第一篇：马丁路德金英语介绍
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Martin Luther King, Jr.(January 15, 1929 – April 4, 1968)was an American clergyman, activist, and
Martin Luther King, Jr.(January 15, 1929 – April 4, 1968)was an American clergyman, activist, and prominent leader in the African American civil rights movement.His main legacy was to secure progress on civil rights in the United States, and he has become a human rights icon: King is recognized as a martyr by two Christian churches.[1] A Baptist minister, King became a civil rights activist early in his career.He led the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott and helped found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1957, serving as its first president.King's efforts led to the 1963 March on Washington, where King delivered his “I Have a Dream” speech.There, he raised public consciousness of the civil rights movement and established himself as one of the greatest orators in U.S.history.In 1964, King became the youngest person to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for his work to end racial segregation and racial discrimination through civil disobedience and other non-violent means.By the time of his death in 1968, he had refocused his efforts on ending poverty and the Vietnam War, both from a religious perspective.King was
assassinated on April 4, 1968, in Memphis, Tennessee.He was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1977 and Congressional Gold Medal in 2004;Martin Luther King, Jr.Day was established as a U.S.national holiday in 1986.Populist tradition and Black populism
Harry C.Boyte, a self-proclaimed populist, field secretary of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and white civil rights activist describes an episode in his life that gives insight on some of King's influences:
My first encounter with deeper meanings of populism came when I was nineteen, working as a field secretary for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference(SCLC)in St.Augustine, Florida in 1964.One day I was caught by five men and a woman who were members of the Ku Klux Klan.They accused me of being a “communist and a Yankee.” I replied, “I'm no Yankee – my family has been in the South since before the Revolution.And I'm not a communist.I'm a populist.I believe that blacks and poor whites should join to do something about the big shots who keep us divided.” For a few minutes we talked about what such a movement might look like.Then they let me go.When he learned of the incident, Martin Luther King, head of SCLC, told me that he identified with the populist tradition and assigned me to organize poor whites.Thurman
Civil rights leader, theologian, and educator Howard Thurman was an early influence on King.A classmate of King's father at Morehouse College, Thurman mentored the young King and his friends.Thurman's missionary work had taken him abroad where he had met and conferred with Mahatma Gandhi.When he was a student at Boston University, King
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often visited Thurman, who was the dean of Marsh Chapel.Walter Fluker, who has
studied Thurman's writings, has stated, “I don't believe you'd get a Martin Luther King, Jr.without a Howard Thurman”.Gandhi and Rustin
Inspired by Gandhi's success with non-violent activism, King visited Gandhi's birthplace in India in 1959, with assistance from the Quaker group the American Friends Service Committee.The trip to India affected King in a profound way, deepening his
understanding of non-violent resistance and his commitment to America's struggle for civil rights.In a radio address made during his final evening in India, King reflected, “Since being in India, I am more convinced than ever before that the method of nonviolent resistance is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for justice and human dignity.In a real sense, Mahatma Gandhi embodied in his life certain universal principles that are inherent in the moral structure of the universe, and these principles are as inescapable as the law of gravitation.” African American civil rights activist Bayard Rustin, who had studied Gandhi's teachings, counseled King to dedicate himself to the principles of non-violence, served as King's main advisor and mentor throughout his early activism, and was the main organizer of the 1963 March on
Washington.Rustin's open homosexuality, support of democratic socialism, and his former ties to the Communist Party USA caused many white and African-American leaders to demand King distance himself from Rustin.Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955
In March 1955, a fifteen-year-old school girl, Claudette Colvin, refused to give up her bus seat to a white man in compliance with the Jim Crow laws.King was on the committee from the Birmingham African-American community that looked into the case;Edgar Nixon and Clifford Durr decided to wait for a better case to pursue.On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat.The Montgomery Bus Boycott, urged and planned by Nixon and led by King, soon followed.The boycott lasted for 385 days, and the situation became so tense that King's house was bombed.King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a United States District Court ruling in Browder v.Gayle that ended racial segregation on all Montgomery public buses.March on Washington, 1963
King, representing SCLC, was among the leaders of the so-called “Big Six” civil rights organizations who were instrumental in the organization of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, which took place on August 28, 1963.The other leaders and
organizations comprising the Big Six were: Roy Wilkins from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People;Whitney Young, National Urban League;A.Philip Randolph, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters;John Lewis, SNCC;and James L.Farmer, Jr.of the Congress of Racial Equality.The primary logistical and strategic organizer was King's colleague Bayard Rustin.For King, this role was another which courted controversy, since he was one of the key figures who acceded to the wishes of President John F.Kennedy in changing the focus of the march.Kennedy initially opposed the march outright, because he was concerned it would negatively impact the drive for
passage of civil rights legislation, but the organizers were firm that the march would proceed.The march originally was conceived as an event to dramatize the desperate condition of blacks in the southern United States and a very public opportunity to place organizers' concerns and grievances squarely before the seat of power in the nation's capital.Organizers intended to excoriate and then challenge the federal government for its failure to safeguard the civil rights and physical safety of civil rights workers and blacks, generally, in the South.However, the group acquiesced to presidential pressure and influence, and the event ultimately took on a far less strident tone.As a result, some civil rights activists felt it presented an inaccurate, sanitized pageant of racial harmony;Malcolm X called it the “Farce on Washington,” and members of the Nation of Islam were not permitted to attend the march.The march did, however, make specific demands: an end to racial segregation in public school;meaningful civil rights legislation, including a law prohibiting racial discrimination in employment;protection of civil rights workers from police brutality;a $2 minimum wage for all workers;and self-government for Washington, D.C., then governed by congressional committee.Despite tensions, the march was a resounding success.More than a quarter million people of diverse ethnicities attended the event, sprawling from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial onto the National Mall and around the reflecting pool.At the time, it was the largest gathering of protesters in Washington's history.King's “I Have a Dream” speech electrified the crowd.It is regarded, along with Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and Franklin D.Roosevelt's Infamy Speech, as one of the finest speeches in the history of American oratory.Assassination
On March 29, 1968, King went to Memphis, Tennessee in support of the black sanitary public works employees, represented by AFSCME Local 1733, who had been on strike since March 12 for higher wages and better treatment.In one incident, black street
repairmen received pay for two hours when they were sent home because of bad weather, but white employees were paid for the full day.Martin Luther King, Jr.Day
At the White House Rose Garden on November 2, 1983, President Ronald Reagan signed a bill creating a federal holiday to honor King.Observed for the first time on
January 20, 1986, it is called Martin Luther King, Jr.Day.Following President George H.W.Bush's 1992 proclamation, the holiday is observed on the third Monday of January each year, near the time of King's birthday.On January 17, 2000, for the first time, Martin Luther King Jr.Day was officially observed in all fifty U.S.states.1948年大学毕业。1948年到1951年间，在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年，马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964年度诺贝尔和平奖获得者。1968年4月，马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工被人谋杀，年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将
每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁路德金全国纪念日。另有美国著名历史学家阿瑟·施莱辛格（Arthur M.Schlesinger，Jr.，1917-2007）以该人物事迹出版了同名人物传记。个人简介
马丁·路德·金(Dr.Martin Luther King)，将“非暴力（”nonviolence）和“直接行动（”direct action）作为社会变革方法的最为突出的倡导者之一。1929 年1月15日，马丁·路德·金在亚特兰大（Atlanta）出生。他是牧师亚当·丹尼尔·威廉姆斯（Rev.A.D.Williams）的外孙，威廉姆斯是埃比尼泽浸信会（Ebenezer Baptist Church）的牧师和全国有色人种协进会（NAACP）亚特兰大分会的发起人；他是老马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King, Sr.）的儿子，老马丁·路德·金继承父亲威廉姆斯成了埃比尼泽的牧师。金的家族发源于非洲裔美国人的浸信会。在结束亚特兰大莫尔浩司学院（Morehouse College）的学业后，金又在宾夕法尼亚州（Pennsylvania）的克劳泽神学院（Crozer Theological Seminary）和波士顿（Boston University）大学就读，在学习中，他加深了对神学的认识并探究圣雄甘地（Mahatma Gandhi）在社会改革方面的非暴力策略。
1953年，金和柯瑞塔·斯科特（Coretta Scott）结婚。第二年，他在阿拉巴马州（Alabama）蒙哥马利（Montgomery）的德克斯特大街浸信会（Dexter Avenue Baptist Church）当了一名牧师。1955年，他获得了系统神学的博士学位。1955年12月5日，民权积极分子罗莎·帕克斯（Rosa Parks）拒绝遵从蒙哥马利公车上的种族隔离政策，在此之后，黑人居民发起了对公共汽车抵制运动（bus boycott）并选举金作他们新形式下蒙格马利权利促进协会（Montgomery Improvement Association）的领头人。公共汽车抵制运动在 1956 年持续一年，金因其领导地位而名声大噪。1956 年12 月，美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州的种族隔离法律违反宪法，蒙哥马利市公车上的种族隔离规定也被废除。为了寻求蒙哥马利胜利后的进一步发展，金和其他的南部黑人领袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教领袖会议
（Southern Christian Leadership Conference, SCLC）。1959年，金到印度游历并进一步发展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底，金辞去了德克斯特的职务并返回亚特兰大，和他的父亲共同成为一名埃比尼泽浸信会牧师。
1960 年，黑人大学生们揭起了入座抗议（sit-in protests）的浪潮，这促进了学生非暴力协调委员会（Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, SNCC）的形成。金支持学生运动，并对创建南方基督教领袖会议的青年分部表现出兴趣。学生激进分子很钦慕金，但他们不满于金自上而下的领导作风，进而决定取得自治。作为学生非暴力协调委员会的顾问，曾经担任过南方基督教领袖会议副主管的埃拉·贝克（Ella Baker）向其他民权组织代表阐明，学生非暴力协调委员会将仍是一个学生领导的组织。1961年“自由乘车运动（”Freedom Rides）中，金由于拒绝参加活动而受到批评，加剧了他同青年激进分子的紧张关系。南方基督教领袖会议和学生非暴力协调委员会之间的矛盾在1961年和1962年的奥尔巴尼运动（Albany Movement）中继续着。
1963 年春天，金和南方基督教领袖会议领导人在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰（Birmingham）领导了群众示威。此地以白人警方强烈反对种族融合而著称。徒手的黑人示威者与装备着警犬和消防水枪的警察之间的冲突，作为报纸头条新闻遍及世界各地。总统肯尼迪（President Kennedy）对伯明翰的抗议做出了回应，他向国会提出放宽民权立法的要求，这促成了 1964 年民权法案（Civil Rights Act of 1964）的通过。稍后，在 1963年8月28日，群众示威行动在“华盛顿工作与自由游行”（March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom）的运动过程中达到高潮，此次示威运动中有超过二十五万的抗议者聚集在华盛顿特区。在林肯纪念馆的台阶上，金发表了“我有一个梦想”（I Have a Dream）的著名演讲。
金的声望随着1963 年成为时代周刊（Time magazine）的年度人物和 1964 年获得诺贝尔和平奖（Nobel Peace Prize）而持续上升。然而，除了名气和赞美，运动内部领导层也出现了矛盾。马尔科姆·爱克斯（Malcolm X）的正当防卫和黑人民族主义理念引起了北方的共鸣，城市黑人的作用力超过了金为非暴力所作的号召。同时，金还要面对“黑力”运动（Black Power）发起人斯托克利·卡迈克尔（Stokely Carmichael）的公开批评。
不仅金的努力效果受到黑人领导层状况的干扰，而且他也遭受到来自国家行政领导人日渐增强的阻挠。1967年城市种族间暴力升级，美国联邦调查局（FBI）主管埃德加·胡佛（J.Edgar Hoover）则趁机加强了破坏金领导力的全面努力。加之金对美国介入越南战争的公开批评，使得他与林德·约翰逊（Lyndon Johnson）政府关系紧张。
1967年年底，金发起了意在对抗经济问题的穷人运动（Poor People's Campaign），这项活动并没有得到早期民权革新运动者的支持。其后一年，在支持孟菲斯（Memphis）清洁工人的罢工中，他发表了最后演讲“我已到达顶峰”（I've Been to the Mountaintop）。第二天，1968年4月4日，金被刺杀。
第二篇：马丁路德金介绍（模版）
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个人简介
马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日—1968年4月4日），著名的美国民权运动领袖，诞生于美国东南部的佐治亚州的亚特兰大市。1948年他大学毕业，担任教会的牧师。1948年到1951年间，马丁·路德·金在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年，马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1964诺贝尔和平奖获得者，有金牧师之称。1968年4月，马丁路德金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工，下榻洛林汽车旅馆。4日晚饭前，他立在二楼三百号房间的阳台上，与人谈话。这时在街对面的一幢公寓里，一个狙击手端着一架带有观测镜的汽步枪，向他射去。子弹从前面穿过他的脖子，在颚后爆炸，他随即倒地不起。1963年在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。
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学历
1929年1月15日马丁·路德·金出生于佐治亚州的亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是教会牧师，母亲是教师。15岁时聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位（1948年马丁·路德·金获得莫尔豪斯大学学士学位）。1951年他又获得柯罗泽神学院学士学位，1955年他从波士顿大学获得神学博士学位。
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个人事业
1954年马丁·路德·金成为亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市的德克斯特大街浸信会教堂（Dexter Avenue Baptist Church）的一位牧师。1955年12月1日，一位名叫做罗沙·帕克斯的黑人妇女在公共汽车上拒绝给白人让座位，因而被蒙哥马利节警察当局的当地警员以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由逮捕了她。马丁·路德·金立即组织了蒙哥马利罢车运动（蒙哥马利市政改进协会），号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。从此他成为民权运动的领袖人物。1958年他因流浪罪被逮捕。1963年金组织了争取黑人工作机会和自由权的华盛顿游行。1964年，他被授予诺贝尔和平奖。1968年4月4日，他在旅馆的阳台被一名种族分子刺客开枪正中喉咙致死。
1986年1月，总统罗纳德·里根签署法令，规定每年一月份的第三个星期一为美国的马丁·路德·金全国纪念日以纪念这位伟人，并且订为法定假日。迄今为止美国只有三个以个人纪念日为法定假日的例子，分别为纪念发现美洲大陆的哥伦布的Columbus Day（十月第二个星期一），纪念乔治·华盛顿的Presidents' Day（二月第三个星期一），与此处所提到的马丁·路德·金纪念日。他最有影响力且最为人知的一场演讲是1963年8月28日的《我有一个梦想》，迫使美国国会在1964年通过《民权法案》宣布种族隔离和种族歧视政策为非法政策。
马丁·路德·金为黑人谋求平等，发动了美国的民权运动，功绩卓著，闻名于世。金在成为民权运动积极分子之前，是黑人社区必有的浸礼会的牧师。民权运动是美国黑人教会的产物，本文记叙金的第一次民权演说，揭示了民权运动与黑人教会的关系。
第三篇：马丁路德金演讲稿
August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked 'insufficient funds.'
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so we have come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must ever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, 'When will you be satisfied?' We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification;one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.
第四篇：马丁路德金演讲稿
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greapest demonstration for freedom in the `istory of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in wh/se symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon lIght of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the N%gro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last!free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
第五篇：马丁路德金演讲
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification”--one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight;“and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”?
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride，From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last!free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
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