情况下我们见到的也许会是...holds in his hands the power to...,这里却多了mortal这一个大家不一定熟悉的词。mortal属非常用词,词义可以是:不能不死的,不共戴天的,性命攸关的。在这里应作“凡人的”,“人类的”解。回过头来想一下:非要这个词吗?没有它不行吗?当然是人的手,又会是谁的手呢?解答这个问题可以从两方面来说,一是这是自古以来常用的搭配,无须刨根问底,二是在这里有了mortal这个词,节奏鲜明,读起来感觉更好些,...holds in his mortal hands首先有头韵[h],接着有2uldz, m0:tl, h*ndz,其中包含的元音(包括一般作为短元音的*)都有一定长度,它们所含浊辅音及旁流音构成的辅音连缀结尾赋予句子浓厚的韵味效果。

讲演除了论点清楚,有说服力外,还要考虑如何在公众场合中取得预期的最佳效果及如何调动人们的情绪,此外还需要掌握很多的技巧。它是一种学问,这种学问西方政治家们都要钻研,他们往往把它作为一个课程来学习。如果你看过西方政治家的传记一定已经注意到了这个问题。这实际上是一个始于希腊罗马时期的西方传统。对于“疯狂英语”的倡导人李扬人们多有评论,但有一点是应该肯定的,那就是革“哑巴英语”的命,初学者应如此,达到一定程度后,仍然应该如此。讲到这里,我们再来默默读一下本篇第4段,这里包含的几组头韵与尾韵,使句子富有一种鲜明的节奏感、音乐感,如:pay any price, bear any burden, wishes us well or ill, oppose any foe(第4段)这类现象你可以在文章中找到很多,多朗读一遍就会多发现一个,在此不一一举例。当然除了头韵、尾韵还有许多其他隐而不现的手段。以下我们抽出几个以let开头的句子作简略的讨论。所选的句子是:

Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch...to which we are committed today at home and around the world.(第3段)Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill,...the success of liberty.(第4段)在这样一个严肃的讲演中,也许有人会对出现let somebody do something这样的结构感到不可思议,因为他们以为let somebody do something只是一个口语中的表达法,如Let me do it.Let's sing the song together.但他们不一定能意识到所提到的let结构有时表达的意思、语气正好与口语中的截然相反,它们含有的是一种号召、命令的口吻。上面所选的两个句子译成汉语当然可以是:让每个国家都知道,„„; 从现在起,从这个地方开始,让这个信息传递到我们的朋友,也传递到我们的敌人那里„„。再考虑一下,这样的口气是否太婉转了一些而与文章的格调不相称呢?

为解答这一问题,我们不妨一起看一下当代美国惯用法词典A Dictionary of Contemporary American Usage(Evans)的有关讲解:let is also used to form a peculiar imperative(祈使句)that includes the speaker along with the person addressed, as in Let us be true to each other.这个句子有一种号召的口吻,us也指我们以外的某人或某些人。请再看《圣经》中“创世纪”第1章3,4,15段: 3.And God said, let there be light;and there was light.(上帝说要有光,就有了光。)4.And God saw the light, that it was good;and God divided the light from the darkness.(上帝看光是好的,就把明暗分开了。)

15.And let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven to give light upon the earth and it was so.(上帝说,天上要有光体,并要发光在天空、普照在大地上,事就这样成了。)

最后,你一定也已经注意到此文中有不少运用了排比与对偶手段的句子。

如第6段中的United, there is little we cannot...Divided, there is little we can do,...第8段中的...not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes,but because it is right.及第3段中的 Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.这里that宾语从句内所含的修饰语中有连续出现的过去分词短语:born in..., tempered by..., disciplined by..., 也有连续出现的以形容词开始的短语proud of..., unwilling to...,也有to which this nation..., and to which we are committed today at home and around the world这样的定语从句。

第4段中...that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe...也是类似情况的排比。

当然这些排比有时铿锵有力,但不当则会显得累赘、不自然,所以一定要注意恰当运用这种修辞手段。

→如果您认为本词条还有待完善,请 编辑词条 词条内容仅供参考,如果您需要解决具体问题

第五篇:肯尼迪就职演说

肯尼迪就职演说

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 196

1Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for proGREss--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two GREat and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong

are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.中文译文:

我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利,而是一次自由的庆典;它象征着结束,也象征着开始;意味着更新,也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。

现今世界已经很不同了,因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念,在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注

定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与,而是上帝所赐。

我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人,让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友,并且也告诉我们的敌人,这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人,他们出生在本世纪,经历过战争的锻炼,受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶,以我们的古代传统自豪,而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移,当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。

让每一个国家知道,不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏,我们将付出任何代价,忍受任何重负,应付任何艰辛,支持任何朋友,反对任何敌人,以确保自由的存在与实现。

这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。

对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦,我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结,则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂,我们则无可作为,因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下,是不敢应付强大挑战的。

对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家,我们要提出保证,绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后,却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点,但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由,并应记取,在过去,那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人,结果却被虎所吞噬。

对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们,我们保证尽最大努力助其自救,不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做,也不是由于我们要求他们的选票,而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人,也就不能保全那少数的富人。

对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证:要把我们的美好诺言化作善行,在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道,我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道,西半球的事西半球自己会管。

至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会,在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中,它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言;不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛,加强其对于新国弱国的保护,并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。

最后,对于那些与我们为敌的国家,我们所要提供的不是保证,而是要求:双方重新着手寻求和平,不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。

我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时,我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。

可是这两个强有力的国家集团,谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担,双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇,可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡,而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。

因此让我们重新开始,双方都应记住,谦恭并非懦弱的征象,而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏

惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。

让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题,而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议,并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。

让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球,治理沙漠,消除疾病,开发海洋深处,并鼓励艺术和商务。

让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令,去“卸下沉重的负担„„(并)让被压迫者得自由。”

如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑,那么,让双方联合作一次新的努力吧,这不是追求新的权力均衡,而是建立一个新的法治世界,在那世界上强者公正,弱者安全,和平在握。

凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成,不会在最初的一千天中完成,不会在本政府任期中完成,甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。

同胞们,我们事业的最后成效,主要不是掌握在我手里,而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来,每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。

现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器,虽然武器是我们所需要的;不是号召我们去作战,虽然我们准备应战;那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争,“在希望中欢乐,在患难中忍耐”;这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。

我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人,来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?

在世界的悠久历史中,只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩;我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人,而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。

所以,同胞们:不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么,而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民:不要问美国愿为你们做些什么,而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后,不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民,请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧,我们行为的最后裁判者是历史,让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土,企求上帝的保佑与扶携,但我们知道,在这个世界上,上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。

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