第一篇：麦克阿瑟西点军校演讲（精选）
DutyHonorCountry
“Duty”“honor”“country”---thosethreehallowedwordsreverentlydictatewhat youwanttobe,whatyoucan be,whatyouwillbe。They areyourallyingpoint to
buildcouragewhencourageseemstofail,toregainfaithwhenthereseemsto
belittlecauseforfaith,tocreatehopewhenhopebecomesforlorn.Unhappily,Ipossess neitherthateloquenceofdiction ,thatpoetry ofimagination,northatbrillianceofmetaphortotellyouallthattheymean,Thesearesomeofthethingstheybuild, Theybuildyour basic
character ,Theymold you foryourfuture rolesas the custodians ofthe nation's defense, They make you strong enough to knowwhen you are weak,and brave enough to face yourselfwhen you are afraid,Theyteach youtobeproudandunbendinginhonestfailure,but humble andgentle in success;nottoosubstitutewords for action;not to seek the the path ofcomfort,butto face the stress andspur of difficulty challenge;to learnto standupin the storm,but to have
compassiononthosewhofall;to masteryourself before you seek to master others;to have a heart that is clean,a goal that is high;to learn to
laugh,yet never forget how toweep;to reach in to the future ,yet never neglect the past;to be serious,yet never take yourself too seriously;tobe
modestsothat you willrememberthesimplicity oftrue
greatness,theopenmind oftruewisdom,the meeknessoftrue
strength.Theyteachyouinthis wayto beanofficer andan gentleman.责任荣誉国家
责任、荣誉、国家---这三个神圣的词语，虔敬的告诉你们想成为什么，你们能成为什么，你们会成为什么。他们是你们重振旗鼓的据点，在勇气似乎消逝之时寻回勇气，在 信心渺茫是重拾信心，在希望沦为绝望时创造希望。不幸的是我没有雄辩的口才，没有充满想象的诗篇，也没有富含技巧的隐喻去说明它们的全部含义。
它们构建了一些东西，它们构建了你的基本人格。它们把你们塑造成未来的国防守护人。它们让你坚强的知道自己何时软弱，让你勇敢到在畏惧时敢于面对自己。
它们教导你：在失败是保持自尊和坚定，在成功时保持谦卑和温和，不以空言代替行动；不寻坦途，而是面对困境的压力，以及挑战的鞭策；学习在暴风雨中屹立，但是对跌倒的人寄予同情；在你想控制别人之前先控制自己；有纯洁的心又高尚的目标；学会欢笑，但永不忘记何时哭泣；走向未来，永不忽视过去，严肃，但永远不要把自己看的太过认真；谦虚，以便你能记得真伟大的单纯，真智慧的开明，真力量的温驯。就这样，他们教导你即是军士又是绅士。
第二篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲译文
麦克阿瑟告别演讲
Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.总统先生，议长先生，尊敬的国会议员们：
我站在主席台前，感到深深的惶恐和无比的骄傲。惶恐的是在我之前已经有很多美国历史的伟大建筑师们站到了这里给我的压力；骄傲的是这个立法辩论的圣地代表的人类创造的最纯的自由的彰显。整个人类的信仰、热望和希望都汇集于此。我不想作为任何党派事业的倡导站在这里，因为这些问题举足轻重、意义深远非政党考虑所能涵盖。如果我们的事业要保持健全，我们的未来要有保证，那么这些问题必须在国家利益的高度解决。因此，我希望你们能公正地接受我作为一个美国公民提出的肺腑之言。
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.我的讲话里既没有因烈士暮年而充满积怨，也没有尖酸刻薄，有的是一颗赤胆忠心：报效国家。这些问题是全球性的，如此错综复杂，以至于考虑一个领域的各种问题，明显地对其它领域的问题，是不折不扣的引火烧身。当亚洲被公认为欧洲的门口时，欧洲同样被认为是亚洲的门口，对一方的广泛影响，不可能不是对另一方的影响。一些人声称我们的实力不足以应对两条战线，我们要反击这种观点。共产主义的威胁是全球性的。它在一个领域的成功有摧毁其它任何领域的威胁。你无法在亚洲讨好或投降共产主义而不动摇在欧洲阻止共产主义的努力。
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.除了指出这些不言自明的事，我想把讨论局限于亚洲。任何人在有意研究那里目前的局面之前，他应该深刻了解亚洲的过去和她走向当今的进程在里程碑式的革命性变革。长期受到所谓的殖民主义国家的剥削，几乎没有获得任何程度的社会公正和个人尊严或高生活水平的机会，这些是我们在菲律宾的高尚管理的指南，亚洲各国人民发现他们打破殖民主义桎楛的机会在战争中失去，他们看到了新机会的曙光，迄今还没有感觉到的尊严和政治自由的自尊。
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.拥有世界一半的人口和60%的自然资源，这些人们正在快速的形成道义和自然意义上的新势力，他们用这个力量提高生活水平和把现代进步的理念融入他们的独特的文化环境。不管谁固守殖民主义的思潮与否，这是亚洲进步的方向，任何人都无法阻挡。这是世界经济前沿转变的必然结果。当今国际事务的中心就是世界经济的前沿又一次回到它的出发点。In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.在这种情况下，使我们国家的政策与这种基本的演变形势相一致而不是对殖民地现在已经成为过去，亚洲各个民族都在追求打造自己的自主命运的权力这个事实视而不见。他们现在追求的是友好的指导、理解和帮助—而不是飞扬跋扈的命令—平等的尊严而不是征服的耻辱。他们在战前的生活标准十分悲惨，现在在战争留下的废墟中更加雪上加霜。国际意识形态在亚洲人的思维里几乎不起作用，而且也不被理解。各个民族追求的只不过是肚子里多一点点食物的几乎，身上穿着好一点的衣服，头顶上更加坚固的屋顶以及普通民族主义者的政治自由的愿望可以实现。这些政治的-社会的形势只不过间接地影响我国的安全，但是如果我们要躲过非现实主义的陷阱，我们就不得不认真考虑他们构成的当前计划的背景。Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.直接和当下就影响我们的国家安全的是形成战后太平洋战略潜力的各种变化。美国的西部战略前沿位于美洲的多边边界，和在此之外延伸到夏威夷、中途岛、关岛直到菲律宾群岛的一个岛链。事实证明这个突出的岛链不是坚固的前哨，而是敌人能够也曾经沿着此攻击的防守薄弱的通道。
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.太平洋曾经是企图攻击沿岸国家的侵略成性的国家的必争之地。我们在太平洋的胜利改变了一切。我们的战略前沿也从此转移的了整个太平洋，只要我们控制了太平洋，它就成了我们的无边的护城河。的确，它起着所有美洲国家和太平洋沿岸自由国家防卫之盾的作用。我们与我们的自由世界盟友通过一个从阿留申群岛到马里亚纳群岛的岛链控制着直到太平洋与亚洲海岸相接的广漠水域。由这个岛链我们通过海、空军遏制着从海参崴到新加坡的所有港口—如我所说，每个港口—从海参崴到新加坡—防止任何敌对势力进入太平洋。
*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.*任何来自亚洲的侵略性攻击只能是两栖作战。*没有任何两栖作战能够在没有进攻路线上的制海权和制空权的前提下成功。我们有海、空军的绝对优势和足够的地面作战力量保卫所有基地，任何来自亚洲大陆的对我们或我们的盟友的重点进攻都将以失败告终。
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.在这样的条件下，太平洋不再是未来的敌人进攻我们的危险的通衢。恰恰相反，成了充满友谊的内湖。有了这个天然的防线我们的军事努力和开支就可以降到最低水平。这里没有针对任何一方的进攻，也不会为任何进攻行动提供必需的堡垒，有的是适度维系的抵御任何进攻的固若金汤的防线。掌握这个西太平洋的多边防线完全取决于掌握各个防线；因为任何一段防线被一个不友好的势力突破将使任何其它主要防线受到攻击的危险。
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.这个军事评估我一直在等待一个军事领导人提出异议。因此我过去极力强调一个特急军事情况，就是无论如何情况下，台湾都不能落入共产党人的手里。这个不测事件一旦发生将立刻威胁到菲律宾的自由和日本的丧失，并且可能迫使我们把西部防线撤退到加利福尼亚州、俄勒冈州和华盛顿州海岸。
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.为了理解中国大陆现在发生的巨变，你必须理解在过去的五十年里中国人的秉性和文化发生的巨变。中国，直到五十年前，还是彻头彻尾的一盘散沙，被互相争斗的军阀们各自割据。对外发动战争的倾向几乎没有，因为他们仍然信奉孔夫子的“和为贵”教义。在世纪之交，在张作霖的统治下，进一步统一国家的运动促成了民族主义者的壮大。在蒋介石的领导下这种统一取得了巨大的成功，导致的最大的后果就是在当今的政府领导下演变成了一种颇具统治和侵略倾向的民族主义秉性。
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.在过去的五十年里，中国人民的观念和理想都军事化了。他们现在组成了拥有出色的指挥和参谋人员和最精锐的士兵的军队。这创造了亚洲的新的统治性的大国，它为了自己的利益与苏联结盟但坚持他们自己的观念和方法，已经成了侵略性的帝国。它的强军扩张的野心符合这类帝国主义。
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.无论这样还是那样看，在中国人的秉性里几乎没有任何意识形态观念。他们的生活水平极低，资本积累在战争中灰飞烟灭，广大民众因此奋不顾身地追随任何可能把他们解救出当地桎酷的领导。
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.我从开始就认为中国共产党人对北朝鲜的支持是占优的。他们在北朝鲜的利益在今天不亚于苏联。但是我认为他们最近显示的侵略性不仅在朝鲜而且还在印度支那和西藏，潜在的锋芒直指能南方，强力彰显了有史以来任何可能的征服者都具有的扩张国力的野心。
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.日本人民，自战争时起，一直开展历史上最伟大的改革。他们有令人啧啧称赞的学习的意志和热望，出色的理解力，在战争的废墟上，建立了一个给国民最大个体自由和人身尊严的大厦；随后他们有建立了真正的人民代表组成的政府，致力于政治道德的进步、经济实体的自由和社会的公平。Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.在政治、经济和社会上日本已经可以和地球上的很多自由国家比肩了，不会再次辜负国际社会的信任了。或许寄希望于日本在亚洲的事务中发挥深远的有益影响已经被日本人民在应对最近的战争、**和纠缠他们的来自外部和内部被控制的共产主义的困惑的挑战中没有丝毫放缓进步的步伐的惊人表现所证明了。我把我们的四个占领师全部投入韩国前线没有一点对造成日本军力真空的影响的担忧。这些结果完全证实了我的信念。我知道没有任何国家比日本更加沉着、守序和勤奋，也没有哪个国家能在人类的进步中怀有更高的未来建设性的服务的希望。Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.关于我们的庇护国菲律宾，我们满怀信心地期待当前的动荡得到平息，一个强大健康的国家摆脱战争的严重破坏的后续影响，发展起来。我们一定要耐心、理解而且永远不能辜负他们—如同在我们需要的时候，他们没有辜负我们一样。作为一个基督国家，菲律宾是一个基督精神在远东的坚强堡垒，它在亚洲的崇高道德领导能力不可限量。
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.在台湾，中华民国政府曾经有机会用行动驳斥大多数恶意的舆论，这些舆论侵蚀了国民党在中国大陆的领导力量。台湾人民将接受一个公正的开明的政府，这个政府具备政府的大多数功能，在政治、经济和社会上正在沿着健全和建设性的路线前进。
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.带着这个对周边地区的简要洞悉，我现在转到韩战。虽然总统做出旨在支持大韩民国的军事干预的决定并没有与我商量，从军事观点来看，这个决定是正确的，因为我们击退了入侵者，大量杀伤了他的部队。当红色中国以绝对优势的地面部队干预时，我们的胜利是彻底的，我们的目标已经达到。
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.这创造了一场全新的战争和彻头彻尾的新形势，一个我们的军队投身于抵御北韩侵略者时没有预料到的形势；一个在外交领域做出想决策以便赢得时间做出现实的军事战略调整的形势。这样的决策始终没有做出。
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.虽然没有一个头脑冷静的人会提出派我们的地面部队入侵中国大陆，甚至一点这样的念头都没有，但是如果我们的政治目的是如同我们过去击败老对手一样击败这个新敌人，新形势的确迫切地需要果断的战略规划修改。
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.在我看来，除了把鸭绿江以北的敌人的避难所中立化的军事需要，我觉得指挥一场战争的紧迫性必须：首先强化对中国的经济封锁；其次，部署海军对中国海岸进行封锁；第三，撤销对中国沿海地区和满洲里地区的空中侦察的限制；第四，撤销对在台湾的中华民国军队的限制，这只军队及其后勤支援可以有效地投入打击我们共同的敌人的军事行动。
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.因为维护所有这些观点，这些观点都是精心设计的旨在支持我们投入韩国的部队和结束敌对状态，而且延迟最少，可以挽救无数美国和盟国军人的生命，我一直受到严厉的批评，他们指责我到处画圈子，主要是在国外，尽管我对这些观点从军事角度的理解在过去事实上一直被任何关注韩战的军事领导人所赞同，包括参谋长联席会议。
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.我要求增援，都是得到的回答是无法增援。我阐明了如果不允许摧毁敌人在鸭绿江北的基地，如果不允许利用台湾的 600，000中国友军，不允许封锁中国的海岸防止红色中国得到他们没有的援助，如果主要的增援遥遥无期，从军事角度看，盟军司令部的地位就会封杀了胜利。
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.我可以通过持续的军事行动在我们的优势补给线与敌人的劣势补给线持平的地区附近控制韩国，但是我们可能最多只能取得一些微不足道的胜利，而一旦敌人倾注全力我们的部队就会卷入可怕的持久的消耗战。我一直在谋求彻底解决的政治决定。
Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: 很多人不遗余力的诋毁我的立场。他们说事实上我是一个战争贩子。事实胜于雄辩。几乎没有活着的人对战争的理解能达到我对战争的理解程度，我最痛恨的就是战争。我长期以来致力于彻底消除战争，因为只要诉诸战争，无论敌我双方都会遭到毁灭性打击，使它对解决国际争端毫无作用。的确，在一九四五年九月二日，日本国在密苏里号战舰上的投降仪式刚刚结束，我就正式提出下列忠告： “Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.” 自从盘古开天地，人类一直在追寻和平。多少个世纪以来，人们尝试了无数的方法构建一个国际程序防止和解决国与国之间的争端。从一开始人们就找到了可行的解决人与人之间关系的方法，但是借助国际范围的解决机制从来没有成功的。军事结盟，力量制衡，国家联盟相继失败，留下的唯一方法就是战争的考验。战争的极大破坏性勾勒了这个替代方法。我们还有最后一次机会。如果我们不能构建一些更加有力更加平等的系统，世界末日大决战必将到来。这个问题从根本上讲是神学性质的涉及精神和人类品性的改进，这个改进是与我们在科学、艺术、文学的近乎无与伦比的进步和过去2，000年来所有物质的和文化的进化同步的。如果我们要拯救血肉之躯，就必须具备这种精神。
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.但是一旦战争强加到我们的头上，除了用一切手段尽快结束它别无选择。战争的最高目标是夺取胜利，不是举棋不定。在战争中除了取胜别无选择。
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.一些人出于各种原因姑息红色中国。他们对清晰的历史教训视而不见，因为历史毋庸置疑地强调姑息绥靖只能是导致新的流血战争。历史上没有一个例子证明为了这个目的可以不择手段，所有的例子都是姑息绥靖导致的屈辱的和平。和敲诈勒索一样，它滋生新的欲壑难填的要求，如同敲诈勒索一样，直到动用唯一的另外选择—暴力。
“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.我的一个士兵问我：“为什么要把战场上的军事优势拱手让给一个敌人？”我无言以对。
有些人可能说：避免把冲突扩大为与中国的全面战争；另一些可能说避免苏联干预。没有一个解释成立，因为中国已经投入了他们的全部军力，苏联没必要和我们直接冲突。就像一条眼镜蛇，任何新的敌人极有可能在他认为他们在世界范围内有军事或其它潜在的优势时发动战争。
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.把军事行动限制在韩国领土进一步加剧了韩国的悲剧。全面的海空狂轰滥炸的摧枯拉朽的破坏力捣毁了我们要保护的国家，而我们的敌人的栖身之地却安然无恙。
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.在全世界所有的国家中，迄今为止只有韩国倾其举国之力抵御共产主义。韩国人民的勇气和坚毅是语言难以描述的。
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!” 他们选择了死亡而不是当奴隶。他们给我的最后一句话是：“不要放弃太平洋！” I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.我把你们英勇善战的儿女们留住了韩国。他们在那里接受了所有的考验，我可以毫无保留地告诉你们，他们在任何方面都表现得灿烂辉煌。It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.我一直致力于保护他们，以最短的时间和最小的牺牲来体面地结束这场残酷的冲突。日益增长的流血牺牲令我痛苦不堪、寝食难安。
这些仗义豪爽的优秀儿女们时常萦绕在我的心头，我永远为他们祈祷。I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.” 我52年的军旅生涯即将结束。当我从军时，还没有到世纪之交，它是我全部儿时的梦想和希望的实现。自从我在西点军校的操场上庄严宣誓以来，世界已经发生了翻天覆地的变化，这些希望和梦想早已灰飞烟灭了，但是我仍然记得那时一首最流行的军营歌谣的副歌：“老兵永远不死；他们仅仅是淡出了。” And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.正如那首歌谣中的老兵，我现在结束我的军旅生涯并且淡出，因为上帝还给他光芒让他看见天职，这个老兵就试图履行了他的天职。再见。
第三篇：奥巴马西点军校演讲
奥巴马西点军校演讲
奥巴马
本周一是阵亡将士纪念日，所以在今天这个场合，美国来缅怀那些为捍卫自由牺牲的人们，特别合适。你们是“911”以来第一届不用奔赴伊拉克或阿富汗前线的毕业生。当我2009年第一次在西点演讲时，我们在伊拉克还有10万多名驻军。我们还准备增兵阿富汗。我们反恐行动的重点还集中在基地组织的核心领导层——那些策划了“911”袭击的人。我们的国家才刚刚从大萧条以来最严重的经济危机中爬起身来。
四年半之后，当你们毕业之时，局面已经改变了。我们从伊拉克撤出了军队。我们正在阿富汗收缩战线。盘踞在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境地区的若干基地组织领导人已被诛杀，奥萨马•本—拉登已不复存在。经此巨变，我们已将资源重新集中于美国实力的本源：不断成长的经济——能够为每一个愿在国内勤勉工作、尽职尽责的人创造机会。
实际上，以大多数指标来衡量，相对于世界其他国家，美国很少像今天这样强大。那些持不同论调——说美国正在衰落，或说她已丧失全球领导地位——的人，要么是误解了历史，要么就是被党派立场蒙住了双眼。想想看。我们的军事实力举世无匹。来自任何一个国家的直接威胁都很低，远不能同冷战时期的危险相比。同时，我们的经济仍是全球最具活力的经济，我们的企业是最富创新能力的企业。我们在能源供应上一年比一年更独立。从欧洲到亚洲，如此众多的盟友簇拥在我们周围，为万国历史上所仅见。
美国仍在吸引努力奋斗的移民前来。我们的建国理念在世界各地激励着议会中的领袖和广场上参与运动的人群。当菲律宾受台风肆虐，尼日利亚女学童遭到劫持，或是乌克兰的蒙面枪手占据大楼，美国仍然是全世界寻求帮助的对象。我国是而且仍然是一个不可或缺的国家。上一个世纪是这样，下一个世纪仍将如此。
然而，世界正在加速变迁。这种变迁带来机遇，但也带来新的危险。“911”以后我们深刻地认识到，新技术和全球化如何让个人掌握了原本只有国家才有的力量，提升了恐怖主义者实施伤害的能力。俄罗斯对前苏联加盟国的侵凌踩痛了欧洲各国的神经，而中国的经济和军事崛起则引发其邻国的紧张。从巴西到印度，新兴的中产阶级社会同我们展开竞争，它们的政府在国际议题上寻求更大的发言权。尽管许多发展中国家拥抱民主和市场经济，但24小时新闻和社交媒体让人难以忽视派系冲突、国家失灵和民众暴动的持续存在，而这一切在10年前只会偶尔受到关注。
应对这样一个新世界，是你们这一代的任务。我们所面临的问题，你们每一个人所要面临的问题，不是美国还会不会领导世界，而是我们将如何领导世界——不仅仅确保我们自身的和平和繁荣，还要把和平和繁荣扩展到全世界。
其实，这个问题并不是新问题。最晚从华盛顿在独立战争中担任大陆军总司令以来，总有人说，干嘛要关心那些并不直接牵涉我国安全和经济福利的外国烂摊子？如今，按照那些自诩为现实主义者的人的说法，不管是叙利亚、乌克兰还是中非共和国的纷争，都不关我们的事。并不奇怪，在经历了靡费的战争和国内的重重挑战之后，很多美国人都有类似想法。
左的和右的干涉主义者则持另一种看法，他们说，无视这些冲突，最终会令我们自己遭殃。他们说，美国在全世界运用实力的意志是防止世界陷入混乱的终极保障，如果美国面对叙利亚的暴行或俄罗斯的挑衅而无所行动，不仅违背我们的良心，而且也是在纵容未来更加肆无忌惮的行径。
两边都可以从历史上找到论据。但我认为，上面两种观点都没有充分满足当今时代所提出的要求。毫无疑问，在21世纪，美国孤立主义绝对行不通。我们不可能对国境之外的事态坐视不理。如果国外的核材料得不到妥善保存，美国的城市就会遭受威胁。当叙利亚内战向境外蔓延，经过战争历练的极端组织攻击美国的能力只会有增无减。如果地区扩张行为得不到约束——不论是在乌克兰南部还是南中国海，或是其他地方——最终会触及我们的盟友，并将我们自己的军队卷入冲突。我们不能对国境外的种种事态袖手旁观。
除了上面那些利益计算，我相信我们还有一个真实的关切、一个长远利益：保证我们的子孙后代在一个女学童不被劫持，人们不因部落、信仰或政治立场而遭屠戮的世界里长大。我坚信，建设一个更自由、更宽容的世界不仅是一种道德要求，也有助于保障我们本国的安全。
然而，说我们有必要在国境之外推进和平与自由，并不是说所有所有问题都要用军事手段解决。自第一次世界大战以来，我们所犯过的一些代价最高昂的错误不是来自我们的克制，而是因为我们在贸然投入军事冒险前对后果考虑不周——没有为我们的行动获得国际支持与合法性；没有对美国人民坦陈需要他们做出的牺牲。强硬言辞容易博取新闻版面，但战争的真相很少能够符合口号。对这个问题理解深刻的艾森豪威尔将军1947年在这个典礼上说得好：“战争是人类最可悲、最愚昧的蠢行。故意挑起战争，不论是自己决断还是出谋划策，都是对全人类犯下的邪恶罪行。”
像艾森豪威尔一样，这一代的男女军人对战争的代价理解甚深，你们西点毕业生也是如此。当我5年前在此宣布增兵阿富汗的时候，听众中的四人后来就在那个战场上捐躯。还有很多西点生负伤。我相信美国的国家安全需要采取那次军事部署。但那些伤亡者的英灵和苦痛令我寝食难安。如果我把你们送去冒生命危险，只是因为觉得世界上的哪个地方出了问题得有人管管，或者因为怕别人说不派兵干涉就会显得美国很软弱，那我就是背叛了我对你们、对我所爱的这个国家所负有的责任。
这是我的底线：在世界舞台上，美国必须坚持发挥领导作用。如果我们不做，就没人会去承担那份责任。你们加入的美国军队一直是支持美国领导作用的中坚力量。但是美国的军事行动不能在所有情况下都构成美国领导力的唯一内容，甚至不能总是其首要内容。我们手中握有最好的榔头，并不意味着所有的问题就都成了钉子。而且，正因为军事行动成本高昂，你们理当期待，每一位平民政府的总统——尤其他又是你们的总司令——在动用这种令人敬畏的力量之时，都应该怀着何种戒慎恐惧的心情。
所以，我将用接下来的时间，描述一下我设想的前景：美利坚合众国及其军队如何在未来若干年内领导世界，因为你们都将组成那种领导力的一部分。
首先，请允许我重复我在初任总统时所说的一句话：美国将运用军事力量，如必要时甚至是单边运用，如果我们的核心利益要求如此——如果我们的人民受到威胁，如果我们的生计蒙受风险，如果我们的盟友陷入危难。在这些情况下，我们仍须追问，我们的行动是否适度、有效和正义。国际舆论很重要，但保护我们的人民、国土和生活方式，美国不需要请求允许。
另一方面，如果全球关心的问题并没有直接威胁到美国，却也有所关涉的时候——当国外的危机刺痛了我们的良心，或者将世界推向一个更危险的方向却并未直接威胁到我们时，军事行动的门槛必须提高。在这些情况下，我们不应独自动武。而是必须动员盟友和伙伴采取集体行动。我们必须拓展手段，包括外交和国际开发、制裁和孤立、诉诸国际法和采取多边军事行动——前提是正义、必要和有效性。我们必须同其他方面合作，因为在此类情况下，集体行动更容易成功，更容易持久，也更不容易导致严重的错误。
这就引出我的第二个论点：在可预见的未来，在国内外对美国构成最直接威胁的还是恐怖主义。但是入侵所有庇护恐怖主义网络的国家，这种战略既是天真的，也是不可持续的。我认为我们必须改变我们的反恐战略，吸取我们在伊拉克和阿富汗的经验教训，更有效地同那些恐怖主义试图渗透的国家合作。
之所以需要新战略，是因为现在的主要威胁不在来自一个集中化的基地组织核心，而是来自分散化的基地外围和在各国各自为战的极端势力。这种变化降低了“911”式大规模袭击美国本土的可能性，但它却加剧了美国人员在海外遇袭的危险，就像我们在班加西领馆遇袭事件中看到的情况一样。它也加剧了防卫薄弱的目标遇袭的危险，就像我们在内罗毕购物中心袭击事件中看到的情况一样。
所以我们必须设计出一套战略，以应对此类分散化的威胁。那套战略要能让我们在扩大干预范围的同时，不至于把我们的军力过度摊薄，或引发当地人的仇恨。我们需要伙伴来和我们并肩打击恐怖主义。培养伙伴的能力正是我们在阿富汗所做的主要工作之一。
与盟友携手，美国重拳打击了基地组织核心，并反击了旨在推翻阿富汗政权的暴动。但要保住这些果实，前提是阿富汗方面有足够的能力完成任务。所以我们在训练数十万的阿富汗士兵和警察。今年年初，正是那些阿富汗部队保障了这个国家完成其历史上首次民主的政权交接。今年年末，一位新的阿富汗总统将会走马上任，而美国的战斗任务届时也就结束了。
那是美国武装部队帮助完成的一个了不起的成就。当我们在阿富汗转向训练和顾问任务，我们在该国的收缩让我们可以更有效地应对在中东与北非出现的新威胁。所以，今年早些时候，我要求我的国家安全团队制定一套计划，从南亚到非洲萨赫勒地区打造一个伙伴网络。今天，作为这一努力的一部分，我呼吁国会支持设立一个50亿美元的反恐怖主义伙伴基金，以使我们训练和装备处于反恐前线的伙伴。这些资源将使我们能够灵活胜任各种不同任务，包括帮助受到基地渗透的也门训练安全部队、在索马里部署多国维和部队、同欧洲盟友一起训练利比亚安全部队和边界巡逻队以及协助法国在马里采取行动等。
这一切努力的一个关键焦点是旷日持久的叙利亚危机。这场令人沮丧的危机没有容易的解决办法，用任何军事手段都不可能很快消除那里令人发指的暴行。作为总统，我决定不让美国的部队介入那场日益演变成派系战争的冲突，我相信这一决定是正确的。但那并不意味着我们不应该帮助叙利亚人民反抗那轰炸、饿死自己人民的独裁者。通过帮助那些为全体叙利亚人决定自身命运的权利而战的人，我们也就是在反击那些试图从这场混乱中渔利的极端主义者。
依靠我今天倡议设立的这个新基金，我们将帮助叙利亚的邻国约旦、黎巴嫩、土耳其和伊拉克，帮助他们在叙利亚边境疏导难民，拒斥恐怖分子。我将和国会通力合作，支持叙利亚反对派中最有希望替代恐怖分子和残暴独裁者的那些力量。我们还会继续同我们在欧洲和阿拉伯世界的盟友协调，推动这场危机得到政治解决，确保那些国家而不仅仅是美国在帮助叙利亚人民的过程中做出一份合理的贡献。
关于反恐怖主义，我还有最后一点要讲。我所描述的伙伴关系并不意味着，不需要采取任何直接行动，实施必要的自卫了。当我们掌握了可以据以采取行动的充分情报以后，我们就会采取行动。例如抓捕1998年阴谋炸毁美国使馆的恐怖分子、在也门和索马里实施无人机打击等等。在必须行动的时候，我们不能犹豫。
但就像我去年所说，在采取直接行动时我们必须坚持标准，持守我们的价值观。那意味着仅当面对持续的、实质性的威胁时才进行打击，而且要尽量确保不会造成平民伤亡。因为我们的行动要符合一条简单标准：我们不能在清除敌人的过程中，制造更多的敌人。
我也相信，关于反恐行动的基础和实施方式，我们必须更加透明。我们必须对公众作出解释。我会更多地让军方主导并向公众提供行动信息。我们的情报部门做了很多出色的工作，我们还会继续保护它们的信息源和工作方法。但如果我们无法清楚、公开地解释我们的行为，我们就得应付恐怖分子的宣传和国际上的质疑，我们在伙伴和人民眼里的合法性会遭到削弱，我们对自己政府的报告义务会遭到忽视。
透明度问题直接关系到美国领导力的第三个层面，那就是加强国际秩序。
第二次世界大战以后，美国智慧地创造出一些制度，以维护和平，促进人类进步——从北约到联合国再到世界银行和国际货币基金组织。这些制度并不完美，但它们是力量的放大器。它们减少了美国采取单边行动的需要，增加了对其他国家的约束。
如今，正如这个世界已经变化，这一国际治理架构也需要因时而变。在冷战高潮时期，肯尼迪总统说过，和平需要建立在“人类制度的渐进演化”之上。促使这些国际制度进一步演化，以应今时今日之需，是美国领导力的关键内容。
现在有不少人、不少怀疑论者老是要贬低多边行动的有效性。在他们看来，通过联合国这种国际组织来做事或遵守国际法是软弱的标志。我说他们错了。容我举两个例子来说明为什么。
俄罗斯最近在乌克兰的行动让人回想起苏联坦克碾压东欧的年代。但这并不是冷战重演。我们塑造世界舆论的能力帮助我们成功孤立了俄罗斯。由于美国的领导力，各国都很快对俄罗斯的行径做出谴责，欧洲和七国集团联合我们实施制裁，北约加强了对东欧盟友的承诺，国际货币基金组织协助稳定乌克兰经济，欧洲安全与合作组织的监督将全世界的目光引向了乌克兰南部的动荡。这场对世界舆论和国际组织的动员有力地抗衡了俄罗斯的宣传攻势、其部署在俄乌边境的军队和渗透在乌克兰的蒙面武装分子。
上周周末，数以百万计的乌克兰公民投了票。昨天我同乌克兰当选总统通了话。我们不知道局势会怎样演变，不知道前方还会有何种凶险，但同盟友并肩、同国际组织携手捍卫国际秩序的做法，已经给了乌克兰人民一个选择未来的机会，而我们并没有费一枪一弹。
与此类似，尽管美国、以色列和其他国家反复警告，伊朗近年来一直在稳步推进核计划。但就在我担任总统的初期，我们组成了一个联盟，对伊朗经济实施制裁，并对伊朗政府伸出外交之手。如今我们有机会和平地化解分歧。
虽然谈论成功为时尚早，我们也为防止伊朗拥有核武器而保留一切手段。但十年来，我们首次有机会达成突破性的协议。这份协议比我们用武力所能达成的更有效，更牢靠。在所有这些谈判中，我们自愿通过多边渠道开展工作，让全世界站到我们一边。
这就说明，这才是美国的领导力。这才是美国的强项。在上述两个例子中，我们打造同盟应对挑战。如今我们需要进一步加强这些制度，使其能够预见并组织问题扩散。例如北约是全世界迄今为止最强大的军事联盟。我们正着眼于新的任务加强同北约盟友的合作，一方面在东欧巩固新获得的盟友，另一方面要求北约盟友在欧洲以外参与反恐，应对崩溃国家的挑战并且训练伙伴网络。
与之相似，联合国提供了一个在冲突不断的各国之间维持和平的平台。现在我们需要确保参与维和行动的国家有足够的训练和设备来完成使命，以避免刚果（金）和苏丹战乱那样的大屠杀再次出现。我们要深化对那些参与维和国家的投入，因为如果其他国家能够就近维持有关地区的秩序，我们就无需投入自己的军队去冒险。这是一笔划算的投资。这是正确的领导方式。
请记住，并不是所有的国际规则都直接关乎武装冲突。网络攻击是一个棘手问题，因此我们正在努力塑造和加强网络治理规则，以保障网络和公民安全。在亚太地区，我们支持东南亚国家同中国谈判，以在南中国海岛屿争端中制定行为准则。我们也试图通过国际法解决那些争端。我们也需要发扬合作精神，来为全球应对气候变化重振活力。气候变化这个悄无声息的国家安全危机会影响你们一代军人所面对的形势，诸如难民潮、自然灾害和争抢水资源以及食物的各种挑战。因此明年我将努力确保在美国引领下建立全球框架，保护我们的星球。
诸君请看，美国的影响力最强之际，都是我们用榜样的力量领导世界之时。我们不能把自己排除于规则之外，而让他人遵守规则。我们不能一边呼吁其他国家应对气候变化，另一边许多我们自己的政治领袖却在否认气候变化的存在。我们不能一边试图解决南中国海问题，另一边却无法确保《国际海洋法公约》在美国参议院获得批准，尽管我们的高级将领也认为该公约有利于国家安全。那不是领导，那是退却。那不是强大，那是软弱。在罗斯福、杜鲁门、艾森豪威尔和肯尼迪那样的领袖身上，完全看不到这些东西。
我全身心地信仰美国例外论。但让我们成为例外的不是我们违反国际规则和法治的能力，而是我们以实际行动来肯定它们的意愿。正是因此，我将继续推动关闭关塔那摩监狱，因为美国的价值观和司法传统不允许在海外无限期关押犯人。正是因此，我将设立新规，规范美国收集使用情报的行为，因为如果人们都认定我们监听普通公民，我们会失去朋友，工作效率也会大打折扣。美国不仅仅代表着不惜一切代价谋求稳定或没有冲突。我们代表着更长远的和平，而只有当其他地方的人们获得机会和自由，那种和平才会来临。
这就关系到美国领导力的第四个也是最后一个要素：我们捍卫人类尊严的意志。美国对民主和人权的支持超乎理想主义，它也是国家安全的一个考量。民主国家是我们最亲近的朋友，也最不易走向战争。基于自由、开放市场的经济体表现更佳，也会成为我们产品的市场。尊重人权则有助于克服不稳定因素，有利于消解滋生暴力与恐怖的仇恨土壤。
新世纪的来临并没有带来暴政的黄昏。在世界各国，甚至是美国的一些伙伴，对公民社会的压制依然存在。腐败的癌症让太多的政府官员和他们的圈内人一夜暴富，激怒了从偏远乡村到伟大广场上的普通公民。看到这些趋势以及阿拉伯世界的一些暴力行径，很容易让人变得玩世不恭。
但也请记得，恰恰是因为美国的努力，因为美国的外交和对外援助，因为美国军队的牺牲，很多人如今已经生活在民选的政府之下，比人类历史上的任何时期都要多。技术使公民社会变得更有力量，让铁拳更难对它们加以控制。各种新突破让数以亿计的人脱离贫困。即便是阿拉伯世界的动荡也表现出拒斥威权统治的倾向——它们绝不稳固——而且也预示了更负责、更有效的治理前景。
我们承认，我们同埃及等国家的关系是出于安全利益考量，包括巴以和平进程和共同反对暴力极端势力等等。所以我们并未切断同新政府的联系，但我们能够也将会继续施压，敦促埃及政府实施其民众所要求的改革。
与此同时，像缅甸，几年前还是不可理喻、对美国充满敌意的专制国家，那可是4千万人口的国家啊。依靠该国人民巨大的勇气以及我们的外交努力，我们已经看到一个曾经封闭的社会开启了政治改革的进程，缅甸领导层开始疏远朝鲜，转向美国和盟友。我们正在支持该国的改革和亟需的民族和解进程，通过劝说和偶尔公开批评的方式。那里的进步还有陷入倒退的可能，不过，如果缅甸能够成功，我们就是未开一枪而赢得了新的伙伴。这就是美国的领导力。
在所有这些例子中，我们不能期待改变一夜之间完成。因此我们不仅同政府结盟，也同普通人民交好。和其他一些国家不同，美国不惧怕个体的人变得强大，有力的个人是美国的力量之源。公民社会、新闻自由令我们的力量有增无减。勤奋的企业家和小业主夯实我们的经济实力。教育交流和为一切男人、女人和儿童提供机会，这种开放性让我们近悦远来。那才是我们美国。那是我们所代表的一切。
去年在访问非洲的时候，我看到美国的援助令许多年轻人免受艾滋病的感染，同时也使得非洲居民能够照顾自己的病人。我们帮助农夫把出产送往市场，让饥民获得口粮。我们让撒哈拉以南非洲的电力供应翻番，让当地人得以分享全球经济的繁荣。这一切都在为我们赢得新的伙伴，挤压恐怖主义和暴力冲突的空间。
不幸的是，美国的安全努力都不足以消除博科圣地等极端组织造成的威胁，该组织劫持了200多名女学生。所以我们不能只顾营救学生，还要帮助尼日利亚教育他们的青年。这是我们在伊拉克和阿富汗来之不易的经验之一，美国驻军要成为外交和当地经济社会发展的最有力推动者。我们的部队明白了，对外援助不是细枝末节，不是可以跟国防分开考虑的事情。它是壮大我们的重要一环。
归根结底，全球领导力要求我们直面世界的本来面目，看清其全部危险和不确定性。我们得做最坏打算，防备一切意外。但美国的领导力也要求我们前瞻世界的应然状态：个人的愿望得到尊重，统治人们的是希望而非恐惧，我们的立国文献中所写下的真理可以引导世界历史潮流走向正义的方向。
资料来源：一财网
第四篇：麦克阿瑟名言
麦克阿瑟名言
1、今天标志我对你们的最后一次点名。但我希望你们知道，当我死去时，我最后自然想到的一定是你们这支部队——这支部队——这支部队。
2、“你有信仰就年轻，疑惑就年老。有自信就年轻，畏惧就年老。有希望就年轻，绝望就年老。岁月刻蚀的不过是你的皮肤，但如果失去了热忱，你的灵魂就不再年轻。”
3、“I shall return"
4、“只有不怕死的人才配活着”
5、“有绝妙的计划，必须不遗余力地实施，而且今天就做。”
6、我向你们告别了。
7、石头是坚硬的但比它更坚硬的是人的高与意志它受到理想的指引它能征服和铸造最坚硬的顽石
8、“迎接战争和迎接太阳一样”
9、“老兵永远不会死，他们只是悄然隐去”
10、“人才有用不好用，奴才好用没有用。”
11、我的生命已近黄昏，暮色已经降临。我过去的音调与色彩已经消失，它们已经随着往事的梦境模糊地溜走了。往日的回忆是非常美好的，是以泪水洗涤，以昨天的微笑抚慰的。我渴望但徒然地聆听着远处那微弱而迷人的起床号声，和那咚咚作响的军鼓声。在梦境里，我又听到隆隆的炮声，劈啪的步枪射击声，战场上古怪而悲伤的低语声。然而，在我黄昏的记忆中，我总是来到西点，耳边始终回响着：责任一荣誉一国家。
12、“若无必胜的信心，则战争必败无疑。”
第五篇：麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”中英文
英文全文如下: Old soldiers never die, they just fade away
Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
“Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system，Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.”
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the Pacific!”
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文
总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们： 我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。
我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。
说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。
集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。这是世界金融尖端转变的必然结果，就像整个世界事物的中心正循环着回到它的起始点。
在这种形势之下，我们用基本发展的状况使自己国家和东方国家在政策上保持和谐而不是一味追求不明现实的路线，因为殖民时代已经过去且亚洲人正为实现他们自由的命运而垂延。他们当今寻求的是友好的指引、协议、和支持——而不是专横的引导——是平等尊严而不是耻辱地屈从。他们战前的生活标准低得令人同情，现在又因战争所带来的破坏而变得更加无限的低。世界的意识形态几乎不把亚洲考虑在内，不给予他们体谅。那儿的人民为之拼命的只是为了能得到更多一点食物来填饱肚子，有稍好一点的衣物来遮背，盖结实些的屋顶在他们的头上，和普通国民们渴望政治自由的意识。这些政治社会性的条件为国内安全给予了间接的保障，不过要对慎重考虑过的现时方案建立背景来决定我们是否要避免不切实际的意外事件。
能直系和快速地稳固住国内安全的是过去太平洋战争路线战略上的改变。先前的美国西面战略部署是美国原本线路，附和着暴露的岛屿夏威夷、中途岛、关岛通向菲律宾。这种战线证明了不是敌方前哨的力量而是我方暴露的弱点使敌人有机可乘太平洋地区是个令任何强国都虎视眈眈谋求发展和扩张领土的地方。所有一切都被太平洋战争的胜利改变了，我们那具有战略意义的边界才成为我们所拥有的整个太平洋，只要我们能够抓住它便能使其成为巨大的护城河。千真万确，它充当的是所有美国乃至整个太平洋自由领土的护盾。我们控制亚洲成弧形链状海岸线的岛屿从琉球到马尼拉都受我们和盟军控制。由这诸些岛屿我们能支配从海参葳到新加坡亚洲港口的海洋和空中力量——有了海洋上的和空中的力量——如我所说的——从海参葳到新加坡——保护并抵御太平洋上不友好的动机。
在亚洲任何凶狠的进攻都必须具备两股力量。无任何两种力量能在没有海洋和空中的掌控权之下在推进道路上取得成功。有了海军、重要的空军和适度的陆军来保卫基地，任何对亚洲大陆的以及我们和我们在太平洋上的朋友的蓄意攻击都必将逃不了失败的厄运。
在如此状况下，太平洋代表的不仅仅是预想中的侵略者的一种威胁。假定那里是个友好的和平湖畔，我们的防御路线就十分自然而且可花费最小的军事代价来维持。想象没有任何袭击，也用不着为突袭性的攻击而设置堡垒，只要适当维护，这将是抵制侵略的不可战胜的防御。
在西太平洋上想拥有这种防御力因此要依赖各个部分，因为不友好的力量导致的任何线路破裂都会遭来每个部分在有预谋的攻击下变得十分脆弱。
这是我仍在寻找的要接替我的军事领头者应当持有的军事评估。因为这个原因，我过去强烈地推荐自己，成为一个至关重要的军事代理，没有稳固的经济基础台湾就只能在共产主义的掌控下。这样一个世界有可能立刻就威胁到菲律宾和失败后的日本的自由，也会迫使我们西方的防守边界退到加利福尼亚沿岸、奥勒岗和华盛顿。
要了解中国大陆所发生的变化，就必须知道50年来中国体制和文化的变化。中国，50年前是完全没有团结意识，分裂成很多团体互相争斗。经过过去的五十年中国人开始有了武装的概念和理想。如今他们组成了拥有胜任的参谋长和司令的优秀士兵团体。这就在亚洲诞生了一股新的统治力量，为了实现自己的目标，他们与观念方法都成了具帝国主义的苏联结盟，同时他们也带着扩张领土、增强实力的渴望趋向帝国主义。
他们都使用精力来扭曲我的职位。结果我被说成了是个好战分子。没有事物能够越加远离真理。我明白现在活着的人当中几乎没多少能真正了解战争，没有比这更令我心情不悦的了。因为对朋友和敌人带来的破坏已经致使一系列国际上的争论都毫无用处，我倡导这项废除令很久了。事实上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本国在密苏里号战舰上投降后，我正式警告如下：
“人类从一开始就寻求和平。不同的时代各式各样的方法都被用来设计国际性的进程，来平息和解国与国之间的争论。有许多可行性的方法是被个别的公民发掘的，但是在一个巨大的国际范围中，技术工人用单一的手段还从未成功过。军事的联盟，实力的平衡，国家的结盟，轮流着失败，留下这唯一的路径来当作战争的严酷考验。战争带来的整个破坏现在产生了二选一。我们只有最后的机会。如果我们我们不能设计出一些更好更公平的制度，大决战将近在咫尺。问题是神奇的，它涉及到一种精神的再生和人类性格的改进，将与我们在科学、艺术、文学及所有物质文化2000年来的发展近乎史无前例的同步进展。如果我们要保存肉体就必须有精神作支撑。”
但是一旦战争逼迫着我们发生，那就没有选择的尽力使战争尽快结束。战争的目的是为了胜利，而不是为了无休止的延长。战争中没有东西能代替胜利。有一些人因为各种原因要安慰红色中国。他们无视历史的教训，因为历史无庸质疑地强调了抚慰只能招致更血性的战争。就像敲诈勒索，它爆发于连续不断的新的需求，在威胁中，暴力成为了仅存的另外选择。“为什么？”我的士兵问我，“难道要我们在战场上放弃对敌人的优势？”我无言以对。
有人会说：和中国携手进行一次全力以赴的战争来避免冲突的传播；另外，要避免苏联的干涉。似乎没有一种解释是有效的，因为中国已经表明有了最大限度的影响力，且苏联不会迎合我们的步伐。就如一条眼镜蛇，当新的敌人感到军事上的相互依存或者别的遍及世界的潜在诱惑，他们就很可能会发动进攻。
事实使韩国的悲剧更为加深了，军事行动缩小了他们的国界。那个我们要拯救的国家、他们要饱受整个海军和空军毁灭性的对抗，然而敌人的地盘却在如此的攻击和破坏之下全全得到保护，这是受到谴责的。在世界上所有的国家中，韩国是仅存的唯一冒险反对共产主义的国家。韩国人民巨大的勇气和刚毅拒绝描述。比起奴隶身份他们情愿选择了拼死。他们对我留下的最后一句话是：“决不能逃离太平洋！”我只为你们留下了英勇善战的儿子们。他们在那遇到了各种各样的考验，我会毫无保留地向你们汇报他们在每个方面都很出色。
我持久地尽我所能去保护他们光荣地结束这场野蛮的冲突，并且要花费最少的时间，付出最小的牺牲。那些日趋增长的杀戮给我带来了极度的痛苦和忧虑。那些勇敢的人们永久地留在我的脑海中以及我的祈祷文里。
我即将结束我52年的戎马生涯了。还在本世纪开始前当我加入陆军时，我孩提时代所有的希望和梦想便实现了。自从我在西点广场上虔诚地宣誓以来，世界已几经倾覆，希望和梦想也早已消失，但我仍记得那时最流行的一首军歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布：
“老兵永远不死，他们只是悄然隐去。”
像那首歌中的老兵一样，我作为一名在上帝的光辉下尽心尽职的老兵，现在结束我的军事生涯，悄然隐去。再见。
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