第一篇:奥巴马针对叙利亚事件在白宫发表的讲话
Good afternoon, everybody.Ten days ago, the world watched in horror as men, women and children were massacred in Syria in the worst chemical weapons attack of the 21st century.Yesterday the United States presented a powerful case that the Syrian government was responsible for this attack on its own people.Our intelligence shows the Assad regime and its forces preparing to use chemical weapons, launching rockets in the highly populated suburbs of Damascus, and acknowledging that a chemical weapons attack took place.And all of this corroborates what the world can plainly see-hospitals overflowing with victims;terrible images of the dead.All told, well over 1000 people were murdered.Several hundred of them were children-young girls and boys gassed to death by their own government.This attack is an assault on human dignity.It also presents a serious danger to our national security.It risks making a mockery of the global prohibition on the use of chemical weapons.It endangers our friends and our partners along Syria’s borders, including Israel, Jordan, Turkey, Lebanon and Iraq.It could lead to escalating use of chemical weapons, or their proliferation to terrorist groups who would do our people harm.In a world with many dangers, this menace must be confronted.Now, after careful deliberation, I have decided that the United States should take military action against Syrian regime targets.This would not be an open-ended intervention.We would not put boots on the ground.Instead, our action would be designed to be limited in duration and scope.But I’m confident we can hold the Assad regime accountable for their use of chemical weapons, deter this kind of behavior, and degrade their capacity to carry it out.Our military has positioned assets in the region.The chairman of the Joint Chiefs has informed me that we are prepared to strike whenever we choose.Moreover, the Chairman has indicated to me that our capacity to execute this mission is not time-sensitive;it will be effective tomorrow, or next week, or one month from now.andI’m prepared to give that order.But having made my decision as Commander-in-Chief based on what I am convinced is our national security interests, I’m also mindful that I’m the President of the world’s oldest constitutional democracy.I’ve long believed that our power is rooted not just in our military might, but in our example as a government of the people, by the people, and for the people.And that’s why I’ve made a second decision: I will seek authorization for the use of force from the American people’s representatives in Congress.Over the last several days, we’ve heard from members of Congress who want their voices to be heard.I absolutely agree.So this morning, I spoke with all four congressional leaders, and they’ve agreed to schedule a debate and then a vote as soon as Congress comes back into session.In the coming days, my administration stands ready to provide every member with the information they need to understand what happened in Syria and why it has such profound implications for America’s national security.And all of us should be accountable as we move forward, and that can only be accomplished with a vote.I’m confident in the case our government has made without waiting for U.N.inspectors.I’m comfortable going forward without the approval of a United Nations Security Council that, so far, has been completelyparalysed and unwilling to hold Assad accountable.As a consequence, many people have advised against taking this decision to Congress, and undoubtedly, they were impacted by what we saw happen in the United Kingdom this week when the Parliament of our closest ally failed to pass a resolution with a similar goal, even as the Prime Minister supported taking action.Yet, while I believe I have the authority to carry out this military action without specific congressional authorization, I know that the country will be stronger if we take this course, and our actions will be even more effective.We should have this debate, because the issues are too big for business as usual.And this morning, John Boehner, Harry Reid, Nancy Pelosi and Mitch McConnell agreed that this is the right thing to do for our democracy.A country faces few decisions as grave as using military force, even when that force is limited.I respect the views of those who call for caution, particularly as our country emerges from a time of war that I was elected in part to end.But if we really do want to turn away from taking appropriate action in the face of such an unspeakable outrage, then we must acknowledge the costs of doing nothing.Here’s my question for every member of Congress and every member of the global community: What message will we send if a dictator can gas hundreds of children to death in plain sight and pay no price? What’s the purpose of the international system that we’ve built if a prohibition on the use of chemical weapons that has been agreed to by the governments of 98 percent of the world’s people and approved overwhelmingly by the Congress of thee United States is not enforced?
Make no mistake-this has implications beyond chemical warfare.If we won’t enforce accountability in the face of this heinous act, what does it say about our resolve to stand up to others who flout fundamental international rules? To governments who would choose to build nuclear arms? To terrorist who would spread biological weapons? To armies who carry out genocide?
We cannot raise our children in a world where we will not follow through on the things we say, the accords we sign, the values that define us.So just as I will take this case to Congress, I will also deliver this message to the world.While the U.N.investigation has some time to report on its findings, we will insist that an atrocity committed with chemical weapons is not simply investigated, it must be confronted.I don’t expect every nation to agree with the decision we have made.Privately we’ve heard many expressions of support from our friends.But I will ask those who care about the writ of the international community to stand publicly behind our action.And finally, let me say this to the American people: I know well that we are weary of war.We’ve ended one war in Iraq.We’re ending another in Afghanistan.And the American people have the good sense to know we cannot resolve the underlying conflict in Syria with our military.In that part of the world, there are ancient sectarian differences, and the hopes of the Arab Spring have unleashed forces of change that are going to take many years to resolve.And that’s why we’re not contemplating putting our troops in the middle of someone else’s war.Instead, we’ll continue to support the Syria people through our pressure on the Assad regime, our commitment to the opposition, our care for the displaced, and our pursuit of a political resolution that achieves a government that respects the dignity of its people.But we are the United States of America, and we cannot and must not turn a blind eye to what happened in Damascus.Out of the ashes of world war, we built an international order and enforced the rules that gave it meaning.And we did so because we believe that the right of individuals to live in peace and dignity depends on the responsibilities of nations.We aren’t perfect, but this nation more than any other has been willing to meet those responsibilities.So to all members of Congress of both parties, I ask you to take this vote for our national security.I am looking forward to the debate.And in doing so, I ask you, members of Congress, to consider that some things are more important than partisan differences or the politics of the moment.Ultimately, this is not about who occupies this office at any given time;it’s about who we are as a country.I believe that the people’s representatives must be invested in what America does abroad, and now is the time to show the world that America keeps our commitments.We do what we say.And we lead with the belief that right makes might-not the other way around.We all know there are no easy options.But I wasn’t elected to avoid hard decisions.And neither were the members of the House and the Senate.I’ve told you what I believe that our security and our values demand that we cannot turn away from the massacre of countless civilians with chemical weapons.And our democracy is stronger when the President and the people’s representatives stand together.I’m ready to act in the face of this outrage.Today I’m asking Congress to send a message to the world that we are ready to move forward together as one nation.Thanks very much.
第二篇:奥巴马对叙利亚白宫讲话(中英全文)
Remarks by the President in Address to the Nation on Syria
奥巴马总统就叙利亚问题向全国发表讲话
East Room, Washington, D.C.东厅,华盛顿哥伦比亚特区
September 10, 2012013年9月10日
My fellow Americans, tonight I want to talk to you about Syria--why it matters, and where we go from here.我的美国同胞们,今晚我想对你们谈谈叙利亚问题--为什么此事很重要,从现在开始我们将做些什么。
Over the past two years, what began as a series of peaceful protests against the repressive regime of Bashar al-Assad has turned into a brutal civil war.Over 100,000 people have been killed.Millions have fled the country.In that time, America has worked with allies to provide humanitarian support, to help the moderate opposition, and to shape a political settlement.But I have resisted calls for military action, because we cannot resolve someone else’s civil war through force, particularly after a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan.过去两年来,最初为反对巴沙尔阿萨德专制政权举行的一系列和平示威演变成一场残酷的内战。有100,000多人被杀害。数百万人逃离这个国家。在此期间,美国与各盟国一起提供人道主义援助,帮助温和的反对派,并努力促成政治解决。但是我拒绝了关于采取军事行动的要求,因为我们无法通过武力解决别国的内战问题,特别是在伊拉克和阿富汗经过了10年战争之后。
The situation profoundly changed, though, on August 21st, when Assad’s government gassed to death over a thousand people, including hundreds of children.The images from this massacre are sickening: Men, women, children lying in rows, killed by poison gas.Others foaming at the mouth, gasping for breath.A father clutching his dead children, imploring them to get up and walk.On that terrible night, the world saw in gruesome detail the terrible nature of chemical weapons, and why the overwhelming majority of humanity has declared them off-limits--a crime against humanity, and a violation of the laws of war.8月21日,局势出现了巨大的变化。当时,阿萨德政府使用毒气杀害了一千多民众,其中包括数百名儿童。这场大屠杀的情景令人惨不忍睹:男子、妇女、儿童横尸遍地,都是因为中毒身亡。另一些人口吐白沫,呼吸窒息。一位父亲搂着死去的孩子们,还在哀求他们站起来走走。在那个可怕的夜晚,全世界通过惨绝人寰的详尽画面亲眼目睹化学武器的恐怖性质。这也说明为什么人类绝大多数宣布禁止使用这类武器——使用这类武器属于反人类的罪行,也违反了战争法。
This was not always the case.In World War I, American GIs were among the many thousands killed by deadly gas in the trenches of Europe.In World War II, the Nazis used gas to inflict the horror of the Holocaust.Because these weapons can kill on a mass scale, with no distinction between soldier and infant, the civilized world has spent a century working to ban them.And in 1997, the United States Senate overwhelmingly approved an international agreement prohibiting the use of chemical weapons, now joined by 189 governments that represent 98 percent of humanity.事情往往没有那么简单。在第一次世界大战期间,数以千万计的人在欧洲的战壕中被致命的毒气杀害,美国士兵也在其中。在第二次世界大战期间,纳粹使用毒气制造了大屠杀的惨剧。由于这类武器可以大规模杀人害命,不论他们是士兵还是婴儿,文明世界花了一个世纪的时间努力禁止这类武器。1997年,美国参议院以压倒多数批准禁止使用化学武器的国际公约,现已有代表全人类98%的189个政府参加这项国际公约。
On August 21st, these basic rules were violated, along with our sense of common humanity.No one disputes that chemical weapons were used in Syria.The world saw thousands of videos, cell phone pictures, and social media accounts from the attack, and humanitarian organizations told stories of hospitals packed with people who had symptoms of poison gas.8月21日,这些基本准则受到破坏,我们关于共同人性的信念被践踏。对于化学武器在叙利亚已经被使用一事,已没有人提出质疑。全世界从数千份视频、手机摄像和社会媒体条目上都看到这次袭击事件的情景。人道主义组织也提供了有关报道,指出一些医院人满为患,患者出现毒气中毒的症状。
Moreover, we know the Assad regime was responsible.In the days leading up to August 21st, we know that Assad’s chemical weapons personnel prepared for an attack near an area where they mix sarin gas.They distributed gasmasks to their troops.Then they fired rockets from a regime-controlled area into 11 neighborhoods that the regime has been trying to wipe clear of opposition forces.Shortly after those rockets landed, the gas spread, and hospitals filled with the dying and the wounded.We know senior figures in Assad’s military machine reviewed the results of the attack, and the regime increased their shelling of the same neighborhoods in the days that followed.We’ve also studied samples of blood and hair from people at the site that tested positive for sarin.此外,我们知道阿萨德政权应为此负责。在8月21日前的几天,我们知道阿萨德的化学武器人员为了准备发动袭击,在邻近地区配制沙林毒气。他们向自己的军队发放了防毒面具。然后他们从该政权控制的地区向附近的11个小区发射火箭,该政权正企图在这些地区清除反对派武装。火箭落地后不久,毒气就开始蔓延,医院里到处都是死伤的人员。我们知道阿萨德军事机器的高级要员察看了袭击的结果,此后几天该政权加强了对这些小区进行炮击的火力。我们还检验了从现场人员身上取得的血液和毛发样品,结果发现呈沙林阳性。When dictators commit atrocities, they depend upon the world to look the other way until those horrifying pictures fade from memory.But these things happened.The facts cannot be denied.The question now is what the United States of America, and the international community, is prepared to do about it.Because what happened to those people--to those children--is not only a violation of international law, it’s also a danger to our security.当独裁者采取罪恶行动时,他们期待全世界对此不闻不问,直到这些惨无人道的景象从记忆中渐渐消失。但这些情况千真万确。事实不可否认。现在的问题是,美利坚合众国和国际社会准备对此采取什么行动。因为这些民众—这些儿童—的遭遇不仅仅涉及违反国际法的行为,而且也对我国安全造成威胁。
Let me explain why.If we fail to act, the Assad regime will see no reason to stop using chemical weapons.As the ban against these weapons erodes, other tyrants will have no reason to think twice about acquiring poison gas, and using them.Over time, our troops would again face the prospect of chemical warfare on the battlefield.And it could be easier for terrorist organizations to obtain these weapons, and to use them to attack civilians.请让我说明这是为什么。如果我们不采取行动,阿萨德政权就会认为没有理由停止使用化学武器。一旦禁止使用这类武器的禁令受到侵蚀,其他专制暴君也会毫不犹豫地获得毒气并投入使用。长此以往,我国军队在战场上将再次面临化学战的局面。恐怖主义组织也更容易获得这类武器并使用这些武器袭击平民。
If fighting spills beyond Syria’s borders, these weapons could threaten allies like Turkey, Jordan, and Israel.And a failure to stand against the use of chemical weapons would weaken prohibitions against other weapons of mass destruction, and embolden Assad’s ally, Iran--which must decide whether to ignore international law by building a nuclear weapon, or to take a more peaceful path.如果战火蔓延到叙利亚边境之外,这些武器会对土耳其、约旦和以色列等盟国造成威胁。如果不制止使用化学武器的行为,对其他大规模毁灭性武器的禁令也会被削弱,使阿萨德的盟国伊朗更胆大妄为--伊朗必须作出抉择,是以制造核武器对抗国际法,还是走上更和平的道路。
This is not a world we should accept.This is what’s at stake.And that is why, after careful deliberation, I determined that it is in the national security interests of the United States to respond to the Assad regime’s use of chemical weapons through a targeted military strike.The purpose of this strike would be to deter Assad from using chemical weapons, to degrade his regime’s ability to use them, and to make clear to the world that we will not tolerate their use.这不是我们应接受的世界。这是利害攸关所在。正因为如此,在经过审慎研究后,我断定,以有针对性的军事打击回应阿萨德政权动用化学武器的行径符合美国国家安全利益。打击是为了制止阿萨德使用化学武器,削弱该政权使用化学武器的能力,并向世界表明,我们决不容使用化学武器。
That’s my judgment as Commander-in-Chief.But I’m also the President of the world’s oldest constitutional democracy.So even though I possess the authority to order military strikes, I believed it was right, in the absence of a direct or imminent threat to our security, to take this debate to Congress.I believe our democracy is stronger when the President acts with the support of Congress.And I believe that America acts more effectively abroad when we stand together.这是我作为全军统帅的判断。然而我也是世界最悠久的宪政民主国家的总统。因此,虽然我有权下令进行军事打击,但我认为,在我们的安全没有受到直接和紧迫威胁的情况下,应该将此提交国会辩论。我认为,总统的行动得到国会支持会使我们的民主制更有力。我认为,我们的团结一致会使美国能够更有效地在海外展开行动。
This is especially true after a decade that put more and more war-making power in the hands of the President, and more and more burdens on the shoulders of our troops, while sidelining the people’s representatives from the critical decisions about when we use force.由于十年来总统的战争决定权越来越大,我们军队的负担越来越多,而在事关我们何时动武的重大决定中人民代表作用旁落,这一点尤其如此。
Now, I know that after the terrible toll of Iraq and Afghanistan, the idea of any military action, no matter how limited, is not going to be popular.After all, I’ve spent four and a half years working to end wars, not to start them.Our troops are out of Iraq.Our troops are coming home from Afghanistan.And I know Americans want all of us in Washington--especially me--to concentrate on the task of building our nation here at home: putting people back to work, educating our kids, growing our middle class.我知道,在付出伊拉克和阿富汗的沉重代价后,任何有关军事行动的设想,无论多么有限,都不会受欢迎。毕竟,我已经用了四年半的时间努力结束战争,而不是开始战争。我们的军队现在已经撤出伊拉克。我们的军队正在从阿富汗返回家园。而且我知道,美国人民希望我们在华盛顿的所有人——特别是我——集中精力进行国内建设:让人们重返工作岗位,让我们的孩子受教育,壮大我们的中产阶层。
It’s no wonder, then, that you’re asking hard questions.So let me answer some of the most important questions that I’ve heard from members of Congress, and that I’ve read in letters that you’ve sent to me.所以,毫不奇怪,你们提出了尖锐的问题。那么就让我来回答一些我从国会议员那里听到和从你们给我的来信中读到的最重要的问题。
First, many of you have asked, won’t this put us on a slippery slope to another war? One man wrote to me that we are “still recovering from our involvement in Iraq.” A veteran put it more bluntly: “This nation is sick and tired of war.”
首先,你们许多人问,这样做不是将导致我们跌入另一场战争吗?一位给我来信的人写道,我们“还在从对伊拉克的介入的恢复中”。一位退伍军人更直截了当地写道:“这个国家厌倦战争。”
My answer is simple: I will not put American boots on the ground in Syria.I will not pursue an open-ended action like Iraq or Afghanistan.I will not pursue a prolonged air campaign like Libya or Kosovo.This would be a targeted strike to achieve a clear objective: deterring the use of chemical weapons, and degrading Assad’s capabilities.我的回答简单明了:我不会向叙利亚派遣美国地面军队。我不会开展像在伊拉克或阿富汗的那种无限期行动。我不会进行像在利比亚或科索沃那样的长期空中行动。这将是为达到一个明确目标而进行的有针对性的打击:防止使用化学武器,削弱阿萨德的能力。
Others have asked whether it’s worth acting if we don’t take out Assad.As some members of Congress have said, there’s no point in simply doing a “pinprick” strike in Syria.还有些人质疑,如果我们不推翻阿萨德,这种行动是否值得。正像一些国会成员所说,对叙利亚给予“轻扎”的一击毫无意义。
Let me make something clear: The United States military doesn’t do pinpricks.Even a limited strike will send a message to Assad that no other nation can deliver.I don’t think we should remove another dictator with force--we learned from Iraq that doing so makes us responsible for all that comes next.But a targeted strike can make Assad, or any other dictator, think twice before using chemical weapons.请让我明确一点:美国军队不作轻扎之举。即使是有限打击也将对阿萨德传递任何其他国家都无法传递的信息。我不认为我们应该用武力再去推翻一个独裁者——我们从伊拉克懂得,这样做意味着我们要承担随后的所有一切。但是,有限的打击能够让阿萨德,或任何其他独裁者,在动用化学武器前三思。
Other questions involve the dangers of retaliation.We don’t dismiss any threats, but the Assad regime does not have the ability to seriously threaten our military.Any other retaliation they might seek is in line with threats that we face every day.Neither Assad nor his allies have any interest in escalation that would lead to his demise.And our ally, Israel, can defend itself with overwhelming force, as well as the unshakeable support of the United States of America.其他一些提问涉及报复的危险。我们不排除任何威胁,但是阿萨德政权没有能力对我们的军队构成严重威胁。他们有可能图谋的任何报复手段与我们每天面临的威胁并无两样。阿萨德和他的同伙都不会希望加剧导致自身灭亡。我们的盟友以色列能够依靠其压倒性的军事力量和美利坚合众国坚定不移的支持实现自卫。
Many of you have asked a broader question: Why should we get involved at all in a place that’s so complicated, and where--as one person wrote to me--“those who come after Assad may be enemies of human rights?”
你们许多人提出了一个更宏观的问题:我们到底为什么要介入一个如此复杂的地方,在那里——就像一位人士写给我的——“接替阿萨德的人也许与人权为敌?”
It’s true that some of Assad’s opponents are extremists.But al Qaeda will only draw strength in a more chaotic Syria if people there see the world doing nothing to prevent innocent civilians from being gassed to death.The majority of the Syrian people--and the Syrian opposition we work with--just want to live in peace, with dignity and freedom.And the day after any military action, we would redouble our efforts to achieve a political solution that strengthens those who reject the forces of tyranny and extremism.确实,在阿萨德的反对派中有些是极端主义分子。但是,如果人们看到世界对防止无辜平民遭毒气杀害无动于衷,那只会使“基地”组织(al Qaeda)在变得更加混乱的叙利亚得势。大多数叙利亚人——以及我们与之合作的叙利亚反对派——仅希望过和平、有尊严和自由的生活。在任何军事行动过后,我们都将加倍努力实现政治解决,增强那些抵制暴政与极端主义的力量。
Finally, many of you have asked: Why not leave this to other countries, or seek solutions short of force? As several people wrote to me, “We should not be the world’s policeman.”
最后,你们很多人都问道:为什么不把这个问题留给其他国家,为什么不寻求不使用武力的解决方式?有些人致信给我时写道:“我们不应充当世界警察。”
I agree, and I have a deeply held preference for peaceful solutions.Over the last two years, my administration has tried diplomacy and sanctions, warning and negotiations--but chemical weapons were still used by the Assad regime.我对此表示赞同,而且我深信应优先考虑和平解决。两年来,本届政府采用过外交方式、实施过制裁、发出过警告并进行过谈判——但阿萨德政权却依然使用了化学武器。
However, over the last few days, we’ve seen some encouraging signs.In part because of the credible threat of U.S.military action, as well as constructive talks that I had with President Putin, the Russian government has indicated a willingness to join with the international community in pushing Assad to give up his chemical weapons.The Assad regime has now admitted that it has these weapons, and even said they’d join the Chemical Weapons Convention, which prohibits their use.不过,我们在最近几天看到了一些积极迹象。在一定程度上由于美国要采取军事行动的有力威慑,以及我与普京总统进行的建设性会谈,俄罗斯政府已表示愿意加入国际社会的行列,迫使阿萨德放弃其化学武器。阿萨德政权现已承认拥有这类武器,甚至表示要加入禁止使用这类武器的《禁止化学武器公约》。
It’s too early to tell whether this offer will succeed, and any agreement must verify that the Assad regime keeps its commitments.But this initiative has the potential to remove the threat of chemical weapons without the use of force, particularly because Russia is one of Assad’s strongest allies.确定这个方案是否可行现在还为时过早,而且任何一项协议都必须核实阿萨德政权遵守承诺的情况。但这项提案有可能在不使用武力的情况下消除化学武器的威胁,尤其是因为俄罗斯是阿萨德最牢靠的盟友之一。
I have, therefore, asked the leaders of Congress to postpone a vote to authorize the use of force while we pursue this diplomatic path.I’m sending Secretary of State John Kerry to meet his Russian counterpart on Thursday, and I will continue my own discussions with President Putin.I’ve spoken to the leaders of two of our closest allies, France and the United Kingdom, and we will work together in consultation with Russia and China to put forward a resolution at the U.N.Security Council requiring Assad to give up his chemical weapons, and to ultimately destroy them under international control.We’ll also give U.N.inspectors the opportunity to report their findings about what happened on August 21st.And we will continue to rally support from allies from Europe to the Americas--from Asia to the Middle East--who agree on the need for action.因此,在我们探求这个外交途径的同时,我已要求国会领袖推迟就授权使用武力进行投票。我将派国务卿约翰·克里于本周四同俄罗斯外长见面,我也将继续同普京总统进行商谈。我已同我们最亲密的两个盟国——法国和英国——的领导人交谈过,我们将与俄罗斯和中国磋商,共同努力在联合国安理会提出一项决议,要求阿萨德必须放弃化学武器,并在国际监控下最终销毁它们。我们还将让联合国核查人员有机会报告他们对8月21日所发生的一切的调查结果。我们也将继续争取同样认为有必要采取行动的盟友的支持——从欧洲到美洲、从亚洲到中东。
Meanwhile, I’ve ordered our military to maintain their current posture to keep the pressure on Assad, and to be in a position to respond if diplomacy fails.And tonight, I give thanks again to our military and their families for their incredible strength and sacrifices.与此同时,我已命令我军保持他们目前的态势,以便继续向阿萨德施压,并在外交失效的情况下能够作出应对。今晚,我再次感谢我军军人及其家属的无比坚强以及他们付出的巨大牺牲。
My fellow Americans, for nearly seven decades, the United States has been the anchor of global security.This has meant doing more than forging international agreements--it has meant enforcing them.The burdens of leadership are often heavy, but the world is a better place because we have borne them.我的美国同胞们,近70年来,美国一直是全球安全的支柱。这不仅意味着缔结国际协定——而且意味着严格执行国际协定。发挥领导作用的担子往往是沉重的,但正因为我们已承担起这个重担,这个世界才变得更加美好。
And so, to my friends on the right, I ask you to reconcile your commitment to America’s military might with a failure to act when a cause is so plainly just.To my friends on the left, I ask you to reconcile your belief in freedom and dignity for all people with those images of children writhing in pain, and going still on a cold hospital floor.For sometimes resolutions and statements of condemnation are simply not enough.因此,我要请右翼的朋友们想一想,以你们对美国强大军力的承诺,能否容许不为如此显而易见的正义事业采取行动。我要请左翼的朋友们想一想,以你们对所有人民的自由和尊严的信念,能否对那些痛苦挣扎的儿童在医院冰冷的地板上奄奄一息的画面无动于衷。有时仅仅拿出决议及发表谴责声明是远远不够的。
Indeed, I’d ask every member of Congress, and those of you watching at home tonight, to view those videos of the attack, and then ask: What kind of world will we live in if the United States of America sees a dictator brazenly violate international law with poison gas, and we choose to look the other way?
是的,我要请每一位国会议员以及今晚在家中收看讲话的每一个人都去看一看有关那次袭击的视频并扪心自问:如果美国看到一名独裁者动用毒气肆无忌惮地践踏国际法却视而不见,那我们的这个世界会变成什么样子?
Franklin Roosevelt once said, “Our national determination to keep free of foreign wars and foreign entanglements cannot prevent us from feeling deep concern when ideals and principles that we have cherished are challenged.” Our ideals and principles, as well as our national security, are at stake in Syria, along with our leadership of a world where we seek to ensure that the worst weapons will never be used.富兰克林·罗斯福曾说:“我国不介入国外战争和国外纠葛的决心不能阻止我们在我们所珍视的理念和原则受到挑战的时候深深地感到关切。” 我们的理念和原则,以及我们的国家安全,都在叙利亚问题上面临利害攸关的时刻,此外还有我们在全世界为确保最残酷的武器绝不被使用而发挥的领导作用。
America is not the world’s policeman.Terrible things happen across the globe, and it is beyond our means to right every wrong.But when, with modest effort and risk, we can stop children from being gassed to death, and thereby make our own children safer over the long run, I believe we should act.That’s what makes America different.That’s what makes us exceptional.With humility, but with resolve, let us never lose sight of that essential truth.美国不是世界警察。全球到处都有可怕的事情发生,我们没有能力去纠正每一桩恶行。但当我们付出适度的努力并承担适度的风险就能阻止用毒气杀害儿童的行径,并从长远来看能以此进一步保障我们本国儿童的安全,我便坚信我们应当采取行动。正是这一点让美国独树一帜。正是这一点让我们出类拔萃。让我们以谦和为怀,同时下定决心,永远牢记这个至关重要的真理。
Thank you.God bless you.And God bless the United States of America.谢谢你们。愿上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
第三篇:奥巴马发表讲话(中英文).
奥巴马发表讲话(中英文)
当地时间4月15日,美国波士顿马拉松比赛终点线附近发生爆炸,目前造成至少3人死亡141人受伤。美国总统奥巴马在爆炸发生后3个多小时后发表全国电视讲话。以下为全文内容:
Good afternoon, everybody.Earlier today, I was briefed by my homeland security team on.We're continuing to monitor and respond to the situation as it unfolds.And I've directed the full resources of the federal government to help state and local authorities protect our people, increase security around the United States as necessary, and investigate what happened.大家下午好。我刚刚听取了了国土安全局就波士顿爆炸事件的汇报。我们将继续随情况发展进行监察并作出反应。我已下令联邦政府动用全部资源,协助州和地方当局保护人民的安全,在全美提高必要的安保水平,并调查事件真相。
The American people will say a prayer for Boston tonight.And Michelle and I send our deepest thoughts and prayers to the families of the victims in the wake of this senseless loss.美国人民今晚会为波士顿祈祷。米歇尔和我把我们最深切的思念和祈祷传递给受难者及其家属,对他们失去亲人表示哀悼。
We don't yet have all the answers.But we do know that multiple people have been wounded, some gravely, in explosions at the Boston Marathon.我们尚未知晓所有情况。但我们知道,波士顿马拉松比赛中多人受伤,有的极其严重。I've spoken to FBI Director Mueller and Secretary of Homeland Security Napolitano, and they're mobilizing the appropriate resources to investigate and to respond.我已经与联邦调查局局长米勒和国家安全部部长纳波利塔诺通过话,他们将调动所需的资源来调查并对此做出处理。
I've updated leaders of Congress in both parties, and we reaffirmed that on days like this there are no Republicans or Democrats — we are Americans, united in concern for our fellow citizens.我已对国会的两党领导人通报了最新情况,我们重申在这样的日子没有共和党或民主党之分,因为我们都是美国人,我们团结在一起,心系我们的同胞。
I've also spoken with Governor Patrick and Mayor Menino, and made it clear that they have every single federal resource necessary to care for the victims and counsel the families.And above all, I made clear to them that all Americans stand with the people of Boston.我也跟帕特里克州长和波士顿梅尼诺市长通过话,并清楚告诉他们,我们将调动一切资源来关怀遇难者并抚恤其家属。最重要的是,我清楚地告诉他们,所有的美国人都和波士顿人民同在。
Boston police, firefighters, and first responders as well as the National Guard responded heroically, and continue to do so as we speak.It's a reminder that so many Americans serve and sacrifice on our behalf every single day, without regard to their own safety, in dangerous and difficult circumstances.And we salute all those who assisted in responding so quickly and professionally to this tragedy.波士顿的警察、消防队员、应急人员以及国民警卫队正在并将继续英勇应对。它提醒人们,我们有这么多美国人每天为了我们奉献和牺牲,不顾自身安危在危险和艰难的情境中挺身而出。我们向他们在恐怖爆炸中的的快速反应和专业应对敬礼。
We still do not know who did this or why.And people shouldn't jump to conclusions before we have all the facts.But make no mistake — we will get to the bottom of this.And we will find out who did this;we'll find out why they did this.Any responsible individuals, any responsible groups will feel the full weight of justice.我们仍然不知道是谁制造了这次恐怖袭击,以及他们为什么这样做。我们不必急着下结论。但毫无疑问,我们会追查到底。我们会找出谁干的,动机是什么。任何与此案相关的个人和团体,都将受到正义的严惩。
Today is a holiday in Massachusetts — Patriots' Day.It's a day that celebrates the free and fiercely independent spirit that this great American city of Boston has reflected from the earliest days of our nation.And it's a day that draws the world to Boston's streets in a spirit of friendly competition.Boston is a tough and resilient town.So are its people.I'm supremely confident that Bostonians will pull together, take care of each other, and move forward as one proud city.And as they do, the American people will be with them every single step of the way.今天是马萨诸塞州的节日-爱国者日。这一天,我们都在庆祝这个伟大的美国城市波士顿的自由和激烈的独立精神,这是我们的勇士们在建国初期展现出的英勇战斗精神。这一天,在波士顿的大街上,马拉松比赛友好竞争的精神吸引了全世界的目光。波士顿是一个坚韧的城市,波士顿人民同样坚韧!我有一万个理由相信,波士顿会齐心协力彼此照顾,以一个自豪的心态勇往直前。这一路上每一步全体美国人民都将和他们一起。
You should anticipate that as we get more information, our teams will provide you briefings.We're still in the investigation stage at this point.But I just want to reiterate we will find out who did this and we will hold them accountable.有一点是肯定的,我们会调查事件获取更多信息,我们将随时通报情况。我想说的是,我们仍然处在调查阶段。但我想重申的是,我们誓将揪出真正的凶手并将追究他们的责任。Thank you very much.谢谢!
第四篇:奥巴马白宫演讲 2
Take executive action on immigration.在移民问题上采取执行行动。
Bucket.去他的。
New climate regulations.新气候规定。
Bucket.去他的。
It's the right thing to do.这么做才对。
My new attitude is paying off.我的新态度是回报。
Look at my Cuba policy.看看我的古巴政策。
The Castro brothers are here tonight.卡斯特罗兄弟今晚在这里。
Welcome to America, amigos.欢迎来到美国,朋友。
Que pasa? 怎麽了?
What? 什么?
It's the Castros from Texas.他们是来自德克萨斯州的卡斯特罗兄弟。
Oh.Hi, Joaquin.哦。嗨,杰奎因。
Hi, Julian.嗨,朱利安。
Anyway, being president is never easy.无论如何,当总统都不是件容易的事。
I still have to fix a broken immigration system, issue veto threats, negotiate with Iran.我仍然需要修复一个破碎的移民制度,发布否决威胁,与伊朗谈判。
All while finding time to pray five times a day.同时还要每天腾出时间来祈祷五次。
Which is strenuous.频繁了。
And it is no wonder that people keep pointing out how the presidency has aged me.难怪人们一直说担任总统让我变老了。
I look so old, John Boehner's already invited Benjamin Netanyahu to speak at my funeral.我看起来如此之老,以至于约翰·博纳已经邀请了本雅明·内塔尼亚胡在我的葬礼上致辞。
Meanwhile, Michelle hasn't aged a day.然而,米歇尔却一点儿都没有老。
I ask her what her secret is and she just says “fresh fruits and vegetables.” 我问她秘诀所在,她说“新鲜水果和蔬菜。”
It's aggravating.真是太可恨了。
Fact is though, at this point my legacy is finally beginning to take shape.事实就是,我的遗产渐渐显出雏形了。
The economy is getting better.经济正在好转。
Nine in ten Americans now have health coverage.如今百分之九十的美国人有了医保。
Today thanks to Obamacare you no longer have to worry about losing your insurance if you lose your job.今天,正因为奥巴马医改,你们才不用担心失业后没有保险。
You're welcome, Senate democrats.不用谢,民主党议员们。
第五篇:奥巴马在68届联合国大会发表讲话(中文版)
白宫
新闻秘书办公室 2013年9月24日
奥巴马总统在联合国大会发表讲话 联合国(United Nations)
纽约州纽约市(New York, New York)东部夏令时间上午10:10
奥巴马总统:主席先生,秘书长先生,各位代表,女士们先生们:我们每年都举行会议重申这个机构成立的宗旨。在有历史记载的大部分时期,个人的愿望往往受制于暴君和帝国肆意翻云覆雨的狂热。种族、宗教和部落的四分五裂通过刀光剑影和兵戎相见成为定局。似乎难以想象,国家和人民可以和平共处,解决相互间的分歧,一起促进共同繁荣。
我们的观念在经过两次世界大战的血腥历史后才得到改变。参与筹建联合国的各位领导人原来并没有抱任何幻想;他们不认为这个机构可以从此消灭所有的战争。但是,在数百万人丧生,各大洲成为一片瓦砾后,随着可以毁灭整个地球的核武器得到研发,他们懂得,如果在这条道路上走下去,人类就无法继续生存。为此,他们为我们创建了这个机构,相信有助于我们解决冲突,加强行为准则,建立可以长期巩固发展的合作模式。
数十年来,联合国的确发挥了作用—例如为消灭疾病,教育儿童和斡旋和平做出了贡献。但是与过去每一代领导人一样,我们面临新的巨大挑战。这个机构继续需要接受考验。问题是,作为民族国家和国际社会成员,我们是否有智慧和勇气坚定地迎接这些挑战;联合国是否能经受我们时代的检验。
在我担任总统的大部分时期,我们面临的一些最紧迫的挑战关系到日益一体化的全球经济,涉及我们努力从我们有生以来最严重的经济危机中复苏的工作。现在,全球经济受到重创5年后,由于今天与会各国相互协调,工作岗位正在增加,全球金融体系已经实现稳定,人们再一次逐步摆脱贫困。然而,已取得的进步仍然脆弱和不平衡。我们仍然必须共同努力,保证我们的公民们能够获得他们需要的机会在21世纪实现兴旺发达。
我们还共同努力结束了经历10年之久的战争。5年前,近180,000美国人不避危难奔赴疆场,伊拉克的战争在我们与世界其他国家的关系中成为压倒一切的问题。今天,我国所有的军队已经撤离伊拉克。明年,在摧毁了对我们发动9/11袭击的“基地”(al Qaeda)组织核心力量后,国际联盟将结束在阿富汗的战争。
对美国而言,这些新的情况已经意味着脱离常年征战的状态。除了撤回我国军队外,我们已限制无人机的使用,只在没有可能实施抓捕及基本上完全确定不会伤害平民的情况下用于抗击对美国构成的持续迫在眉睫的威胁。我们正在向其他国家引渡在押人员,在法庭审判恐怖主义分子,同时积极努力关闭关塔那摩湾(Guantanamo Bay)的监狱。正如我们考虑如何部署我国非凡的军事力量才能符合我们的理念一样,我们已开始审议我们搜集情报的方式,从而可以使我们适当地平衡我国公民和盟友在安全方面的合理关注及所有的人共同的隐私问题。
由于进行了这方面的工作以及与盟国和伙伴方的合作,全世界比5年前更稳定。但是只要浏览一些今天的新闻大标题就可以知道,危险依然存在。在肯尼亚,我们看到恐怖主义分子在拥挤的购物商场内对无辜平民下手。我们向遇袭人员的家人表示慰问。在巴基斯坦,最近有将近100人在教堂外被自杀式爆炸杀害。在伊拉克,杀人害命和汽车炸弹仍然是生活中常见的可怕景象。与此同时,“基地”组织已溃散成地区性乌合之众和散兵游勇,目前没有能力发动类似9/11的袭击,但是仍然对全球各地的政府及外交人员、工商业和平民构成严重威胁。
同样重要的是,在旧秩序被颠覆和人们需要把握随后出现的局面之际,中东(Middle East)和北非(North Africa)的动荡暴露了社会内部的严重分裂。和平运动往往遇到有人以暴力作出的回应--来自那些抵制变革的人,来自企图劫持变革的极端主义分子。宗派冲突死灰复燃。大规模毁灭性武器可能扩散的阴影继续笼罩在争取和平事业的上空。
我们看到,这些趋势在叙利亚的汇聚比其他任何地方都强烈。在那里,反对专制政权的和平示威遭遇以镇压和屠杀做出的回应。面对如此血腥的大屠杀,很多人退守到宗教派系的旗帜下--阿拉维派(Alawite)和逊尼派(Sunni)、基督教(Christian)和库尔德(Kurd)--局势急剧演变成国内战争。
国际社会很早就认识到其中的利害关系,但是我们做出的反应未能达到应对挑战需要达到的规模。提供的援助未能达到为伤残者和流离失所者解除痛苦的程度。和平进程胎死腹中。美国和其他各方努力支持温和的反对派,但极端主义团伙仍然横行一方,利用危机趁火打劫。阿萨德(Assad)得到传统盟国撑腰,以主权原则为借口希望保住自己政权。8月21日,该政权使用化学武器发动袭击,杀害了1,000多人,其中包括数百名儿童。
目前,叙利亚的危机,以及该地区的不稳定在国际社会必须广泛应对的一系列挑战中居核心地位。我们应该如何对中东和北非的冲突作出反应--国家间的冲突,也包括各国内部的冲突?在儿童受到神经毒气的袭击的时候,我们应该何去何从,是麻木不仁,袖手旁观,还是卷入其他人的内战?为了解决威胁该地区稳定和破坏所有文明行为基本标准的各种纷争,武力扮演什么样的角色?为了响应正义的呼唤,联合国和国际法应发挥什么作用?
今天,我想概述一下美利坚合众国(United States of America)在这些问题上的立场。关于叙利亚,我们认为,作为起点,国际社会必须实施化学武器禁令。当我表示,我愿下令对阿萨德政权实行有限打击,以此对肆无忌惮使用化学武器作出回应时,并非戏言。我这样做是因为我认为,对一项比联合国本身历史更长的禁令给予有意义的实施符合美国的安全利益,符合世界的利益。禁止使用化学武器——甚至包括在战争中——为人类98%所认同。对士兵在战壕中被窒息、犹太人在毒气室被屠杀、数以万计伊朗人被毒害的刻骨铭心的记忆,使这一禁令更加有力。
有极其大量的证据显示阿萨德政权在8月21日使用了这类武器。联合国检查人员清楚地描述,高级火箭向平民发射了大量沙林毒气。这些火箭是从政府控制的地区发射,落在反对派所在地区。如果说不是该政权发动了这场攻击,那便是对人的理性——对这个机构的正规性——的侮辱。
我知道,在攻击刚刚发生后,有些人质疑在没有安理会(Security Council)明确授权的情况实施即便是有限度的打击的合法性。但是,在没有确信的军事威胁时,安理会完全不曾表现出任何行动的意愿。然而,正如我同普京总统(President Putin)一年多以来——最近一次是在圣彼得堡(St.Petersburg)——讨论过的,我始终愿意以外交方式解决这个问题。过去几周以来,美国、俄罗斯和我们的盟国达成一致,将叙利亚的化学武器置于国际控制之下,而后将其销毁。
叙利亚政府迈出了第一步,提交了其库存清单。现在必须有一项强有力的安理会决议,以核实阿萨德政权是在遵守其承诺,而且如果他们未能这样做将面临后果。如果我们在这一点上都无法达成一致,那就说明联合国无力实施最基本的国际法。而如果我们达成一致,则将发出一个有力信息,即21世纪不容使用化学武器,而且本机构言行必果。
就化学武器达成一致应该给在叙利亚内部达成政治解决的更大外交努力注入活力。我不认为靠军事行动——无论是叙利亚境内还是外部力量——能够实现持久和平。我也不认为应由美国或任何国家决定将由什么人领导叙利亚;这要由叙利亚人民自行决定。然而,一个屠杀自己公民和用毒气杀害儿童的领导人不能重新合法领导一个四分五裂的国家。认为叙利亚好像可以回归战前常态的想法是幻想。
俄罗斯和伊朗现在应该认识到,坚持让阿萨德掌权将直接带来他们所担心的结果:一个让极端主义分子得以活动的日益暴力的空间。相应地,我们这些继续支持温和反对派的人必须说服他们,叙利亚人民无法承受国家机制的崩溃,如果不顾及阿拉维派和其他少数派的合理担忧和不安,就不会达成政治解决。
我们致力于在这条政治轨道上努力。在我们追求解决方案的同时,让我们切记,这不是一场零和博弈。我们已不再处于冷战(Cold War)状态。没有等待争夺的大博弈(Great Game)胜利;美国对叙利亚——除了对其人民的福祉、其邻国的稳定、以及消除化学武器从而确保那里将不会成为恐怖主义分子安身之地以外——毫无所图。
我欢迎所有国家施加影响,帮助使叙利亚内战得到和平解决。随着我们将日内瓦(Geneva)进程向前推进,我敦促所有在座国家出来满足叙利亚及其周边国家的人道需要。美国已经为这一努力投入超过10亿美元,今天我可以宣布,我们将再提供3.4亿美元。没有任何援助能够取代让叙利亚人民有机会重建国家的政治解决,但是,援助可以让绝境中的人获得生机。
从美国对叙利亚的政策中可以得出什么样的更宏观的结论?我知道有些人对我们不情愿动用我们的军事威力推翻阿萨德感到沮丧,他们认为,未能这样做说明美国在这一地区的决心减弱。还有些人则认为,我有意下令进行哪怕是有限的军事打击以制止进一步使用化学武器说明我们完全没有汲取伊拉克的教训,美国是在继续出于自身利益谋求控制中东地区。就这点而言,叙利亚的局面映衬出这个地区几十年一直存在的自相矛盾:美国被斥责干涉这一地区,被指责插手各种阴谋;与此同时,美国被说成未能为解决这一地区的问题作出足够努力并对受苦受难的穆斯林人口漠不关心。
我认识到,由于美国的世界地位,这里有些说法不可避免。但这些相互矛盾的态度给美国人民支持我们参与这一地区带来切实的影响,同时使这个地区——有时也包括国际社会——的领导人回避亲自解决棘手的问题。
因此,让我值此机会概括说明美国对中东和北非地区所采取的政策,以及我将在本届总统任期未来时间内采取的政策。
美利坚合众国随时准备运用我们的各种实力,包括军事力量,保障我们在这一地区的核心利益。
我们将抗击针对我们的盟友和伙伴的外来进犯,就像我们在海湾战争(Gulf War)中所做的那样。
我们将确保能源从该地区向全世界自由流动。尽管美国正在稳步减轻我们对进口石油的依赖,但世界仍然要依靠该地区的能源供给,而一次严重的干扰将破坏整个全球经济的稳定。
我们将捣毁威胁我们的人民的恐怖主义网络。在任何可能的地方,我们都将建设我们的合作伙伴的能力,尊重各国的主权,并努力消除恐怖的根源。但在有必要保卫美国防范恐怖主义袭击时,我们将采取直接的行动。
最后,我们绝不容忍发展或使用大规模毁灭性武器的行径。正如我们将在叙利亚使用化学武器视为对我们自身的国家安全的一种威胁,我们拒不接受发展核武器的行径,这种行径可能在该地区引发核军备竞赛,并破坏全球的防扩散制度。
不过,阐明这些都是美国的核心利益,并不是说它们是我们的唯一利益。我们深信,有一个和平、繁荣的中东和北非地区符合我们的利益,我们将继续提倡民主、人权和开放市场,因为我们相信这些举措能实现和平与繁荣。但我也相信,我们通过美国的单边行动,特别是军事行动,来实现上述目标的可能性甚小。伊拉克向我们表明,民主不能单凭武力强行实现。当我们与国际社会以及该地区的国家和人民合作时,上述目标才最有可能实现。
那么,这在向前推进的过程中意味着什么?在近期,美国的外交努力将集中在两个具体问题上:伊朗谋取核武器的问题以及阿拉伯和以色列之间的冲突。尽管这些问题不是造成该地区所有问题的原因,但它们作为不稳定的一个主要根源存在的时间太长了,解决它们有助于为实现更广泛的和平奠定基础。
自1979年伊斯兰革命(Islamic Revolution)以来,美国和伊朗一直相互隔绝。这种不信任根深蒂固。长期以来,伊朗一直抱怨美国屡屡干预他们的事务并在冷战期间推翻伊朗政府的过程中发挥作用。而另一方面,美国人民看到伊朗政府宣布与美国为敌,并直接地——或者通过其代理——劫持美国人质,杀害美国军人和平民,还威胁要毁灭我们的盟国以色列。
我不认为能在一夜之间克服这段困难重重的历史——猜疑太深了。但我确信,如果我们能解决伊朗的核项目问题,便将能迈出重大的一步,走上发展另一种以共同利益和相互尊重为基础的关系的漫长道路。
我就任总统之后,曾写信向伊朗最高领袖(Supreme Leader)表明,并于近期向鲁哈尼总统(President Rouhani)表明,尽管我们决意制止伊朗发展核武器,但美国更希望以和平方式解决我们对伊朗核项目的关切。我们不寻求政权更替,而且我们尊重伊朗人民和平利用核能的权利。但我们坚决要求伊朗政府履行《不扩散核武器条约》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)所规定的责任以及联合国安理会的各项决议。
与此同时,伊朗最高领袖已发布反对发展核武器的宗教公告(fatwa),而且鲁哈尼总统刚刚重申了伊朗伊斯兰共和国永远不会发展核武器。
因此,我们各自的政府发表的这些声明应当为达成一项有实质意义的协议奠定基础。我们应当能够达成一个尊重伊朗人民的权利,同时让全世界对伊朗项目的和平性质感到放心的解决方案。但为了取得成功,和解的言词还必须有相应的透明的、可核实的行动。归根结底,是伊朗政府作出的选择才导致了目前正在实施的全面制裁措施。而且这不仅仅是美国与伊朗之间的一个问题。全世界都看到了伊朗过去曾经逃避责任,并始终关注着确保伊朗今后履行其各项义务。
但我要阐明,鲁哈尼总统已受命于伊朗人民要推行一条更温和的路线,这令我们受到鼓舞。鉴于鲁哈尼总统已公开阐明致力于达成一项协议,我指示约翰·克里(John Kerry)同伊朗政府共同推进这项努力,并与欧盟密切合作——与英国、法国、德国以及俄罗斯和中国。
事实可能会证明这条道路上的障碍太过巨大,但我坚信必须试一试外交途径。因为维持现状只会加深伊朗的孤立,而伊朗走上另一条道路的真正承诺将惠及该地区和全世界,并将帮助伊朗人民发挥他们卓越的潜力——在商贸和文化范畴以及科学和教育领域。
我们还致力于解决比我们同伊朗之间的分歧还要久远的冲突,那就是巴勒斯坦人和以色列人之间的冲突。我已阐明,美国绝不会在我们对以色列安全的承诺上以及我们对以色列作为一个犹太国家而存在的支持上妥协让步。今年早些时候,在耶路撒冷(Jerusalem),一些年轻的以色列人坚持相信和平是必要的、公正的、可能的,他们让我深受鼓舞。而且我相信,在以色列国内有越来越多的人认识到占据西岸地区(West Bank)正在损害这个犹太国家的民主结构。但以色列的子民有权生活在这样一个世界中:即在这个机构中集会的各国完全承认他们的国家,而且我们毫不含糊地驳斥那些向他们的家园发射火箭或煽动其他人憎恨他们的人。
同样地,美国依然致力于巴勒斯坦人民有权在自己的主权国家内过上安全的、有尊严的生活的信念。在同一次访问中,我曾有机会与拉马拉(Ramallah)的年轻的巴勒斯坦人见面,他们的抱负及惊人的潜力与他们因在国家共同体中没有稳固的一席之地而感到的痛苦相伴。他们认为永远不会取得真正进展的悲观怀疑的态度是可以理解的,他们还因自己的家人每天都要忍受被占领的屈辱而心灰意冷。但他们也认识到两国并存是通往和平的唯一的真正途径——因为正如巴勒斯坦人绝不应当流离失所,以色列国也定将长期存在。
因此,时机业已成熟,整个国际社会均应支持寻求和平。以色列和巴勒斯坦领导人已经表现出承担重大政治风险的意愿。阿巴斯(Abbas)主席已将试图走捷径实现和平的做法搁置一边,并回到谈判桌前。内塔尼亚胡(Netanyahu)总理已释放巴勒斯坦囚犯,并重申他对一个巴勒斯坦国(Palestinian state)的承诺。目前的会谈着重于边界和安全、难民和耶路撒冷的最终地位问题。
现在,我们其他各方也必须愿意承担风险。包括美国在内的以色列的朋友们必须认识到,以色列作为一个犹太国家和民主国家的安全取决于能否建立一个巴勒斯坦国,我们应当清楚地表明这一点。阿拉伯国家以及支持巴勒斯坦人的各方必须认识到,只有通过一个两国解决方案并有一个安全的以色列,才能实现稳定。
我们所有人都必须认识到,和平将是击败整个地区的极端主义分子并激励那些准备建设更美好未来的人的有力手段。此外,在该地区有太多的年轻人因没有工作而生活困苦的时候,以色列人与阿拉伯人之间的贸易和商业纽带可以成为增长和机遇的引擎。因此,让我们走出由来已久的指责和偏见的死角吧。让我们支持以色列和巴勒斯坦领导人,他们已准备好踏上实现和平的艰难道路。
在这两个问题上——伊朗核问题以及以巴和平问题——取得真正的突破将对整个中东和北非地区产生深远和积极的影响。但是,由阿拉伯之春(Arab Spring)而起的目前的**局势提醒我们,一个公正和持久的和平不能仅由国家之间达成的协议来衡量,还必须以我们解决冲突并在各个国家内促进正义的能力来衡量。而在这一方面,很明显,我们所有各方都有大量工作要做。
当和平过渡在突尼斯和埃及开始之时,整个世界都充满了希望。尽管美国——和其他国家一样——对转变的速度赶到惊讶,尽管我们没有——事实上也无法——决定事态,但我们选择了支持那些呼吁改变的人。我们这么做所基于的信念是,尽管这些转变困难重重、耗费时日,但建立在民主、开放和个人尊严的基础之上的社会最终将更加稳定、更加繁荣、更加和平。
在过去几年里,特别是在埃及,我们看到这一过渡有多么困难。穆罕默德·穆尔西(Mohammed Morsi)是民主选举选出来的,但事实证明他不愿或不能以全面包容的方式实行治理。取代他的临时政府回应了数百万认为这场革命已误入歧途的埃及人的愿望,但这个政府也作出了与包容性民主不符的决定——实行《紧急状态法》(emergency law)并对新闻界、公民社会和反对派施加限制。
当然,美国受到了这场内部冲突中所有各方的攻击,他们同时指责美国支持穆斯林兄弟会(Muslim Brotherhood)以及策划剥夺其权力。事实上,美国一直有意地避免支持任何一方。在过去的这几年里,我们最重要的利益始终在于鼓励一个以合法方式反映埃及人民意愿的政府,认识到真正的民主必须尊重少数派的权利和法治、言论和集会自由,并拥有一个强大的公民社会。
今天,这依然是我们的利益所在。因此,在向前推进的过程中,美国将与增进《戴维营协议》(Camp David Accords)和反恐怖主义等核心利益的临时政府保持建设性的关系。我们将继续在教育等直接惠及埃及人民的领域提供支持。但是,我们没有交付特定的军事系统,而且我们的支持将取决于埃及在寻求更加民主的道路上所取得的进展。
我们对埃及的方针反映了更重要的一点:美国有时会与至少在我们看来没有达到最高国际期望,但在我们的核心利益上与我们共同努力的政府展开合作。尽管如此,我们不会停止坚持主张与我们的理念一致的原则,无论这意味着反对将暴力作为压制异见的手段,还是支持《世界人权宣言》(Universal Declaration of Human Rights)所体现的原则。
我们将驳斥认为这些原则只不过是西方的舶来品,不适用于伊斯兰教或阿拉伯世界的观点。我们相信,这些是每个人与生俱来的权利。虽然我们认识到有时我们的影响力有限,尽管我们将谨防通过军事力量强力推行民主的做法,尽管我们有时被指责为虚伪、言行不一,但我们仍将长期在这个地区参与接触,因为打造自由和民主的艰苦努力是整个一代人的使命。
这包括努力解决在伊拉克、巴林和叙利亚等地不断出现的宗派紧张关系。我们懂得,这种由来已久的问题无法由外来人解决;它们必须由穆斯林社区自己处理。但是,我们过去看到过激烈的冲突走向终结——最近的例子是北爱尔兰(Northern Ireland),在那里,天主教徒和新教徒最终认识到,无休止的冲突循环导致这两个社区被快速发展的世界甩在了后头。因此我们相信,中东和北非那些同样的宗派冲突是可以克服的。
总而言之,在谈到我们决定别国内部事件的能力时,美国有一种来之不易的谦卑。美国帝国这一概念也许是有用的宣传,但它没有出现在美国当前的政策或公众舆论中。确实,如最近在美国国内关于叙利亚问题的辩论明确显示的那样,世界的危险不是由于美国太急于陷入别国的事务,或者将该地区的每一个问题都当作自己的问题。世界的危险是,美国在经历了10年战争后——理所当然地关心国内的问题,认识到我们在该地区的参与在整个穆斯林世界所产生的敌意——可能从中脱身,造成一个任何别国尚不能填补的领导真空。
我认为这种脱身会是个错误。我认为美国为了我们自身的安全必须保持接触。但我也认为这样做对世界更有利。有些人可能不同意,但我认为美国是独特的——部分原因是,我们展现了我们愿意通过献出自己的鲜血和财富挺身而出,不仅仅是为了狭隘的自身利益,而且为了所有人的利益。
但我也必须实话实说。我们更有可能在那些愿意和我们合作的国家投入我们的精力,那些投资于人民而不是少数腐败者;那些致力于这样一个社会愿景的国家,即人人都能作贡献——男人和妇女,什叶派或逊尼派穆斯林,基督教徒或犹太人。因为从欧洲到亚洲,从非洲到美洲,那些坚持走民主之路的国家变得更繁荣、更和平,更致力于维持我们共同的安全和我们共同的人性。我相信,阿拉伯世界也会同样如此。
由此引到我要谈的最后一点。将会有这样的时候,社会的崩溃如此巨大,针对平民的暴力如此严重,国际社会被呼吁采取行动。这将要求有新的思维并作出某种非常艰难的选择。虽然联合国的目的是防止国家之间的战争,但我们日益面临防止国家内部屠杀的挑战。当我们面对那些脆弱或失败的国家时,这些挑战变得越发明显——在那些地方,骇人听闻的暴力将无辜的男女和儿童置于危险之中,没有希望得到国家机构的保护。
我已经表明,即使当美国的核心利益没有受到直接威胁时,我们也严阵以待,尽我们的责任防止大规模屠杀并保护基本人权。但是我们不能也不应该独自承担这一责任。在马里,我们支持了法国的干预,成功击退“基地”组织,也支持了维和的非洲部队。在东非,我们正在同合作伙伴携手消灭圣主抵抗军(Lord’s Resistance Army)。在利比亚,当安理会授权保护平民时,美国加入联盟采取了行动。由于我们在那里的作为,无数生命得到拯救,一个暴君再也不能用屠杀夺回权力。
我知道,现在有些人将利比亚的行动作为实物教育加以批评。他们指出该国现在面临的问题——民主选举的政府难以提供安全;武装团体,在有些地方是极端主义分子,统治着一个四分五裂的国家的某些地区。因此,这些批评人士说,任何保护平民的干预都注定要失败——看看利比亚。没有人比我更警觉这些问题,因为它们造成4名致力于利比亚人民福祉的杰出美国公民的死亡,包括克里斯•史蒂文斯(Chris Stevens)大使——他富于勇气的作为帮助拯救了班加西(Benghazi)市。但是,任何人是否真的认为,如果让卡扎菲(Qaddafi)任意杀戮、囚禁或用残暴手段制服人民,利比亚的局势会更好?如果没有国际行动,更有可能出现的情况是,利比亚现在会陷入内战和流血之中。
我们生活在一个不存在完美选择的世界。不同的国家不可能每一次都对是否需要采取行动达成一致,同时主权原则是现行国际秩序的核心。但是,主权不能成为暴君恣意杀人的挡箭牌,也不能成为国际社会视若无睹的借口。虽然我们需要保持谨慎,不可认为我们能纠正所有的邪恶;虽然我们需要切记,这个世界处处可见始料未及的结果,但面对卢旺达或者斯雷布雷尼察(Srebrenica)出现的情景,难道我们真的应该接受全世界无能为力的看法吗?如果这就是人们希望生活的世界,那么他们就应该直言不讳并接受万人坑冷酷的逻辑。
但是我相信,我们能拥有一个不同的未来。如果我们不想在无所作为和战争之间进行选择,我们——我们所有的人——必须改进防止基本秩序崩溃的政策。通过尊重国家的责任和个人权利。通过有意义地制裁违反规则的人。通过坚持不懈的外交解决冲突的根源,不仅仅只考虑冲突的后果。通过为被边缘化的人带去希望的发展援助。不可否认,有时——尽管这并不够——将会出现这样的时刻,国际社会需要承认,可能有必要为防止出现最坏的局面使用多边武力。
最终,这是美国寻求的国际社会——各国不再觊觎他国的土地或资源;我们继承这个机构的创建宗旨,共同承担责任。在这样的世界上,因考虑到战争的恐怖而建立的规则有助于我们和平解决冲突,并防范我们的前辈所经历过的战争。在这样的世界上,人类能有尊严地生活,基本需求得到满足,不论居住在纽约还是在内罗毕(Nairobi);不论在白沙瓦(Peshawar)还是在大马士革(Damascus)。
这样的时代是非凡的时代,可以提供卓越的机遇。由于人类的进步,如今在地球上任何地方出生的儿童能做的事情,60年前绝大多数人类还不可能做到。我在非洲看到这种情形,那里已经结束冲突的国家现已准备腾飞。美国与他们站在一起,共同向饥饿的人提供食品,向病人提供护理,并向没有电网覆盖的地区提供电力。
我在整个亚太地区看到这种情形,几亿人在一代人的时间内摆脱了贫困。我在各地年轻人的脸上看到这种情形,他们点击一个键就全知天下事,他们渴望投身于消灭极端贫困的事业中去,同气候变化作斗争,开创企业,拓展自由,并抛弃以往意识形态的争斗。这就是亚洲和非洲正在发生的事情。这也是欧洲和整个美洲正在发生的事情。这也是中东和北非人民应有的前途——他们可以专注于机会,不再担心是否会因为自己的身份或信仰被杀害或受到压迫。
世界各国和人民一次又一次展示了我们实现变革的能力——追随人类的最高理念,选择我们更美好的历史道路。上个月,我站在50年前马丁•路德•金(Martin Luther King Jr)向美国人民宣告自己梦想的地方。当年我这个种族的许多人甚至不能投票选举总统。今年早些时候,我站在纳尔逊·曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)忍受与他的人民和世界隔绝几十年的小牢房。当我们看到人类精神带来的种种变化时,还有谁会相信今天的挑战不能被战胜?在今天这个会议大厅里,谁会说未来属于那些试图压制这种精神的人而不是要求解放这种精神的人?
我知道我希望美利坚合众国站在历史的哪一边。我们已经准备好与你们一起迎接明天的挑战——我们坚信,所有的男男女女确实生来平等,人人应享有尊严和不可剥夺的权利。这就是为什么我满怀希望而不是心存恐惧展望未来。这就是为什么我们坚信,国际社会能为下一代提供一个更和平、繁荣和正义的世界。
非常感谢大家。(掌声)
东部夏令时间上午10:52