奥巴马在西点军校毕业典礼上的致词l

第一篇：奥巴马在西点军校毕业典礼上的致词l

很高兴在给美国军队的最新成员授衔的时刻回到美国军校。美国军校是美国历史最悠久、从无缺席的军事阵地。

感谢哈根贝克（Hagenbeck）将军的介绍，今天对您和教务长芬尼根（Finnegan）将军来说有着特殊的意义。您二位在1971届的时候来到西点，而后就一直在这里鼓舞着部下的士气。你们使这所军校获得了当之无愧的赞誉：美国最好的大学。[掌声]今天，你们都期待着能够当之无愧地退役。哈根贝克将军和朱迪（Judy），芬尼根将军和琼（Joan），我们对你们39年来为军队和美国所作的卓越贡献表示感谢。[掌声] 校长拉普（Rapp）将军和军校的全体教职员工，你们大都是老将了，感谢你们为鼓励这些学员成为今天这样“有个性的领导者”所做出的贡献。[掌声]我还要感谢辛塞奇（Shinseki）将军、陆军总长麦克休（McHugh）和今天到场的国会议员，其中有两位是本军校知名的退役军人——参议员杰克·里德（Jack Reed）和众议员帕特里克·墨菲（Patrick Murphy）。[掌声] 感谢所有在座的家人——尤其是父母们——这一天也是献给你们的。到西点军校来的决定是由你们的儿女做出的，但正是你们给他们灌输的奉献精神让他们来到了这个战时的神圣之地。因此，请允许我代表美国人民感谢你们的榜样作用和你们的爱国精神。[掌声] 感谢美国青年团（United States Corps of Cadets）——尤其是2010届毕业生——担任你们的总司令是一种殊荣。正如你们的校长所指出的，在我们的宪法体制下，我作为总统的权力受到审慎的限制。但在某些领域我仍拥有绝对权力。因此，作为你们的总司令，我在此赦免所有因轻微违纪而遭受管制的学员。[掌声]我把“轻微”的定义留给[笑声]那些更明白的人。[笑声] 2010届的学员们，今天是属于你们的——以军人学者的优良传统庆祝你们取得的所有成果，你们将继续前行，去承担重要职责。

你们亲身经历了“野兽军营”训练的巨大考验，数周跋涉在雨水和泥泞之中，而且，我听说你们经受了比以往更多的考查和演习。一路上，我敢肯定你们曾问过自己：“我在这干什么？”我就多次这样扪心自问。[笑声] 你们接受了应对当今作战复杂性的培训，懂得胜利不仅要通过战地表现来衡量，还要看你对服役之地的文化、传统和语言的理解水平。

你们曾经跨越国界伸出援助之手，你们的国际经验超过了军校史上任何一届毕业生。你们不仅到国外院校交流，结成新的友谊；还有十多个国家的同级学员来到你们的校园。

在智力上，你们在科学与人文、历史与技术各方面挑战自我。你们已经取得了毋庸置疑的优异成绩，获得学位的人数居历届之首，创下西点军校史上的纪录。[掌声] 这里面有你们总分第一的学员和毕业生代表——丽兹·贝特贝德（Liz Betterbed）和亚丽克丝·罗森堡（Alex Rosenberg）。顺便说一下，这是军校史上第一次由女性候选人包揽了两项最高奖。[掌声] 这印证了我从巴格达到巴格拉姆看到的军队现状——21世纪，戎装妇女在我们的国防中起着不可或缺的作用。她们一次又一次地证明了自己是美国儿女的榜样——不论是作为学员，作为士兵，还是作为美国军队的领导者。

这里的每一张面孔都表明了一个简单的事实：美国军队代表着广袤的美国经验。你们来自国家的各个角落——特权阶层和贫穷阶层，城市与小镇，你们信奉丰富人民生活的各种伟大宗教，你们反映出千差万别的种族和民族性，这是我们国家的实力之本。

不过，有一点让你们显得与众不同。在这里，在这宁静的山丘里，你们为了准备接受我们这个时代最艰难的考验走到了一起。你们知道服役可能会让你们身处危险，但你们报名了，在战争的第一声号角吹响了很久之后，你们仍无怨无悔。在你们身上，我们看到了国家的承诺，我们看到了已经让国家受益匪浅的永恒美德。

我们看到了你们的责任感——包括那些赢得了右臂章的人，比如在伊拉克被手榴弹炸伤后仍然帮助战友们撤离的士兵——学员部队的第一任队长泰勒·戈迪（Tyler Gordy）。[掌声] 我们看到了你们的荣誉感——你们尊重传统，加入了几百年延续下来的“坚不可摧的灰色长队”；你们彼此尊敬，每当有前学员为我们的国家献身，部队都会静立默哀。实际上，我们今天要给本军校的78位毕业生授勋，为了我们的自由和安全，他们在伊拉克和阿富汗献出了自己的生命。

我们看到了你们的爱国心——你们共同选择的座右铭反映出你们对美国的奉献精神，它将指引你们的服役生涯，这个座右铭是：“忠诚到底”。

责任。荣誉。爱国心。你们在这里学到的一切，你们在这里取得的所有成果，都为今天做好了准备——举起你们的右手，跟着宣誓，让你们所爱的人或导师把那些金灿灿的军阶杠别在你们的肩上，最终成为美国军队的军官。

这是我们这个处于交战状态的国家在西点军校连续举办的第九届毕业典礼。这次交战始于阿富汗——它离哈得孙河的平静湾流如此遥远，对我们来说它和地球上任意一个地方都别无二致。只因我们的城市和市民受到远方暴力极端主义分子阴谋策划的袭击，交战开始了；只因所策划的阴谋一直持续到了今天，交战仍在继续。

多年来，我们的重点是伊拉克。年复一年，我们的军队在那里面临着一系列可怕而复杂的挑战。弱小的军队可能会因此而丧失斗志。但是，美国的军队有很强的适应力。我们的军队适应了，他们坚持住了，他们与联军和伊拉克同行展开了合作；而且，凭着他们的反应能力、创造力和勇气，我们即将在今年夏天结束在伊拉克的作战任务。[掌声] 在我们逐渐实现伊拉克的自主并撤回我们的军队的同时，我们对伊拉克人民的承诺会持续下去。我们将一如既往地指导和协助伊拉克安全部队，他们已在本国的大部分地区担负起安保的职责。而强大的美国人民将帮助伊拉克人实现政治和经济上的发展。这不是一个简单的任务，但胜利的前景是：一个不为恐怖分子提供庇护的伊拉克，一个拥有主权的、稳定和自立的民主伊拉克。

不过，在我们结束伊拉克战争的同时，我们在向阿富汗挺进。6个月以前，我来到西点军校宣布了一项针对阿富汗和巴基斯坦的新战略。而我现在站在这里，心怀谦卑，我知道，你们当中的许多人即将踏上危险的服役之路。我向你们保证，美国因你们而自豪，美国感激你们，美国是你们的坚强后盾。

我们在阿富汗面临着一场攻坚战。当暴力行动面临直接挑战时，都会改变战术。从玛丽亚莱赫到坎大哈，塔利班的招数包括暗杀、滥杀和恐吓。而且，任何经历了几十年战争的国家都将面临这样的考验：寻求问题的政治解决方案，提供可以维持发展并服务于人民需要的管理。因此，这场战争在过去的9年中已经产生了变化，但它的重要性并不亚于911之后的那些日子。我们推翻了塔利班政权——现在我们必须削弱塔利班叛乱的势头，训练阿富汗的安全部队。我们已经援助了一次主权政府的选举——现在我们必须加强其自身的运作能力。我们已经为阿富汗人民带去了希望——现在我们必须保证他们的国家不会成为我们共同敌人的猎物。学员们，前途是曲折的。我们要适应，我们要坚持，我坚信，有阿富汗和国际盟友的并肩作战，我们将在阿富汗取得胜利。[掌声] 现在，在争取打赢摆在我们面前的战争的同时，我们还必须在战争之外拓展视野——因为和以破坏为目的的恐怖分子不同，我们的未来在于建立。我们必须有这种见识，我们必须立足于复兴国家、领导全球的战略。我们必须建立起美国的实力和影响力的源泉，实现一个更加和平、更加繁荣的世界。

一次又一次，美国人直面变革，主导变革。这些变革时刻包括：一个经济转型和强调个人权力的时代；一个充满旧仇恨和新危险的时代；一个充满新兴力量和崭新全球挑战的时代。我们需要大家的帮助来应对这些挑战。你们已经回应了这样的召唤。你们，和所有穿着美军制服的人，依然是我们国防的基石、全球安全的后盾。我们的各种机构中都充斥着不负责任的行为，此刻，美国军方树立了服役与奉献的标准，同国家历史上的任一标准都一样伟大。[掌声] 现在，我们其他人——都必须尽到自己的职责。而要做到这一点，我们首先必须认识到，我们的实力和对外影响力源于我们在国内采取的各项措施。我们要教育我们的孩子在一个知识就是资本的时代去赢得竞争，市场是全球性的。我们必须发展清洁能源产业，它会激励新型工业的发展，会让我们摆脱对外国石油的依赖，还能够保护地球环境。我们要展开科学研究，去成就我们今天无法预见的奇迹，正如我们在一个世纪以前从未料到今天芯片会问世、登月会成功。

简而言之，美国式创新必须成为美国力量的基础——因为，在人类历史上，没有哪个经济活力衰退的国家能够维持其在军事和政治上的主导地位。因此，这意味着，我们当中的非军事人员，不论是一家之长、社区领导，还是民选官员、商界领袖，我们都有用武之地。我们不能光靠戎装军人来捍卫这个国家——我们必须确保美国拥有强大的国力。[掌声] 在发展美国经济的同时，我们必须做的第二件事是，建立和整合能够促进我们的自身利益和人类的共同利益的机能。美国军队正在适应不断变化的时代，但你们的努力必须相得益彰。从大都市到危险的前哨基地，我们的外交官需要不断注入新鲜血液。我们需要能够支援阿富汗农业和帮助非洲创建自给能力的发展专家。我们需要能与同行紧密合作的情报机构，去破解巴基斯坦山区中那些威胁我们的城市街道的阴谋。我们需要既能完善外国司法系统、又能保护国家的执法能力。我们还需要能够迅速应对地震、风暴和疾病的先遣急救员。世纪重任不能只由我们士兵来担负，也不能仅由美国人来担负。我们的对手希望看到美国过分扩张自己的力量而伤了元气。过去，我们一直都具有避免单独行动的先见之明。通过第二次世界大战，我们成为人类历史上最强大的战时联盟的一部分。在冷战时期，我们联合起自由国家和机构形成一个共同体，并肩作战并最终获胜。

当然，我们清楚地了解国际体系的不足。但美国从来没有通过摆脱国际合作的方式而取得过成功——我们通过将这种合作方式引导到自由与公正的轨道上而取得了成功。所以，一个国家只有直面责任才能繁荣，否则将面临严重的后果。

因此，我们要树立起一个能够应对当前时代挑战的国际秩序。我们将坚定不移地巩固旧的盟友关系，我们从中获益良多，包括那些在阿富汗和世界各地与我们并肩作战的盟友。随着我们的影响力延伸到更多的国家和首府，我们还必须建立新的伙伴关系和更强有力的国际标准和制度。

这种结盟本身并不是目的。我们所寻求的是一个能够应对时代挑战的国际秩序——反对暴力极端主义和叛乱；制止核武器扩散、确保核原料安全；与气候变化斗争并维持全球经济增长；帮助各国提高自给和医疗水平；防止冲突并帮助创伤愈合。如果我们成功地完成这些任务，世界将会减少冲突。而这种和平的前景，更有助于我们的军人来保卫国家安全。

重要的是，这种胜利属于我们整个国家。我们面临的挑战如此艰巨，使得这一点比以往显得更加重要。我们粉碎、瓦解和击败基地组织的行动是国际努力的一部分，十分必要，我们的行为代表着正义。

而这是一场与以往不同的战争。

我们不会投降了之，我们不会允许反恐历程以这种形式告终——不会有休战条约，也不会有报纸头条。虽然我们在最近几个月取得了近几年都没能取得的胜利——消灭了更多的基地组织领导人，但他们将继续招兵买马，继续策划阴谋并利用我们开放的社会。我们在爆炸频发的喀布尔和卡拉奇看到这一点。我们从底特律的炸机企图和时代广场的SUV事件里看到这一点，即使我们从这些失败的袭击行动中看到，基地组织之流面临的压力越来越大，他们所依赖的恐怖分子训练时间越来越短、训练空间越来越狭窄。我们很清楚这场斗争的持续性——基地组织严重扭曲了伊斯兰教，不尊重人的生命，企图通过恐惧、仇恨和偏见达到自己的目的。

因此，威胁不会很快消失，但我们要清楚地认识到：基地组织及其同谋们是逆历史潮流而行的一小撮。他们没有国家，他们不属于任何宗教。我们不必屈服于恐怖分子的恐吓。我们不应因为极端分子试图利用自由就放弃自由。我们不能因为别人企图分裂我们而屈从于分裂。我们是美利坚合众国。[掌声]我们是美利坚合众国，我们已经和我们的盟友重修于好，我们挫败了法西斯。我们经历过金融风暴，我们经历过内战，我们变得更加强大了——面对现在的挑战，我们将再次见证美国的强大。[掌声] 我确信这将成为现实，因为我看到了美国人民的应变能力和力量。恐怖分子想要让我们感到恐惧，纽约人却不动声色，丝毫也不畏惧。[掌声]极端主义分子希望美国和伊斯兰之间爆发战争，但穆斯林是我们国家生活的一部分，包括在我们美国军队里服役的穆斯林。[掌声]对手想要分裂我们，但我们却因为支持你们而更加团结，是你们——美国军人让我们更加笃信：美国是自由的家园，是勇士的故乡。[掌声] 你们知道，这个信息瞬息传播的时代，新闻失去了原则与理想，一个人很容易在图片的洪流与政治辩论的漩涡中迷失自我。权力与影响似乎可能有起有伏。战争和宏伟计划每天甚至每刻都赢输不定。当我们亲眼看到受难的儿童，亲耳听到自傲的独裁者的吹嘘，我们有时很容易相信人类的进步已经停滞，而我们却无法控制，也无力改变。

但是，这个国家建立在一个不同的观念之上。我们相信，“人人生而平等，造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生命权，自由权和追求幸福的权利”。[掌声]这个真理把我们联系在一起，形成一个人口来自世界各地的移民国家，大家团结一致，共渡难关，成就卓越。今天，这种信念和200年前一样依然千真万确。无论你来自哪个民族，无论你信仰哪种宗教，这都是我们共同的信念。谁会怀疑这个信念在两年、二十年甚至两个世纪以后将黯然失色？

因此，我们安全战略的基本原则，应当彰显美国对那些普遍权利的支持，这也正是我们建国之初的信条。无论有多艰难，无论是遭到攻击还是陷入战争的沼泽，我们都将忠于宪法和法律，以这种方式将这种价值观发扬光大。

我们将永远致力于追求更完美的联盟。美国将和朋友和盟友一道，始终致力于建立个人权利完善的世界，凡有个体被迫沉默之时，我们就志在成为她的声音。凡有思想受到禁止之处，我们就提供公开辩论的空间。凡有民主制度扎根之处，我们就会成为其坚定的民主卫士。凡有人道主义灾难袭来之时，我们就伸出援助之手。凡有人的尊严受到剥夺之处，美国就会与贫困抗争，并向你敞开机会的大门。这就是我们。这是我们要做的。

我们这样做，但不抱任何幻想。我们明白，变化不会很快到来。我们明白，无论是美国还是其他任何国家，都不能超越国界去掌控结局。我们知道，凡人的世界永远摆脱不了压制或邪恶。我们能够做到的，我们必须做到的，就是行动起来，为我们所寻求的世界而战——我们所有人，无论你是否身着军装。

在准备今天的演讲时，我参照了小奥利弗·温德尔·霍姆斯（Oliver Wendell Holmes）的话。他反省内战的经验所说的话，我引述至此：“要打赢一场战争，你必须有信仰，并且竭尽全力去争取。因此，为了到达那个盼望已久的终点，你必须去承载一些旁物。”霍姆斯接着说：“更重要的是，你必须愿意献身于一条道路，也许这是一条漫长而艰难的道路，一条不能确切预见出口的道路。”

美国并不为战而战，我们厌恶战争。作为一个毫无战场经历的人——我要谦卑地说，我知道那正如麦克阿瑟将军所说的：“士兵最祈求和平。”——我们投入战争，是因为我们必须战争。我们为保卫家庭和社区的安全而战，我们为盟友和伙伴的安全而战，因为美国相信，当我们的朋友更安全时我们就会更安全；当世界变得更公正时我们就会更强大。

所以，学员们，等待着你们的是一条漫长而艰难的道路。正是因为你们走出国门承担职责，我们的家园才会安全。你们走出国门代表的是国家建国的价值观。当你不可避免地面对挫折——当战斗严酷，或者碰见某个村庄里凶神恶煞的老者，当前景一片茫然——回想一下在西点军校的日子吧。

在这里，在这个世界的和平一隅，你们一直在训练和学习，现在你们成年了，你们将迈出成年美国人的大步——成为面临无数考验的美国人，成为在胜利时也无法预见自己协助建立的美国、无法预见自己协助塑造的世界的美国人。

乔治·华盛顿（George Washington）能够让一群爱国者摆脱帝国的统治，但却无法预见他的国家将扩张为50个州，连接着两个大洋。

格兰特（Grant）能够拯救联邦，看到奴隶获得了自由，但却无法预见他的国家会给予各种肤色的公民多么充分的权利和机会。

艾森豪威尔（Eisenhower）能够看到德国投降并和敌人变成了盟友，但却无法预见柏林墙会不费一枪一弹就倒塌了。

今天，你们这一代已经肩负起重任——我们的士兵，就像本校毕业生约翰·迈耶（John Meyer）和格雷格·安布罗西亚（Greg Ambrosia），冒着敌人的炮火，掩护他们的部队，完成他们的任务，最后赢得美国军队和国家的表彰。

从我们建国开始，美国就对未来有一种信念——坚信我们要去的地方要比我们现在的地方好，即使前面的道路是不确定的。为了实现这个希望，一代又一代的美国人在我们祖先的基础上建设着——寻找机会，与不公正作斗争，打造更完美的联盟。没有为责任、为荣誉、为国家而献身的“坚不可摧的灰色长队”，就没有我们的成就。[掌声] 几年之后，当你们回到这里，当你们具有更大的影响力，我坚信，你们的名字将载入史册。我坚信，我们将在这个时代的斗争中获胜。我坚信，你们留下的将是一个更加强大的美国，一个更加公正的世界，因为我们是美国人，我们的命运决不是别人为我们写的，而是由我们自己写就的，我们愿意再次担起重任。

谢谢。愿上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。[掌声]

第二篇：奥巴马西点军校演讲词

Remarks by the President at United States Military Academy at West Point Commencement

Michie Stadium, West Point, New York 10:31 A.M.EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.Thank you.Thank you.Thank you.Please be seated.Thank you very much.Good morning.AUDIENCE: Good morning.THE PRESIDENT: It is wonderful to be back at the United States Military Academy--the oldest continuously occupied military post in America--as we commission the newest officers in the United States Army.Thank you, General Hagenbeck, for your introduction, on a day that holds special meaning for you and the Dean, General Finnegan.Both of you first came to West Point in the Class of 1971 and went on to inspire soldiers under your command.You’ve led this Academy to a well-deserved recognition: best college in America.(Applause.)And today, you’re both looking forward to a well-deserved retirement from the Army.General Hagenbeck and Judy, General Finnegan and Joan, we thank you for 39 years of remarkable service to the Army and to America.(Applause.)

To the Commandant, General Rapp, the Academy staff and faculty, most of whom are veterans, thank you for your service and for inspiring these cadets to become the “leaders of character” they are today.(Applause.)Let me also acknowledge the presence of General Shinseki, Secretary McHugh, the members of Congress who are with us here today, including two former soldiers this Academy knows well, Senator Jack Reed and Congressman Patrick Murphy.(Applause.)

To all the families here--especially all the moms and dads--this day is a tribute to you as well.The decision to come to West Point was made by your sons and daughters, but it was you who instilled in them a spirit of service that has led them to this hallowed place in a time of war.So on behalf of the American people, thank you for your example and thank you for your patriotism.(Applause.)

To the United States Corps of Cadets, and most of all, the Class of 2010--it is a singular honor to serve as your Commander-in-Chief.As your Superintendent indicated, under our constitutional system my power as President is wisely limited.But there are some areas where my power is absolute.And so, as your Commander-in-Chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses.(Applause.)I will leave the definition of “minor”--(laughter)--to those who know better.(Laughter.)

Class of 2010, today is your day--a day to celebrate all that you’ve achieved, in the finest tradition of the soldier-scholar, and to look forward to the important service that lies ahead.You have pushed yourself through the agony of Beast Barracks, the weeks of training in rain and mud, and, I’m told, more inspections and drills than perhaps any class before you.Along the way, I’m sure you faced a few moments when you asked yourself: “What am I doing here?” I have those moments sometimes.(Laughter.)

You’ve trained for the complexities of today’s missions, knowing that success will be measured not merely by performance on the battlefield, but also by your understanding of the cultures and traditions and languages in the place where you serve.You’ve reached out across borders, with more international experience than any class in Academy history.You’ve not only attended foreign academies to forge new friendships, you’ve welcomed into your ranks cadets from nearly a dozen countries.You’ve challenged yourself intellectually in the sciences and the humanities, in history and technology.You’ve achieved a standard of academic excellence that is without question, tying the record for the most post-graduate scholarships of any class in West Point history.(Applause.)

This includes your number one overall cadet and your valedictorian--Liz Betterbed and Alex Rosenberg.And by the way, this is the first time in Academy history where your two top awards have been earned by female candidates.(Applause.)

This underscores a fact that I’ve seen in the faces of our troops from Baghdad to Bagram--in the 21st century, our women in uniform play an indispensable role in our national defense.And time and again, they have proven themselves to be role models for our daughters and our sons--as students and as soldiers and as leaders in the United States armed forces.And the faces in this stadium show a simple truth: America’s Army represents the full breadth of America’s experience.You come from every corner of our country--from privilege and from poverty, from cities and small towns.You worship all of the great religions that enrich the life of our people.You include the vast diversity of race and ethnicity that is fundamental to our nation’s strength.There is, however, one thing that sets you apart.Here in these quiet hills, you’ve come together to prepare for the most difficult test of our time.You signed up knowing your service would send you into harm’s way, and you did so long after the first drums of war were sounded.In you we see the commitment of our country, and timeless virtues that have served our nation well.We see your sense of duty--including those who have earned their right shoulder patch--their right shoulder combat patches, like the soldier who suffered a grenade wound in Iraq, yet still helped his fellow soldiers to evacuate--your First Captain of the Corps of Cadets, Tyler Gordy.(Applause.)

We see your sense of honor--in your respect for tradition, knowing that you join a Long Grey Line that stretches through the centuries;and in your reverence for each other, as when the Corps stands in silence every time a former cadet makes the ultimate sacrifice for our nation.Indeed, today we honor the 78 graduates of this Academy who have given their lives for our freedom and our security in Iraq and Afghanistan.And we see your love of country--a devotion to America captured in the motto you chose as a class, a motto which will guide your lives of service: “Loyal ‘Til the End.”

Duty.Honor.Love of country.Everything you have learned here, all that you’ve achieved here, has prepared you for today--when you raise your right hand;when you take that oath;when your loved one or mentor pins those gold bars on your shoulders;when you become, at long last, commissioned officers in the United States Army.This is the ninth consecutive commencement that has taken place at West Point with our nation at war.This time of war began in Afghanistan--a place that may seem as far away from this peaceful bend in the Hudson River as anywhere on Earth.The war began only because our own cities and civilians were attacked by violent extremists who plotted from a distant place, and it continues only because that plotting persists to this day.For many years, our focus was on Iraq.And year after year, our troops faced a set of challenges there that were as daunting as they were complex.A lesser Army might have seen its spirit broken.But the American military is more resilient than that.Our troops adapted, they persisted, they partnered with coalition and Iraqi counterparts, and through their competence and creativity and courage, we are poised to end our combat mission in Iraq this summer.(Applause.)

Even as we transition to an Iraqi lead and bring our troops home, our commitment to the Iraqi people endures.We will continue to advise and assist Iraqi security forces, who are already responsible for security in most of the country.And a strong American civilian presence will help Iraqis forge political and economic progress.This will not be a simple task, but this is what success looks like: an Iraq that provides no haven to terrorists;a democratic Iraq that is sovereign and stable and self-reliant.And as we end the war in Iraq, though, we are pressing forward in Afghanistan.Six months ago, I came to West Point to announce a new strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan.And I stand here humbled by the knowledge that many of you will soon be serving in harm’s way.I assure you, you will go with the full support of a proud and grateful nation.We face a tough fight in Afghanistan.Any insurgency that is confronted with a direct challenge will turn to new tactics.And from Marja to Kandahar, that is what the Taliban has done through assassination and indiscriminate killing and intimidation.Moreover, any country that has known decades of war will be tested in finding political solutions to its problems, and providing governance that can sustain progress and serve the needs of its people.So this war has changed over the last nine years, but it’s no less important than it was in those days after 9/11.We toppled the Taliban regime--now we must break the momentum of a Taliban insurgency and train Afghan security forces.We have supported the election of a sovereign government--now we must strengthen its capacities.We’ve brought hope to the Afghan people--now we must see that their country does not fall prey to our common enemies.Cadets, there will be difficult days ahead.We will adapt, we will persist, and I have no doubt that together with our Afghan and international partners, we will succeed in Afghanistan.(Applause.)

Now even as we fight the wars in front of us, we also have to see the horizon beyond these wars--because unlike a terrorist whose goal is to destroy, our future will be defined by what we build.We have to see that horizon, and to get there we must pursue a strategy of national renewal and global leadership.We have to build the sources of America’s strength and influence, and shape a world that’s more peaceful and more prosperous.Time and again, Americans have risen to meet and to shape moments of change.This is one of those moments--an era of economic transformation and individual empowerment;of ancient hatreds and new dangers;of emerging powers and new global challenges.And we’re going to need all of you to help meet these challenges.You’ve answered the call.You, and all who wear America’s uniform, remain the cornerstone of our national defense, the anchor of global security.And through a period when too many of our institutions have acted irresponsibly, the American military has set a standard of service and sacrifice that is as great as any in this nation’s history.(Applause.)

Now the rest of us--the rest of us must do our part.And to do so, we must first recognize that our strength and influence abroad begins with steps we take at home.We must educate our children to compete in an age where knowledge is capital, and the marketplace is global.We must develop clean energy that can power new industry and unbound us from foreign oil and preserve our planet.We have to pursue science and research that unlocks wonders as unforeseen to us today as the microchip and the surface of the moon were a century ago.Simply put, American innovation must be the foundation of American power--because at no time in human history has a nation of diminished economic vitality maintained its military and political primacy.And so that means that the civilians among us, as parents and community leaders, elected officials, business leaders, we have a role to play.We cannot leave it to those in uniform to defend this country--we have to make sure that America is building on its strengths.(Applause.)

As we build these economic sources of our strength, the second thing we must do is build and integrate the capabilities that can advance our interests, and the common interests of human beings around the world.America’s armed forces are adapting to changing times, but your efforts have to be complemented.We will need the renewed engagement of our diplomats, from grand capitals to dangerous outposts.We need development experts who can support Afghan agriculture and help Africans build the capacity to feed themselves.We need intelligence agencies that work seamlessly with their counterparts to unravel plots that run from the mountains of Pakistan to the streets of our cities.We need law enforcement that can strengthen judicial systems abroad, and protect us here at home.And we need first responders who can act swiftly in the event of earthquakes and storms and disease.The burdens of this century cannot fall on our soldiers alone.It also cannot fall on American shoulders alone.Our adversaries would like to see America sap its strength by overextending our power.And in the past, we’ve always had the foresight to avoid acting alone.We were part of the most powerful wartime coalition in human history through World War II.We stitched together a community of free nations and institutions to endure and ultimately prevail during a Cold War.Yes, we are clear-eyed about the shortfalls of our international system.But America has not succeeded by stepping out of the currents of cooperation--we have succeeded by steering those currents in the direction of liberty and justice, so nations thrive by meeting their responsibilities and face consequences when they don’t.So we have to shape an international order that can meet the challenges of our generation.We will be steadfast in strengthening those old alliances that have served us so well, including those who will serve by your side in Afghanistan and around the globe.As influence extends to more countries and capitals, we also have to build new partnerships, and shape stronger international standards and institutions.This engagement is not an end in itself.The international order we seek is one that can resolve the challenges of our times –-countering violent extremism and insurgency;stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and securing nuclear materials;combating a changing climate and sustaining global growth;helping countries feed themselves and care for their sick;preventing conflict and healing wounds.If we are successful in these tasks, that will lessen conflicts around the world.It will be supportive of our efforts by our military to secure our country.More than anything else, though, our success will be claimed by who we are as a country.This is more important than ever, given the nature of the challenges that we face.Our campaign to disrupt, dismantle, and to defeat al Qaeda is part of an international effort that is necessary and just.But this is a different kind of war.There will be no simple moment of surrender to mark the journey’s end--no armistice, no banner headline.Though we have had more success in eliminating al Qaeda leaders in recent months than in recent years, they will continue to recruit, and plot, and exploit our open society.We see that in bombs that go off in Kabul and Karachi.We see it in attempts to blow up an airliner over Detroit or an SUV in Times Square, even as these failed attacks show that pressure on networks like al Qaeda is forcing them to rely on terrorists with less time and space to train.We see the potential duration of this struggle in al Qaeda’s gross distortions of Islam, their disrespect for human life, and their attempt to prey upon fear and hatred and prejudice.So the threat will not go away soon, but let’s be clear: Al Qaeda and its affiliates are small men on the wrong side of history.They lead no nation.They lead no religion.We need not give in to fear every time a terrorist tries to scare us.We should not discard our freedoms because extremists try to exploit them.We cannot succumb to division because others try to drive us apart.We are the United States of America.(Applause.)We are the United States of America, and we have repaired our union, and faced down fascism, and outlasted communism.We’ve gone through turmoil, we’ve gone through Civil War, and we have come out stronger--and we will do so once more.(Applause.)

And I know this to be true because I see the strength and resilience of the American people.Terrorists want to scare us.New Yorkers just go about their lives unafraid.(Applause.)Extremists want a war between America and Islam, but Muslims are part of our national life, including those who serve in our United States Army.(Applause.)Adversaries want to divide us, but we are united by our support for you--soldiers who send a clear message that this country is both the land of the free and the home of the brave.(Applause.)

You know, in an age of instant access to information, a lot of cynicism in the news, it’s easy to lose perspective in a flood of pictures and the swirl of political debate.Power and influence can seem to ebb and flow.Wars and grand plans can be deemed won or lost day to day, even hour to hour.As we experience the immediacy of the image of a suffering child or the boasts of a prideful dictator, it’s easy to give in to the belief sometimes that human progress has stalled--that events are beyond our control, that change is not possible.But this nation was founded upon a different notion.We believe, “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”(Applause.)And that truth has bound us together, a nation populated by people from around the globe, enduring hardship and achieving greatness as one people.And that belief is as true today as it was 200 years ago.It is a belief that has been claimed by people of every race and religion in every region of the world.Can anybody doubt that this belief will be any less true--any less powerful--two years, two decades, or even two centuries from now?

And so a fundamental part of our strategy for our security has to be America’s support for those universal rights that formed the creed of our founding.And we will promote these values above all by living them--through our fidelity to the rule of law and our Constitution, even when it’s hard;even when we’re being attacked;even when we’re in the midst of war.And we will commit ourselves to forever pursuing a more perfect union.Together with our friends and allies, America will always seek a world that extends these rights so that when an individual is being silenced, we aim to be her voice.Where ideas are suppressed, we provide space for open debate.Where democratic institutions take hold, we add a wind at their back.When humanitarian disaster strikes, we extend a hand.Where human dignity is denied, America opposes poverty and is a source of opportunity.That is who we are.That is what we do.We do so with no illusions.We understand change doesn’t come quick.We understand that neither America nor any nation can dictate every outcome beyond its borders.We know that a world of mortal men and women will never be rid of oppression or evil.What we can do, what we must do, is work and reach and fight for the world that we seek--all of us, those in uniform and those who are not.And in preparing for today, I turned to the world--to the words of Oliver Wendell Holmes.And reflecting on his Civil War experience, he said, and I quote, “To fight out a war you must believe in something and want something with all your might.So must you do to carry anything else to an end worth reaching.” Holmes went on, “More than that, you must be willing to commit yourself to a course, perhaps a long and hard one, without being able to foresee exactly where you will come out.”

America does not fight for the sake of fighting.We abhor war.As one who has never experienced the field of battle--and I say that with humility, knowing, as General MacArthur said, “the soldier above all others prays for peace”--we fight because we must.We fight to keep our families and communities safe.We fight for the security of our allies and partners, because America believes that we will be safer when our friends are safer;that we will be stronger when the world is more just.So cadets, a long and hard road awaits you.You go abroad because your service is fundamental to our security back home.You go abroad as representatives of the values that this country was founded upon.And when you inevitably face setbacks--when the fighting is fierce or a village elder is fearful;when the end that you are seeking seems uncertain--think back to West Point.Here, in this peaceful part of the world, you have drilled and you have studied and come of age in the footsteps of great men and women--Americans who faced times of trial, and who even in victory could not have foreseen the America they helped to build, the world they helped to shape.George Washington was able to free a band of patriots from the rule of an empire, but he could not have foreseen his country growing to include 50 states connecting two oceans.Grant was able to save a union and see the slaves freed, but he could not have foreseen just how much his country would extend full rights and opportunities to citizens of every color.Eisenhower was able to see Germany surrender and a former enemy grow into an ally, but he could not have foreseen the Berlin Wall coming down without a shot being fired.Today it is your generation that has borne a heavy burden--soldiers, graduates of this Academy like John Meyer and Greg Ambrosia who have braved enemy fire, protected their units, carried out their missions, earned the commendation of this Army, and of a grateful nation.From the birth of our existence, America has had a faith in the future--a belief that where we’re going is better than where we’ve been, even when the path ahead is uncertain.To fulfill that promise, generations of Americans have built upon the foundation of our forefathers--finding opportunity, fighting injustice, forging a more perfect union.Our achievement would not be possible without the Long Grey Line that has sacrificed for duty, for honor, for country.(Applause.)

And years from now when you return here, when for you the shadows have grown longer, I have no doubt that you will have added your name to the book of history.I have no doubt that we will have prevailed in the struggles of our times.I have no doubt that your legacy will be an America that has emerged stronger, and a world that is more just, because we are Americans, and our destiny is never written for us, it is written by us, and we are ready to lead once more.Thank you.May God bless you.And may God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)

END

11:04 A.M.EDT

第三篇：奥巴马西点军校演讲

奥巴马西点军校演讲

奥巴马

本周一是阵亡将士纪念日，所以在今天这个场合，美国来缅怀那些为捍卫自由牺牲的人们，特别合适。你们是“911”以来第一届不用奔赴伊拉克或阿富汗前线的毕业生。当我2009年第一次在西点演讲时，我们在伊拉克还有10万多名驻军。我们还准备增兵阿富汗。我们反恐行动的重点还集中在基地组织的核心领导层——那些策划了“911”袭击的人。我们的国家才刚刚从大萧条以来最严重的经济危机中爬起身来。

四年半之后，当你们毕业之时，局面已经改变了。我们从伊拉克撤出了军队。我们正在阿富汗收缩战线。盘踞在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境地区的若干基地组织领导人已被诛杀，奥萨马•本—拉登已不复存在。经此巨变，我们已将资源重新集中于美国实力的本源：不断成长的经济——能够为每一个愿在国内勤勉工作、尽职尽责的人创造机会。

实际上，以大多数指标来衡量，相对于世界其他国家，美国很少像今天这样强大。那些持不同论调——说美国正在衰落，或说她已丧失全球领导地位——的人，要么是误解了历史，要么就是被党派立场蒙住了双眼。想想看。我们的军事实力举世无匹。来自任何一个国家的直接威胁都很低，远不能同冷战时期的危险相比。同时，我们的经济仍是全球最具活力的经济，我们的企业是最富创新能力的企业。我们在能源供应上一年比一年更独立。从欧洲到亚洲，如此众多的盟友簇拥在我们周围，为万国历史上所仅见。

美国仍在吸引努力奋斗的移民前来。我们的建国理念在世界各地激励着议会中的领袖和广场上参与运动的人群。当菲律宾受台风肆虐，尼日利亚女学童遭到劫持，或是乌克兰的蒙面枪手占据大楼，美国仍然是全世界寻求帮助的对象。我国是而且仍然是一个不可或缺的国家。上一个世纪是这样，下一个世纪仍将如此。

然而，世界正在加速变迁。这种变迁带来机遇，但也带来新的危险。“911”以后我们深刻地认识到，新技术和全球化如何让个人掌握了原本只有国家才有的力量，提升了恐怖主义者实施伤害的能力。俄罗斯对前苏联加盟国的侵凌踩痛了欧洲各国的神经，而中国的经济和军事崛起则引发其邻国的紧张。从巴西到印度，新兴的中产阶级社会同我们展开竞争，它们的政府在国际议题上寻求更大的发言权。尽管许多发展中国家拥抱民主和市场经济，但24小时新闻和社交媒体让人难以忽视派系冲突、国家失灵和民众暴动的持续存在，而这一切在10年前只会偶尔受到关注。

应对这样一个新世界，是你们这一代的任务。我们所面临的问题，你们每一个人所要面临的问题，不是美国还会不会领导世界，而是我们将如何领导世界——不仅仅确保我们自身的和平和繁荣，还要把和平和繁荣扩展到全世界。

其实，这个问题并不是新问题。最晚从华盛顿在独立战争中担任大陆军总司令以来，总有人说，干嘛要关心那些并不直接牵涉我国安全和经济福利的外国烂摊子？如今，按照那些自诩为现实主义者的人的说法，不管是叙利亚、乌克兰还是中非共和国的纷争，都不关我们的事。并不奇怪，在经历了靡费的战争和国内的重重挑战之后，很多美国人都有类似想法。

左的和右的干涉主义者则持另一种看法，他们说，无视这些冲突，最终会令我们自己遭殃。他们说，美国在全世界运用实力的意志是防止世界陷入混乱的终极保障，如果美国面对叙利亚的暴行或俄罗斯的挑衅而无所行动，不仅违背我们的良心，而且也是在纵容未来更加肆无忌惮的行径。

两边都可以从历史上找到论据。但我认为，上面两种观点都没有充分满足当今时代所提出的要求。毫无疑问，在21世纪，美国孤立主义绝对行不通。我们不可能对国境之外的事态坐视不理。如果国外的核材料得不到妥善保存，美国的城市就会遭受威胁。当叙利亚内战向境外蔓延，经过战争历练的极端组织攻击美国的能力只会有增无减。如果地区扩张行为得不到约束——不论是在乌克兰南部还是南中国海，或是其他地方——最终会触及我们的盟友，并将我们自己的军队卷入冲突。我们不能对国境外的种种事态袖手旁观。

除了上面那些利益计算，我相信我们还有一个真实的关切、一个长远利益：保证我们的子孙后代在一个女学童不被劫持，人们不因部落、信仰或政治立场而遭屠戮的世界里长大。我坚信，建设一个更自由、更宽容的世界不仅是一种道德要求，也有助于保障我们本国的安全。

然而，说我们有必要在国境之外推进和平与自由，并不是说所有所有问题都要用军事手段解决。自第一次世界大战以来，我们所犯过的一些代价最高昂的错误不是来自我们的克制，而是因为我们在贸然投入军事冒险前对后果考虑不周——没有为我们的行动获得国际支持与合法性；没有对美国人民坦陈需要他们做出的牺牲。强硬言辞容易博取新闻版面，但战争的真相很少能够符合口号。对这个问题理解深刻的艾森豪威尔将军1947年在这个典礼上说得好：“战争是人类最可悲、最愚昧的蠢行。故意挑起战争，不论是自己决断还是出谋划策，都是对全人类犯下的邪恶罪行。”

像艾森豪威尔一样，这一代的男女军人对战争的代价理解甚深，你们西点毕业生也是如此。当我5年前在此宣布增兵阿富汗的时候，听众中的四人后来就在那个战场上捐躯。还有很多西点生负伤。我相信美国的国家安全需要采取那次军事部署。但那些伤亡者的英灵和苦痛令我寝食难安。如果我把你们送去冒生命危险，只是因为觉得世界上的哪个地方出了问题得有人管管，或者因为怕别人说不派兵干涉就会显得美国很软弱，那我就是背叛了我对你们、对我所爱的这个国家所负有的责任。

这是我的底线：在世界舞台上，美国必须坚持发挥领导作用。如果我们不做，就没人会去承担那份责任。你们加入的美国军队一直是支持美国领导作用的中坚力量。但是美国的军事行动不能在所有情况下都构成美国领导力的唯一内容，甚至不能总是其首要内容。我们手中握有最好的榔头，并不意味着所有的问题就都成了钉子。而且，正因为军事行动成本高昂，你们理当期待，每一位平民政府的总统——尤其他又是你们的总司令——在动用这种令人敬畏的力量之时，都应该怀着何种戒慎恐惧的心情。

所以，我将用接下来的时间，描述一下我设想的前景：美利坚合众国及其军队如何在未来若干年内领导世界，因为你们都将组成那种领导力的一部分。

首先，请允许我重复我在初任总统时所说的一句话：美国将运用军事力量，如必要时甚至是单边运用，如果我们的核心利益要求如此——如果我们的人民受到威胁，如果我们的生计蒙受风险，如果我们的盟友陷入危难。在这些情况下，我们仍须追问，我们的行动是否适度、有效和正义。国际舆论很重要，但保护我们的人民、国土和生活方式，美国不需要请求允许。

另一方面，如果全球关心的问题并没有直接威胁到美国，却也有所关涉的时候——当国外的危机刺痛了我们的良心，或者将世界推向一个更危险的方向却并未直接威胁到我们时，军事行动的门槛必须提高。在这些情况下，我们不应独自动武。而是必须动员盟友和伙伴采取集体行动。我们必须拓展手段，包括外交和国际开发、制裁和孤立、诉诸国际法和采取多边军事行动——前提是正义、必要和有效性。我们必须同其他方面合作，因为在此类情况下，集体行动更容易成功，更容易持久，也更不容易导致严重的错误。

这就引出我的第二个论点：在可预见的未来，在国内外对美国构成最直接威胁的还是恐怖主义。但是入侵所有庇护恐怖主义网络的国家，这种战略既是天真的，也是不可持续的。我认为我们必须改变我们的反恐战略，吸取我们在伊拉克和阿富汗的经验教训，更有效地同那些恐怖主义试图渗透的国家合作。

之所以需要新战略，是因为现在的主要威胁不在来自一个集中化的基地组织核心，而是来自分散化的基地外围和在各国各自为战的极端势力。这种变化降低了“911”式大规模袭击美国本土的可能性，但它却加剧了美国人员在海外遇袭的危险，就像我们在班加西领馆遇袭事件中看到的情况一样。它也加剧了防卫薄弱的目标遇袭的危险，就像我们在内罗毕购物中心袭击事件中看到的情况一样。

所以我们必须设计出一套战略，以应对此类分散化的威胁。那套战略要能让我们在扩大干预范围的同时，不至于把我们的军力过度摊薄，或引发当地人的仇恨。我们需要伙伴来和我们并肩打击恐怖主义。培养伙伴的能力正是我们在阿富汗所做的主要工作之一。

与盟友携手，美国重拳打击了基地组织核心，并反击了旨在推翻阿富汗政权的暴动。但要保住这些果实，前提是阿富汗方面有足够的能力完成任务。所以我们在训练数十万的阿富汗士兵和警察。今年年初，正是那些阿富汗部队保障了这个国家完成其历史上首次民主的政权交接。今年年末，一位新的阿富汗总统将会走马上任，而美国的战斗任务届时也就结束了。

那是美国武装部队帮助完成的一个了不起的成就。当我们在阿富汗转向训练和顾问任务，我们在该国的收缩让我们可以更有效地应对在中东与北非出现的新威胁。所以，今年早些时候，我要求我的国家安全团队制定一套计划，从南亚到非洲萨赫勒地区打造一个伙伴网络。今天，作为这一努力的一部分，我呼吁国会支持设立一个50亿美元的反恐怖主义伙伴基金，以使我们训练和装备处于反恐前线的伙伴。这些资源将使我们能够灵活胜任各种不同任务，包括帮助受到基地渗透的也门训练安全部队、在索马里部署多国维和部队、同欧洲盟友一起训练利比亚安全部队和边界巡逻队以及协助法国在马里采取行动等。

这一切努力的一个关键焦点是旷日持久的叙利亚危机。这场令人沮丧的危机没有容易的解决办法，用任何军事手段都不可能很快消除那里令人发指的暴行。作为总统，我决定不让美国的部队介入那场日益演变成派系战争的冲突，我相信这一决定是正确的。但那并不意味着我们不应该帮助叙利亚人民反抗那轰炸、饿死自己人民的独裁者。通过帮助那些为全体叙利亚人决定自身命运的权利而战的人，我们也就是在反击那些试图从这场混乱中渔利的极端主义者。

依靠我今天倡议设立的这个新基金，我们将帮助叙利亚的邻国约旦、黎巴嫩、土耳其和伊拉克，帮助他们在叙利亚边境疏导难民，拒斥恐怖分子。我将和国会通力合作，支持叙利亚反对派中最有希望替代恐怖分子和残暴独裁者的那些力量。我们还会继续同我们在欧洲和阿拉伯世界的盟友协调，推动这场危机得到政治解决，确保那些国家而不仅仅是美国在帮助叙利亚人民的过程中做出一份合理的贡献。

关于反恐怖主义，我还有最后一点要讲。我所描述的伙伴关系并不意味着，不需要采取任何直接行动，实施必要的自卫了。当我们掌握了可以据以采取行动的充分情报以后，我们就会采取行动。例如抓捕1998年阴谋炸毁美国使馆的恐怖分子、在也门和索马里实施无人机打击等等。在必须行动的时候，我们不能犹豫。

但就像我去年所说，在采取直接行动时我们必须坚持标准，持守我们的价值观。那意味着仅当面对持续的、实质性的威胁时才进行打击，而且要尽量确保不会造成平民伤亡。因为我们的行动要符合一条简单标准：我们不能在清除敌人的过程中，制造更多的敌人。

我也相信，关于反恐行动的基础和实施方式，我们必须更加透明。我们必须对公众作出解释。我会更多地让军方主导并向公众提供行动信息。我们的情报部门做了很多出色的工作，我们还会继续保护它们的信息源和工作方法。但如果我们无法清楚、公开地解释我们的行为，我们就得应付恐怖分子的宣传和国际上的质疑，我们在伙伴和人民眼里的合法性会遭到削弱，我们对自己政府的报告义务会遭到忽视。

透明度问题直接关系到美国领导力的第三个层面，那就是加强国际秩序。

第二次世界大战以后，美国智慧地创造出一些制度，以维护和平，促进人类进步——从北约到联合国再到世界银行和国际货币基金组织。这些制度并不完美，但它们是力量的放大器。它们减少了美国采取单边行动的需要，增加了对其他国家的约束。

如今，正如这个世界已经变化，这一国际治理架构也需要因时而变。在冷战高潮时期，肯尼迪总统说过，和平需要建立在“人类制度的渐进演化”之上。促使这些国际制度进一步演化，以应今时今日之需，是美国领导力的关键内容。

现在有不少人、不少怀疑论者老是要贬低多边行动的有效性。在他们看来，通过联合国这种国际组织来做事或遵守国际法是软弱的标志。我说他们错了。容我举两个例子来说明为什么。

俄罗斯最近在乌克兰的行动让人回想起苏联坦克碾压东欧的年代。但这并不是冷战重演。我们塑造世界舆论的能力帮助我们成功孤立了俄罗斯。由于美国的领导力，各国都很快对俄罗斯的行径做出谴责，欧洲和七国集团联合我们实施制裁，北约加强了对东欧盟友的承诺，国际货币基金组织协助稳定乌克兰经济，欧洲安全与合作组织的监督将全世界的目光引向了乌克兰南部的动荡。这场对世界舆论和国际组织的动员有力地抗衡了俄罗斯的宣传攻势、其部署在俄乌边境的军队和渗透在乌克兰的蒙面武装分子。

上周周末，数以百万计的乌克兰公民投了票。昨天我同乌克兰当选总统通了话。我们不知道局势会怎样演变，不知道前方还会有何种凶险，但同盟友并肩、同国际组织携手捍卫国际秩序的做法，已经给了乌克兰人民一个选择未来的机会，而我们并没有费一枪一弹。

与此类似，尽管美国、以色列和其他国家反复警告，伊朗近年来一直在稳步推进核计划。但就在我担任总统的初期，我们组成了一个联盟，对伊朗经济实施制裁，并对伊朗政府伸出外交之手。如今我们有机会和平地化解分歧。

虽然谈论成功为时尚早，我们也为防止伊朗拥有核武器而保留一切手段。但十年来，我们首次有机会达成突破性的协议。这份协议比我们用武力所能达成的更有效，更牢靠。在所有这些谈判中，我们自愿通过多边渠道开展工作，让全世界站到我们一边。

这就说明，这才是美国的领导力。这才是美国的强项。在上述两个例子中，我们打造同盟应对挑战。如今我们需要进一步加强这些制度，使其能够预见并组织问题扩散。例如北约是全世界迄今为止最强大的军事联盟。我们正着眼于新的任务加强同北约盟友的合作，一方面在东欧巩固新获得的盟友，另一方面要求北约盟友在欧洲以外参与反恐，应对崩溃国家的挑战并且训练伙伴网络。

与之相似，联合国提供了一个在冲突不断的各国之间维持和平的平台。现在我们需要确保参与维和行动的国家有足够的训练和设备来完成使命，以避免刚果（金）和苏丹战乱那样的大屠杀再次出现。我们要深化对那些参与维和国家的投入，因为如果其他国家能够就近维持有关地区的秩序，我们就无需投入自己的军队去冒险。这是一笔划算的投资。这是正确的领导方式。

请记住，并不是所有的国际规则都直接关乎武装冲突。网络攻击是一个棘手问题，因此我们正在努力塑造和加强网络治理规则，以保障网络和公民安全。在亚太地区，我们支持东南亚国家同中国谈判，以在南中国海岛屿争端中制定行为准则。我们也试图通过国际法解决那些争端。我们也需要发扬合作精神，来为全球应对气候变化重振活力。气候变化这个悄无声息的国家安全危机会影响你们一代军人所面对的形势，诸如难民潮、自然灾害和争抢水资源以及食物的各种挑战。因此明年我将努力确保在美国引领下建立全球框架，保护我们的星球。

诸君请看，美国的影响力最强之际，都是我们用榜样的力量领导世界之时。我们不能把自己排除于规则之外，而让他人遵守规则。我们不能一边呼吁其他国家应对气候变化，另一边许多我们自己的政治领袖却在否认气候变化的存在。我们不能一边试图解决南中国海问题，另一边却无法确保《国际海洋法公约》在美国参议院获得批准，尽管我们的高级将领也认为该公约有利于国家安全。那不是领导，那是退却。那不是强大，那是软弱。在罗斯福、杜鲁门、艾森豪威尔和肯尼迪那样的领袖身上，完全看不到这些东西。

我全身心地信仰美国例外论。但让我们成为例外的不是我们违反国际规则和法治的能力，而是我们以实际行动来肯定它们的意愿。正是因此，我将继续推动关闭关塔那摩监狱，因为美国的价值观和司法传统不允许在海外无限期关押犯人。正是因此，我将设立新规，规范美国收集使用情报的行为，因为如果人们都认定我们监听普通公民，我们会失去朋友，工作效率也会大打折扣。美国不仅仅代表着不惜一切代价谋求稳定或没有冲突。我们代表着更长远的和平，而只有当其他地方的人们获得机会和自由，那种和平才会来临。

这就关系到美国领导力的第四个也是最后一个要素：我们捍卫人类尊严的意志。美国对民主和人权的支持超乎理想主义，它也是国家安全的一个考量。民主国家是我们最亲近的朋友，也最不易走向战争。基于自由、开放市场的经济体表现更佳，也会成为我们产品的市场。尊重人权则有助于克服不稳定因素，有利于消解滋生暴力与恐怖的仇恨土壤。

新世纪的来临并没有带来暴政的黄昏。在世界各国，甚至是美国的一些伙伴，对公民社会的压制依然存在。腐败的癌症让太多的政府官员和他们的圈内人一夜暴富，激怒了从偏远乡村到伟大广场上的普通公民。看到这些趋势以及阿拉伯世界的一些暴力行径，很容易让人变得玩世不恭。

但也请记得，恰恰是因为美国的努力，因为美国的外交和对外援助，因为美国军队的牺牲，很多人如今已经生活在民选的政府之下，比人类历史上的任何时期都要多。技术使公民社会变得更有力量，让铁拳更难对它们加以控制。各种新突破让数以亿计的人脱离贫困。即便是阿拉伯世界的动荡也表现出拒斥威权统治的倾向——它们绝不稳固——而且也预示了更负责、更有效的治理前景。

我们承认，我们同埃及等国家的关系是出于安全利益考量，包括巴以和平进程和共同反对暴力极端势力等等。所以我们并未切断同新政府的联系，但我们能够也将会继续施压，敦促埃及政府实施其民众所要求的改革。

与此同时，像缅甸，几年前还是不可理喻、对美国充满敌意的专制国家，那可是4千万人口的国家啊。依靠该国人民巨大的勇气以及我们的外交努力，我们已经看到一个曾经封闭的社会开启了政治改革的进程，缅甸领导层开始疏远朝鲜，转向美国和盟友。我们正在支持该国的改革和亟需的民族和解进程，通过劝说和偶尔公开批评的方式。那里的进步还有陷入倒退的可能，不过，如果缅甸能够成功，我们就是未开一枪而赢得了新的伙伴。这就是美国的领导力。

在所有这些例子中，我们不能期待改变一夜之间完成。因此我们不仅同政府结盟，也同普通人民交好。和其他一些国家不同，美国不惧怕个体的人变得强大，有力的个人是美国的力量之源。公民社会、新闻自由令我们的力量有增无减。勤奋的企业家和小业主夯实我们的经济实力。教育交流和为一切男人、女人和儿童提供机会，这种开放性让我们近悦远来。那才是我们美国。那是我们所代表的一切。

去年在访问非洲的时候，我看到美国的援助令许多年轻人免受艾滋病的感染，同时也使得非洲居民能够照顾自己的病人。我们帮助农夫把出产送往市场，让饥民获得口粮。我们让撒哈拉以南非洲的电力供应翻番，让当地人得以分享全球经济的繁荣。这一切都在为我们赢得新的伙伴，挤压恐怖主义和暴力冲突的空间。

不幸的是，美国的安全努力都不足以消除博科圣地等极端组织造成的威胁，该组织劫持了200多名女学生。所以我们不能只顾营救学生，还要帮助尼日利亚教育他们的青年。这是我们在伊拉克和阿富汗来之不易的经验之一，美国驻军要成为外交和当地经济社会发展的最有力推动者。我们的部队明白了，对外援助不是细枝末节，不是可以跟国防分开考虑的事情。它是壮大我们的重要一环。

归根结底，全球领导力要求我们直面世界的本来面目，看清其全部危险和不确定性。我们得做最坏打算，防备一切意外。但美国的领导力也要求我们前瞻世界的应然状态：个人的愿望得到尊重，统治人们的是希望而非恐惧，我们的立国文献中所写下的真理可以引导世界历史潮流走向正义的方向。

资料来源：一财网

第四篇：奥巴马在巴纳德学院毕业典礼上的讲话时间

奥巴马在巴纳德学院毕业典礼上的讲话时间:2012-05-17 17:04来源:口译网 作者:口译网 点击:10801次

Remarks by President Obama at Barnard College Commencement Ceremony Barnard College Columbia University New York, New York May 14, 2012

美国总统奥巴马在巴纳德学院毕业典礼上的讲话 纽约州 纽约市

哥伦比亚大学巴纳德学院 2012年5月14日

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Thank you so much.(Applause.)Thank you.Please, please have a seat.Thank you.(Applause.)

非常感谢大家。（掌声）谢谢大家，请入座。谢谢大家。（掌声）

Thank you, President Spar, trustees, President Bollinger.Hello, Class of 2012!(Applause.)Congratulations on reaching this day.Thank you for the honor of being able to be a part of it.谢谢你们，斯巴院长[译者注：中文名石德葆]、各位校董、伯林格校长。2012届毕业生，你们好！（掌声）祝贺你们迎来了这一天。感谢你们让我有幸来参加这个活动。

There are so many people who are proud of you--your parents, family, faculty, friends--all who share in this achievement.So please give them a big round of applause.(Applause.)To all the moms who are here today, you could not ask for a better Mother’s Day gift than to see all of these folks graduate.(Applause.)

有很多人为你们感到骄傲——你们的父母、家人、师长和朋友——都为取得这一成就出了力。因此，请为他们热烈鼓掌。（掌声）今天在座的各位母亲们，再也没有比看到所有这些孩子们毕业更好的母亲节礼物了。（掌声）

I have to say, though, whenever I come to these things, I start thinking about Malia and Sasha graduating, and I start tearing up and--(laughter)--it's terrible.I don't know how you guys are holding it together.(Laughter.)

但是我得说，每当我来到这种场合，就会想到玛莉娅和萨夏将来毕业的情景，我就会热泪盈眶——（笑声）——真不好意思。我不知道你们大家是怎么把持得住的。（笑声）

I will begin by telling a hard truth: I’m a Columbia college graduate.(Laughter and applause.)I know there can be a little bit of a sibling rivalry here.(Laughter.)But I’m honored nevertheless to be your commencement speaker today--although I’ve got to say, you set a pretty high bar given the past three years.(Applause.)Hillary Clinton--(applause)--Meryl Streep--(applause)--Sheryl Sandberg--these are not easy acts to follow.(Applause.)

我一开始就要说明一个确凿的事实：我是一名哥伦比亚大学的毕业生。（笑声和掌声）我知道可能会有一点同门弟子相争的劲儿。（笑声）但我还是为能够在你们今天的毕业典礼上讲话而感到荣幸——不过我得说，你们在过去三年树立了相当高的标准。（掌声）希拉里·克林顿——（掌声）——梅丽尔·斯特里普——（掌声）——谢里尔·桑德伯格——在她们之后出场可不容易。（掌声）

But I will point out Hillary is doing an extraordinary job as one of the finest Secretaries of State America has ever had.(Applause.)We gave Meryl the Presidential Medal of Arts and Humanities.(Applause.)Sheryl is not just a good friend;she’s also one of our economic advisers.So it’s like the old saying goes--keep your friends close, and your Barnard commencement speakers even closer.(Applause.)There's wisdom in that.(Laughter.)

但我要指出，希拉里的工作极为出色，她是美国有史以来最杰出的国务卿之一。（掌声）我们已授予梅丽尔艺术与人文总统奖章。（掌声）谢里尔不仅是一位好朋友；她还是我们的经济顾问之一。正如那句老话所说——亲近你的朋友，但更要亲近在你们巴纳德学院毕业典礼上讲话的人。（掌声）这话寓意深长。（笑声）

Now, the year I graduated--this area looks familiar--(laughter)--the year I graduated was 1983, the first year women were admitted to Columbia.(Applause.)Sally Ride was the first American woman in space.Music was all about Michael and the Moonwalk.(Laughter.)

话说我毕业那年——这个地方看着眼熟——（笑声）——我毕业于1983年，哥伦比亚大学开始录取女生的第一年。（掌声）当时萨莉·莱德成为第一位进入太空的美国女性。那时的音乐全是麦克尔和太空步。（笑声）

[AUDIENCE MEMBER: Do it!(Laughter.)]

【画外音：一名听众说“走一个！”（笑声）】

No Moonwalking.(Laughter.)No Moonwalking today.(Laughter.)

不走太空步。（笑声）今天不走太空步。（笑声）

We had the Walkman, not iPods.Some of the streets around here were not quite so inviting.(Laughter.)Times Square was not a family destination.(Laughter.)So I know this is all ancient history.Nothing worse than commencement speakers droning on about bygone days.(Laughter.)But for all the differences, the Class of 1983 actually had a lot in common with all of you.For we, too, were heading out into a world at a moment when our country was still recovering from a particularly severe economic recession.It was a time of change.It was a time of uncertainty.It was a time of passionate political debates.我们当时有“随身听”，没有IPod。这四周的一些街区没有现在这样诱人。（笑声）时报广场不是适合全家人去的地方。（笑声）我知道这一切都属于古老的过去了。毕业典礼演讲人絮叨旧事是再糟糕不过的。但是，尽管有种种差别，1983年毕业班其实与你们各位有许多共同之处。这是因为，当时我们踏入社会的时候，也正值国家从一场特别严重的经济衰退中恢复。那是一个变革的时期，一个充满未知的时期，一个政治辨伦激情高涨的时期。

You can relate to this because just as you were starting out finding your way around this campus, an economic crisis struck that would claim more than 5 million jobs before the end of your freshman year.Since then, some of you have probably seen parents put off retirement, friends struggle to find work.And you may be looking toward the future with that same sense of concern that my generation did when we were sitting where you are now.你们能够体会到这一点，因为在你们刚开始熟悉这所校园的时候，经济危机降临，不等你们第一学年结束，它已经导致500多万人失业。从那个时候以来，你们大概看到一些父母推迟了退休计划，一些朋友在苦苦求职。面对未来，你们也许像当年我这一代坐在你们的座位上的时候一样，感到忧心忡忡。

Of course, as young women, you’re also going to grapple with some unique challenges, like whether you’ll be able to earn equal pay for equal work;whether you’ll be able to balance the demands of your job and your family;whether you’ll be able to fully control decisions about your own health.当然，作为年轻女性，你们还要应对某些特殊的挑战，比如是否能够享有同工同酬；是否能够平衡工作和家庭的需要；是否能够对自身健康有全部决定权。

And while opportunities for women have grown exponentially over the last 30 years, as young people, in many ways you have it even tougher than we did.This recession has been more brutal, the job losses steeper.Politics seems nastier.Congress more gridlocked than ever.Some folks in the financial world have not exactly been model corporate citizens.(Laughter.)

虽然过去30年来女性的机会有了突飞猛进的增加，但作为年轻人，你们在很多方面面临着比我们当时更严峻的挑战。这场衰退更加严重，失业人数更多。政治争议似乎更加难以调和。国会比以往任何时候更加僵持。金融界的一些人很难被称为模范企业公民。（笑声）

No wonder that faith in our institutions has never been lower, particularly when good news doesn’t get the same kind of ratings as bad news anymore.Every day you receive a steady stream of sensationalism and scandal and stories with a message that suggest change isn’t possible;that you can’t make a difference;that you won’t be able to close that gap between life as it is and life as you want it to be.所以，毫不奇怪，对我们体制的信心达到空前之低，特别是好消息不如坏消息引人注意的时候。人们每天接到一连串耸人听闻的消息或者丑闻，其中传递的信息是：变革是不可能的；你们的努力无济于事；你们无法消除现实生活与你们的理想生活之间的差距。

My job today is to tell you don’t believe it.Because as tough as things have been, I am convinced you are tougher.I’ve seen your passion and I’ve seen your service.I’ve seen you engage and I’ve seen you turn out in record numbers.I’ve heard your voices amplified by creativity and a digital fluency that those of us in older generations can barely comprehend.I’ve seen a generation eager, impatient even, to step into the rushing waters of history and change its course.我今天的任务就是要告诉你们，不要相信这些说法。因为尽管困难很大，但我坚信你们的能力更大。我看到过你们的激情，我看到过你们的奉献。我看到过你们的投入，我看到过你们挺身而出，人数空前。我听到了你们的声音，创意和对数码技术的精通使得这种声音格外响亮，而我们这些年长的人几乎不得其解。我看到心情迫切、跃跃欲试的一代人准备跻身历史激流中，扭转其方向。

And that defiant, can-do spirit is what runs through the veins of American history.It’s the lifeblood of all our progress.And it is that spirit which we need your generation to embrace and rekindle right now.这种蔑视困难、积极进取的精神贯穿于整个美国历史的进程。这种精神是我们一切进步的源泉。此时此刻，我们需要你们这一代继承和发扬光大的正是这种精神。

See, the question is not whether things will get better--they always do.The question is not whether we’ve got the solutions to our challenges--we’ve had them within our grasp for quite some time.We know, for example, that this country would be better off if more Americans were able to get the kind of education that you’ve received here at Barnard--(applause)--if more people could get the specific skills and training that employers are looking for today.可以看出，问题并不在于事情是否会好转——情况总是会变好的。问题也不在于我们是否已经有了应对我们面临的挑战的解决办法——我们一直掌握着这些解决办法，已有相当一段时间了。比如说，我们知道，如果有更多的美国人能得到你们在巴纳德得到的这样的教育（掌声）——如果有更多的人能够获得今天的雇主所需要的那些特定的技能和训练，美国的情况会更好。

We know that we’d all be better off if we invest in science and technology that sparks new businesses and medical breakthroughs;if we developed more clean energy so we could use less foreign oil and reduce the carbon pollution that’s threatening our planet.(Applause.)

我们知道，如果我们投资于能够造就新的企业并带动医学突破的科学与技术，如果我们开发出更多的清洁能源以减少使用外国石油并减少对我们的地球构成威胁的碳污染，我们大家的日子会过得更好。（掌声）

We know that we’re better off when there are rules that stop big banks from making bad bets with other people’s money and--(applause)--when insurance companies aren’t allowed to drop your coverage when you need it most or charge women differently from men.(Applause.)Indeed, we know we are better off when women are treated fairly and equally in every aspect of American life--whether it’s the salary you earn or the health decisions you make.(Applause.)

我们知道，如果有一定的规则制止大银行拿别人的钱去恶赌（掌声）——如果不允许保险公司在你最需要的时候取消你的保险资格或者对男女收费标准不一，我们的日子会过得更好。（掌声）确实，我们都知道，如果妇女在国家生活的方方面面都能得到公平与平等的对待——无论是你的薪金所得还是你所作的健康决定，我们的日子会过得更好。（掌声）

We know these things to be true.We know that our challenges are eminently solvable.The question is whether together, we can muster the will--in our own lives, in our common institutions, in our politics--to bring about the changes we need.And I’m convinced your generation possesses that will.And I believe that the women of this generation--that all of you will help lead the way.(Applause.)

我们知道这些都是实实在在的道理。我们知道，我们面临的挑战显然都是可以解决的。问题是，我们是否能够拧成一股绳，拿出意志力——在我们自己的生活中，在我们共同的体制中，在我们的政治事务中——实现我们所需的变革。我坚信，你们这一代具有这种意志力。我相信，这一代女性——你们所有的人将会在这条道路上走在前面。

Now, I recognize that’s a cheap applause line when you're giving a commencement at Barnard.(Laughter.)It’s the easy thing to say.But it’s true.It is--in part, it is simple math.Today, women are not just half this country;you’re half its workforce.(Applause.)More and more women are out-earning their husbands.You’re more than half of our college graduates, and master’s graduates, and PhDs.(Applause.)So you’ve got us outnumbered.(Laughter.)

我承认，这是不用费力就能在巴纳德学院的毕业典礼上赢得鼓掌喝彩的一句话。（笑声）说这样的话很容易。但事实确实如此。这是——在某种程度上，这是简单的数学题。今天，妇女不仅占这个国家总人口的一半，你们还是这个国家劳动力的一半。（掌声）越来越多的女性收入超过了她们的丈夫。你们在我们的大学毕业生中，在拥有硕士学位和博士学位的毕业生中占了一半以上。（掌声）所以，你们在人数上超过了我们。（笑声）

After decades of slow, steady, extraordinary progress, you are now poised to make this the century where women shape not only their own destiny but the destiny of this nation and of this world.在几十年来的缓慢、持续、不凡的进展之后，你们即将在本世纪实现这样的目标：妇女不仅能改变自己的命运，还能改变这个国家乃至这个世界的命运。

But how far your leadership takes this country, how far it takes this world--well, that will be up to you.You’ve got to want it.It will not be handed to you.And as someone who wants that future--that better future--for you, and for Malia and Sasha, as somebody who’s had the good fortune of being the husband and the father and the son of some strong, remarkable women, allow me to offer just a few pieces of advice.That's obligatory.(Laughter.)Bear with me.然而，你们的主动性能使这个国家走多远、能使这个世界走多远，还要取决于你们自己。你们必须有这种愿望。进步不可能由别人拱手奉上。作为一个希望你们、玛莉娅和萨夏拥有这一前途及更美好前途的人，作为一个有幸成为几位坚强杰出的女性的丈夫、父亲和儿子的人，请允许我贡献几条建议。这是义不容辞的。（笑声）容我慢慢道来。

My first piece of advice is this: Don’t just get involved.Fight for your seat at the table.Better yet, fight for a seat at the head of the table.(Applause.)

我的第一条建议是，仅仅参与还不够，要为在决策中赢得一席之地而奋斗。能为坐上首席而奋斗就更好了。（掌声）

It’s been said that the most important role in our democracy is the role of citizen.And indeed, it was 225 years ago today that the Constitutional Convention opened in Philadelphia, and our founders, citizens all, began crafting an extraordinary document.Yes, it had its flaws--flaws that this nation has strived to perfect over time.Questions of race and gender were unresolved.No woman’s signature graced the original document--although we can assume that there were founding mothers whispering smarter things in the ears of the founding fathers.(Applause.)I mean, that's almost certain.有人说，我们民主中最重要的角色是公民角色。的确如此，225年前的今天，费城召开了制宪大会，我们的开国元勋，我们所有的公民，开始起草一项伟大的纲领。是的，该文件有缺陷，这个国家后来为了完善它而作出了努力。种族和性别问题当时没有得到解决。最初的文件上没有妇女的签名来为之增添光彩，但是我们可以想象，一些开国之母在开国之父的耳旁轻声细语地指点一些高招。（掌声）我是说，几乎肯定如此。

What made this document special was that it provided the space--the possibility--for those who had been left out of our charter to fight their way in.It provided people the language to appeal to principles and ideals that broadened democracy’s reach.It allowed for protest, and movements, and the dissemination of new ideas that would repeatedly, decade after decade, change the world--a constant forward movement that continues to this day.这份文件之所以特别，是因为它为那些没有被纳入我们的宪法的人们提供了争取权利的空间和可能性。它为人民提供了借助于一些原则和理想拓展民主范围的语言。它允许发起抗议和运动，允许传播新思想，一代又一代地改变着世界，形成了一股永不休止的潮流，一直延续到今天。

Our founders understood that America does not stand still;we are dynamic, not static.We look forward, not back.And now that new doors have been opened for you, you’ve got an obligation to seize those opportunities.我们的开国元勋认识到，美国并非一成不变；我们充满活力，不会停滞不前。我们向前看，不回头。既然新的大门已为你们敞开，你们就有义务把握这些机会。

You need to do this not just for yourself but for those who don’t yet enjoy the choices that you’ve had, the choices you will have.And one reason many workplaces still have outdated policies is because women only account for 3 percent of the CEOs at Fortune 500 companies.One reason we’re actually refighting long-settled battles over women’s rights is because women occupy fewer than one in five seats in Congress.你们需要这么做，不仅是为了你们自己，也是为了那些没有得到你们已经有过以及还将拥有的种种选择的人。许多工作场所仍在实行过时的政策，原因之一就是妇女只占财富500强公司首席行政官的3%。我们仍在为争取妇女权利而再次进行早已完成的抗争，原因之一就是妇女在国会所占的席位还不到五分之一。

Now, I’m not saying that the only way to achieve success is by climbing to the top of the corporate ladder or running for office--although, let’s face it, Congress would get a lot more done if you did.(Laughter and applause.)That I think we’re sure about.But if you decide not to sit yourself at the table, at the very least you’ve got to make sure you have a say in who does.It matters.我不是说取得成功的唯一途径是晋升到公司的最高层，或是竞选公职，不过，请让我们面对这个事实：如果你们竞选公职，国会将能大有作为。（笑声和掌声）我想大家对此是深信无疑的。但如果你们决定不亲身参政，至少也应该确保自己有权选择议员。这很重要。

Before women like Barbara Mikulski and Olympia Snowe and others got to Congress, just to take one example, much of federally-funded research on diseases focused solely on their effects on men.It wasn’t until women like Patsy Mink and Edith Green got to Congress and passed Title IX, 40 years ago this year, that we declared women, too, should be allowed to compete and win on America’s playing fields.(Applause.)Until a woman named Lilly Ledbetter showed up at her office and had the courage to step up and say, you know what, this isn’t right, women weren’t being treated fairly--we lacked some of the tools we needed to uphold the basic principle of equal pay for equal work.例如，在像芭芭拉·米库尔斯基和奥林匹娅·斯诺及其他女性进入国会前，联邦资助的大部分疾病研究主要侧重于疾病对男性的影响。40年前的今天，帕齐·明克和伊迪丝·格林等女性进入国会并通过[教育法修正案]《第九条》，从而宣布女性也有资格在美国的运动场上参与竞赛并取胜。（掌声）一个名叫莉莉·莱德贝特的女性来到她的办公室，勇敢地而明确地说：你们知道吗，这不对，女性没有得到公正待遇——我们缺乏一些必要的手段捍卫同工同酬的基本原则。

So don’t accept somebody else’s construction of the way things ought to be.It’s up to you to right wrongs.It’s up to you to point out injustice.It’s up to you to hold the system accountable and sometimes upend it entirely.It’s up to you to stand up and to be heard, to write and to lobby, to march, to organize, to vote.Don’t be content to just sit back and watch.所以不要接受别人对于事情理当如何的看法。你应当來纠正错误做法。你应当來指出不公不义。你应当来督促社会体制负起责任，有时需要全盘改变。你应当挺身而出，发表意见，撰文游说，游行示威，组织民众，投票表决。不要满足于袖手旁观。

Those who oppose change, those who benefit from an unjust status quo, have always bet on the public’s cynicism or the public's complacency.Throughout American history, though, they have lost that bet, and I believe they will this time as well.(Applause.)But ultimately, Class of 2012, that will depend on you.Don’t wait for the person next to you to be the first to speak up for what’s right.Because maybe, just maybe, they’re waiting on you.那些反对变革、受益于不公平现状的人，总是赌定公众要不是愤世嫉俗就是洋洋自得。可是纵观美国历史，他们一再下错赌注，我相信这一次也不例外。（掌声）可是说到底，2012届的同学们，这将取决于你们。不要等待你身旁的人第一个为正义发言。因为有可能，只是有此可能，他们正在等你带头。

Which brings me to my second piece of advice: Never underestimate the power of your example.The very fact that you are graduating, let alone that more women now graduate from college than men, is only possible because earlier generations of women--your mothers, your grandmothers, your aunts--shattered the myth that you couldn’t or shouldn’t be where you are.(Applause.)

这就涉及我的第二条建议：切勿低估以身作则的力量。你们即将毕业的事实，且不说目前大学毕业的女生人数超过男生，都是因为前辈女性－－你们的母亲、祖母、姨婶－－打破了你不能或者不应当身在此处的神话。（掌声）

I think of a friend of mine who’s the daughter of immigrants.When she was in high school, her guidance counselor told her, you know what, you’re just not college material.You should think about becoming a secretary.Well, she was stubborn, so she went to college anyway.She got her master’s.She ran for local office, won.She ran for state office, she won.She ran for Congress, she won.And lo and behold, Hilda Solis did end up becoming a secretary--(laughter)--she is America’s Secretary of Labor.(Applause.)

我想起一位朋友，她是移民的女儿。念中学时，她的指导老师告诉她，你不是念大学的材料，你应当考虑去当秘书。她很固执，所以还是念了大学，进而拿到硕士学位。她竞选地方公职，结果胜选。她竞选州政府公职，再度胜选。她竞选国会议员，又是胜选。请听好了，希尔达·索利斯最终的确成为一名秘书－－（笑声）－－她成为美国劳工部的秘书[译者注：“秘书”和“部长”在英文中是同一个单词]。（掌声）

So think about what that means to a young Latina girl when she sees a Cabinet secretary that looks like her.(Applause.)Think about what it means to a young girl in Iowa when she sees a presidential candidate who looks like her.Think about what it means to a young girl walking in Harlem right down the street when she sees a U.N.ambassador who looks like her.Do not underestimate the power of your example.所以想想看，当一名拉丁裔的小女孩看到一名长得像她的内阁部长，会作何感想。（掌声）当一名艾奥瓦州的小女孩看到一名长得像她的总统候选人，会作何感想。当一名小女孩走在哈莱姆区的街上，看到一名长得像她的驻联合国大使，她会作何感想。不要低估了你们以身作则的力量。

This diploma opens up new possibilities, so reach back, convince a young girl to earn one, too.If you earned your degree in areas where we need more women--like computer science or engineering--(applause)--reach back and persuade another student to study it, too.If you're going into fields where we need more women, like construction or computer engineering--reach back, hire someone new.Be a mentor.Be a role model.这张文凭将会开辟新的可能性，因此，回过头去，说服另一个小女孩也去追求文凭。如果你们学习的专业是需要更多女性投入的领域－－比如计算机科学或者工程学－－（掌声）－－也要说服另一名学生加入你们的学习行列。如果你们进入的是需要更多女性加入的领域，如建筑施工或者计算机工程－－那就回头聘一位新人。做一个指导者。做一个好榜样。

Until a girl can imagine herself, can picture herself as a computer programmer, or a combatant commander, she won’t become one.Until there are women who tell her, ignore our pop culture obsession over beauty and fashion--(applause)--and focus instead on studying and inventing and competing and leading, she’ll think those are the only things that girls are supposed to care about.Now, Michelle will say, nothing wrong with caring about it a little bit.(Laughter.)You can be stylish and powerful, too.(Applause.)That's Michelle’s advice.(Applause.)

一名女孩要成为计算机程序员或者军事指挥官，她必须首先具备这样的理想。如果没有别的女性告诉她，不要在意我们的流行文化对于美丽和时尚的迷恋－－（掌声）－－而是专注学习，发明创新，与人竞争，发挥领导作用，她就会一直在意那些事情。好，米歇尔会说，在意一点又何妨。（笑声）你可以既时髦又有力量。（掌声）那是米歇尔的建议。（掌声）

And never forget that the most important example a young girl will ever follow is that of a parent.Malia and Sasha are going to be outstanding women because Michelle and Marian Robinson are outstanding women.So understand your power, and use it wisely.千万不要忘记一个女孩仿效的最重要榜样就是她的父母。玛莉娅和莎夏将会成为杰出的女性，因为米歇尔和玛丽安·鲁宾逊都是杰出的女性。所以，要认识到你们的力量，并且明智地加以运用。

My last piece of advice--this is simple, but perhaps most important: Persevere.Persevere.Nothing worthwhile is easy.No one of achievement has avoided failure--sometimes catastrophic failures.But they keep at it.They learn from mistakes.They don’t quit.我的最后一点建议－－这很简单，但可能是最重要的一点：坚持不懈。坚持不懈。有价值的事物得之不易。没有一个有成就的人能够避免失败－－有时甚至是一败涂地。可是他们坚持不懈，从错误中学习。他们绝不放弃。

You know, when I first arrived on this campus, it was with little money, fewer options.But it was here that I tried to find my place in this world.I knew I wanted to make a difference, but it was vague how in fact I’d go about it.(Laughter.)But I wanted to do my part to do my part to shape a better world.你们知道，我刚到这个校园时，没多少钱，更没多少选择。但正是在这里，我试图寻找我在这个世界上的立足之地。我知道我想有所作为，但却不清楚如何去做。(笑声）可我想尽自己的力量去建设一个更美好的世界。

So even as I worked after graduation in a few unfulfilling jobs here in New York--I will not list them all--(laughter)--even as I went from motley apartment to motley apartment, I reached out.I started to write letters to community organizations all across the country.And one day, a small group of churches on the South Side of Chicago answered, offering me work with people in neighborhoods hit hard by steel mills that were shutting down and communities where jobs were dying away.因此，即使当我毕业后在纽约从事几份没有成就感的工作的时候——我不会一 一列举——（笑声）——即使在我搬出一间杂乱的公寓又搬到另一间同样杂乱的公寓的时候，我也在努力求索。我开始给全国各地的社区组织写信。有一天，芝加哥南区的一个小型教会组织回了信，给了我一份为当地居民服务的工作，他们那里的钢厂停业使他们受到沉重打击，那里的就业机会也一天天消失。

The community had been plagued by gang violence, so once I arrived, one of the first things we tried to do was to mobilize a meeting with community leaders to deal with gangs.And I’d worked for weeks on this project.We invited the police;we made phone calls;we went to churches;we passed out flyers.The night of the meeting we arranged rows and rows of chairs in anticipation of this crowd.And we waited, and we waited.And finally, a group of older folks walked in to the hall and they sat down.And this little old lady raised her hand and asked, “Is this where the bingo game is?”(Laughter.)It was a disaster.Nobody showed up.My first big community meeting--nobody showed up.当地社区一直被帮派暴力所扰，所以我一到那里，我们争取做的第一件事情就是与社区领袖开会商量应对帮派的对策。我为这项工作忙了好几个星期。我们邀请了警察；我们打了电话，我们去了教堂；我们散发了传单。要开会的那天晚上，我们排好了一排排椅子，以为会有一大群人到会。我们等啊等。最后，一群老人走进大厅，然后坐下来。有一位瘦小的老太太举起了手，问道：“宾果游戏是在这里吗？”(笑声)真是糟糕透了。没有人来。我的第一个社区大会——没有人到场。

And later, the volunteers I worked with told me, that's it;we’re quitting.They'd been doing this for two years even before I had arrived.They had nothing to show for it.And I’ll be honest, I felt pretty discouraged as well.I didn't know what I was doing.I thought about quitting.And as we were talking, I looked outside and saw some young boys playing in a vacant lot across the street.And they were just throwing rocks up at a boarded building.They had nothing better to do--late at night, just throwing rocks.And I said to the volunteers, “Before you quit, answer one question.What will happen to those boys if you quit? Who will fight for them if we don’t? Who will give them a fair shot if we leave?

后来，和我一起工作的志愿人员对我说，够了，我们不干了。他们在我来之前已经干了两年之久。他们觉得没有任何成就可言。说实话，我也感到相当气馁。我不知道我在做什么。我想过不干了。当我们交谈的时候，我往外边看了看，看到一群年轻的男孩在马路对面的空地上玩耍。他们正对着一座用板子钉起来的建筑物投掷石块。他们百无聊赖——在深夜，扔石头玩。我对那些志愿人员说：“在你们退出之前，先回答一个问题。如果你们不干了那些男孩会怎么样？如果我们不为他们着想，还有谁会为他们奋斗呢？如果我们走了，还有谁会给他们一个公平的机会呢？

And one by one, the volunteers decided not to quit.We went back to those neighborhoods and we kept at it.We registered new voters, and we set up after-school programs, and we fought for new jobs, and helped people live lives with some measure of dignity.And we sustained ourselves with those small victories.We didn’t set the world on fire.Some of those communities are still very poor.There are still a lot of gangs out there.But I believe that it was those small victories that helped me win the bigger victories of my last three and a half years as President.志愿者们一个接一个地决定不放弃。我们回到那些街区，继续坚持工作。我们给新选民登记，我们安排课后活动，我们争取新的就业机会，并帮助人们活得更有尊严。我们用那些小小的胜利鼓励自己。我们并没有做什么惊天动地的事。这些社区中有一些仍然很贫穷。那里仍然有很多的帮派出没。但我相信，就是这些小小的胜利帮助我在这三年半里作为总统赢得了更大的胜利。

And I wish I could say that this perseverance came from some innate toughness in me.But the truth is, it was learned.I got it from watching the people who raised me.More specifically, I got it from watching the women who shaped my life.我希望我能说这种执着源于我与生俱来的某种毅力。但事实是，这是后天学到的。我是从养育我的人身上学到的。更具体地说，我是从影响了我的生活的那些女性身上学到的。

I grew up as the son of a single mom who struggled to put herself through school and make ends meet.She had marriages that fell apart;even went on food stamps at one point to help us get by.But she didn’t quit.And she earned her degree, and made sure that through scholarships and hard work, my sister and I earned ours.She used to wake me up when we were living overseas--wake me up before dawn to study my English lessons.And when I’d complain, she’d just look at me and say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.”(Laughter.)

我是一个单身母亲的儿子，她含辛茹苦，在努力维持家庭生计的同时完成学业。她有过破碎的婚姻，甚至一度靠领取食品劵勉强养家度日。但她没有放弃。她获得了学位，并确保我和我妹妹能依靠奖学金和辛勤努力来获得我们的学位。当我们在海外生活时，她常常叫我起床——天不亮就起床，学习英语课程。当我抱怨时，她就会看着我说：“小子，这对我也并不轻松。”(笑声)

And my mom ended up dedicating herself to helping women around the world access the money they needed to start their own businesses--she was an early pioneer in microfinance.And that meant, though, that she was gone a lot, and she had her own struggles trying to figure out balancing motherhood and a career.And when she was gone, my grandmother stepped up to take care of me.我的母亲最终完全投入到帮助世界各地妇女获得创业所需资金的工作中——她是微型信贷的一个先驱。但这意味着她经常不在家，而且她有着自身的挣扎，要努力在做母亲和发展事业之间找到平衡。她不在家时，我的外祖母承担起照顾我的责任。

She only had a high school education.She got a job at a local bank.She hit the glass ceiling, and watched men she once trained promoted up the ladder ahead of her.But she didn’t quit.Rather than grow hard or angry each time she got passed over, she kept doing her job as best as she knew how, and ultimately ended up being vice president at the bank.She didn’t quit.她仅受过高中教育。她在当地银行找到一份工作，她遇到了事业上的玻璃天花板，眼看着她曾经培训过的男人晋升到比她更高的级别。但她没有退却。她没有因一次次机会旁落而变得冷漠或愤怒，而是继续尽自己最大努力做好工作，最终她成为银行的副总裁。她没有退却。

And later on, I met a woman who was assigned to advise me on my first summer job at a law firm.And she gave me such good advice that I married her.(Laughter.)And Michelle and I gave everything we had to balance our careers and a young family.But let’s face it, no matter how enlightened I must have thought myself to be, it often fell more on her shoulders when I was traveling, when I was away.I know that when she was with our girls, she’d feel guilty that she wasn’t giving enough time to her work, and when she was at her work, she’d feel guilty she wasn’t giving enough time to our girls.And both of us wished we had some superpower that would let us be in two places at once.But we persisted.We made that marriage work.后来，我遇到一位女性，她被派来担任我在一家律师事务所从事的第一份暑期工作的指导。她对我的指导如此之好，以致于我娶了她。（笑声）米歇尔和我竭尽全力在发展事业与照顾幼小的孩子之间找到平衡。但是说实话，不管我当时可能认为自己是多么开通，在我外出旅行时，在我不在家时，家事往往更多地落在她的肩上。我知道，在照顾我们的两个女儿时，她为没有在工作上付出足够时间感到内疚；而当她上班时，又为没有给孩子足够的时间感到内疚。我们俩都唯愿我们有某种超人的能力，使我们能够两者兼顾。但我们坚持住了，我们的努力保证了婚姻的成功。

And the reason Michelle had the strength to juggle everything, and put up with me and eventually the public spotlight, was because she, too, came from a family of folks who didn’t quit--because she saw her dad get up and go to work every day even though he never finished college, even though he had crippling MS.She saw her mother, even though she never finished college, in that school, that urban school, every day making sure Michelle and her brother were getting the education they deserved.Michelle saw how her parents never quit.They never indulged in self-pity, no matter how stacked the odds were against them.They didn't quit.米歇尔之所以能够坚强地招架一切并忍受我，而且最终忍受公众聚光，是因为她同样来自一个不轻易退却的家庭——因为她看到她的父亲每天一大早起来去上班，尽管他从未念完大学，尽管他患有影响行动的多发性硬化症。她看到，尽管她的母亲从未念完大学，但在那个学校，那个贫民区的学校，她每天都确保米歇尔和她的哥哥受到他们应该得到的教育。米歇尔看到她的父母从不放弃。他们从不沉溺于自怜，不管他们面临多么不利的境况。他们从不放弃。

Those are the folks who inspire me.People ask me sometimes, who inspires you, Mr.President? Those quiet heroes all across this country--some of your parents and grandparents who are sitting here--no fanfare, no articles written about them, they just persevere.They just do their jobs.They meet their responsibilities.They don't quit.I'm only here because of them.They may not have set out to change the world, but in small, important ways, they did.They certainly changed mine.正是这些人激励着我。人们有时问我，总统先生，是谁激励着你？是这个国家各地那些默默耕耘的英雄——今天在座的你们一些人的父母和祖父母——他们不张扬，没有文章报道他们，他们只是坚持不懈。他们只是做好本职工作。他们履行自己的责任。他们不放弃。正是因为有他们我才站到这里。他们或许并没有从一开始就要改变世界，但他们以一点一滴的重要方式，改变了世界。他们无疑改变了我的世界。

So whether it’s starting a business, or running for office, or raising an amazing family, remember that making your mark on the world is hard.It takes patience.It takes commitment.It comes with plenty of setbacks and it comes with plenty of failures.因此，无论是创办一家企业、竞选公职、还是抚养一个美好的家庭，请记住：要在这个世界上留下你的影响不是一件轻而易举的事情。它需要耐心。它需要投入。随之而来的是大量挫折，以及无数次的失败。

But whenever you feel that creeping cynicism, whenever you hear those voices say you can’t make a difference, whenever somebody tells you to set your sights lower--the trajectory of this country should give you hope.Previous generations should give you hope.What young generations have done before should give you hope.Young folks who marched and mobilized and stood up and sat in, from Seneca Falls to Selma to Stonewall, didn’t just do it for themselves;they did it for other people.(Applause.)

但每当你感觉到那种迎面扑来的冷嘲热讽，每当你听到人们说你无法改变现状，每当有人告诉你要苟且偷生——这个国家走过的道路应该给你带来希望。前几代人的经历应该给你带来希望。在你之前的一代又一代年轻人做过的一切应该给你带来希望。无论是在塞尼卡福尔斯还是在塞尔玛或是在石墙，当时那些参加游行、动员起来、挺身而出、进行静坐的年轻人，他们不仅仅是为自己这样做 ；他们这样做是为了别人。（掌声）

That’s how we achieved women’s rights.That's how we achieved voting rights.That's how we achieved workers’ rights.That's how we achieved gay rights.(Applause.)That’s how we’ve made this Union more perfect.(Applause.)

就是这样，我们获得了妇女权利；就是这样，我们获得了选举权；就是这样，我们获得了工人权利；就是这样，我们获得了同性恋权利。（掌声）就是这样，我们使我们的合众国更趋完美。（掌声）

And if you’re willing to do your part now, if you're willing to reach up and close that gap between what America is and what America should be, I want you to know that I will be right there with you.(Applause.)If you are ready to fight for that brilliant, radically simple idea of America that no matter who you are or what you look like, no matter who you love or what God you worship, you can still pursue your own happiness, I will join you every step of the way.(Applause.)

如果你们愿意现在就来尽你们的职责，如果你们愿意竭尽所能缩小美国现状与理想之间的差距，我想让你们知道：我会与你们站在一起。（掌声）。不管你是谁、不管你的外貌如何、不管你爱的是谁或敬拜什么样的神，你仍然可以追求自己的幸福——如果你准备为美国实现这个十分简单却又非常美好的想法而奋斗，我会在前进的道路上与你并肩迈出每一步。（掌声）

Now more than ever--now more than ever, America needs what you, the Class of 2012, has to offer.America needs you to reach high and hope deeply.And if you fight for your seat at the table, and you set a better example, and you persevere in what you decide to do with your life, I have every faith not only that you will succeed, but that, through you, our nation will continue to be a beacon of light for men and women, boys and girls, in every corner of the globe.与以往任何时候相比——与以往任何时候相比，现在美国都更需要你们——2012届的同学们——所能贡献的一切。美国需要你们高瞻远瞩、胸怀大志。如果你们为争取自己的发言权而奋斗，树立一个更好的榜样，坚持做你们一生中立志要做的事情，我坚信，不仅你们会取得成功，而且由于你们的努力，我们的国家将继续是为全球每一个角落的男人和女人、男孩和女孩照耀航程的灯塔。

So thank you.Congratulations.(Applause.)God bless you.God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)

因此，谢谢大家。向你们祝贺。（掌声）上帝保佑你们。上帝保佑美利坚合众国。（掌声）

巴纳德学院简介：

巴纳德学院（Barnard College）是美国的一所私立女子高等学校，1889年于纽约市创办，以原哥伦比亚学院院长费雷德里克·巴纳德的名字命名。1900年并入哥伦比亚大学，仍保留独立的学校董事会和财政机构，有自己的教师、图书馆和与哥伦比亚大学共同享有的设备，但学士学位由哥伦比亚大学授予。课程涉及人文学、社会科学和自然科学，亦提供音乐、戏剧等方面的专门课程。学生可参加哥伦比亚大学的许多活动，亦可到哥伦比亚大学听课。

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第五篇：奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲

奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲（中英对照）

来源： | 时间：9个月前 | 阅读：5589次 | [划词 ] [1] 奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲（中英对照）

[2] 奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲（中英对照）

[3] 奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲（中英对照）

[4] 奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲（中英对照）[5] 奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲（中英对照）

[6] 奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲（中英对照）

First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.首先，逆转核武器扩散的趋势，防止核武器的使用，是美国的利益所在。In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction.In 2009, our inheritance is different.You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror--we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries.But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint.We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.上一个世纪，美国和俄罗斯的几代人继承了可以毁灭其他国家的力量，同时也认识到使用这种力量也会造成自身的毁灭。2009年，我们传承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出这样的问题：美国和俄罗斯领导人是否将奉行恐怖的均势──我们了解，我们两国之间发生任何战争，都将产生悲惨的结局。但我们确实有必要问这样一个问题：我们有必要问一问，在纽约和莫斯科杀害无辜平民的极端主义分子会不会表现同样的克制。我们有必要问一问，10个、20个，或者50个有核武装的国家是否会保障本国核武库的安全并避免使用核武器。

This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century.The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion.In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests.Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons? 这就是21世纪核挑战的核心问题。认为拥有这些核武器就能提高自己的地位，或认为一旦确认和鉴别哪些国家可以拥有这些核武器，我们就能保护自己，都?不切实际的幻想。在冷战结束后的短时期内，我们已经看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韩进行了核试验。如果不发生根本性的变化，我们中间有谁真正相信今后20年不会出现核武器的进一步扩散？

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That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons.That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers.And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.正是出于这个原因，美国坚决要求制止核扩散，最终争取实现全世界不存在核武器的目标。这与我们在《不扩散核武器条约》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)中作出的承诺相一致。这是我们作为全世界两个核大国需要承担的责任。尽管我知道这个目标不可能很快实现，但争取实现这个目标可以为防止核武器扩散并避免其实际使用提供法律和道义的基础。

We're already taking important steps to build this foundation.Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems.We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT.And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.我们已经为奠定这个基础迈出了重大步伐。昨天，梅德韦杰夫总统和我为两国谈判达成一项新的条约取得了进展。这个条约将大大减少我们的弹头和运载系统的数量。我们重申我们致力于核能源的洁净、安全与和平使用，所有根据《不扩散核武器条约》履行其职责的国家都有权获得这样的核能。我们同意加强在核安全问题上的合作，这对于达到在四年内保障所有危险核材料的安全的目标至关重要。

As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs.Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East.That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon.And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges--ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.在我们履行自己的承诺之时，我们还必须使其他国家为他们做出的承诺负责。不论美国还是俄罗斯，我们两国都不可能从东亚和中东的核武器竞赛中获益。正是由于这个原因，我们应该共同反对北韩成为核国家，共同反对伊朗获得核武器。我感到高兴的是，梅德韦杰夫总统和我同意对弹道导弹问题──21世纪弹道导弹构成的挑战，包括来自伊朗和北韩的威胁──联合进行威胁评估。

This is not about singling out individual nations--it's about the responsibilities of all nations.If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle.And that benefits no one.As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.此事并非针对个别国家，而是涉及到所有国家的责任。如果我们不能采取共同立场，那么《不扩散核武器条约》和联合国安理会的信誉就会丧失殆尽，国际法就会被弱肉强食的法则取代。这对任何人都没有好处。我曾在布拉格(Prague)表示，规则必须有约束力，违者必罚，言必有信。

The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement.I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe.And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world.And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran.It has nothing to do with Russia.In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer.But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.成功地执行这些规则有助于消除产生分歧的根源。我知道俄罗斯反对在欧洲部署导弹防御系统的计划。为了加强美国、欧洲和全世界的安全，本届政府正在审议有关计划。我已明确表示，这个系统的目的在于防止可能来自伊朗的袭击，与俄罗斯无关。事实上，我希望与俄罗斯在导弹防御框架的问题上相互合作，从而加强我们大家的安全。但一旦排除了来自伊朗核计划和弹道导弹计划的威胁，在欧洲部署导弹防御系统的驱动力将不再存在。这符合我们的共同利益。Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.除了限制全世界最危险的武器之外，美国具有重大国家利益的第二个问题是孤立并战胜暴力极端主义分子。

For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths.Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims.And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali;Islamabad and Kabul;and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands.They're plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate--particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.多年来，“基地”组织及其附庸亵渎了一个代表和平与正义的伟大宗教，残酷无情地杀害各种国籍和各种信仰的男子、妇女和儿童。尤其值得注意的是，他们甚至也杀害穆斯林。这些极端主义分子在安曼和巴厘岛杀人；在伊斯兰堡和喀布尔杀人；他们的手上也沾满美国人和俄罗斯人的血。他们正在密谋杀害我们更多的人民，他们得到一些安全庇护所，在那里进行训练和活动──特别是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境地区。

And that's why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan.We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations.Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity.And that's why I'm pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory.Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban.It's time to work together on behalf of a different future--a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present;a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.正是因为如此，美国有一个明确的目标：瓦解、捣毁和击败“基地”组织及其在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的同夥。我们不谋求建立基地，也不希望控制这些国家。相反，我们希望与国际夥伴相互合作，其中包括俄罗斯，帮助阿富汗和巴基斯坦促进其安全与繁荣。正是因为这个原因，我对俄罗斯允许美国经贵国领土为我们的盟军运送物资感到高兴。无论美国还是俄罗斯，均不希望看到塔利班统治阿富汗或巴基斯坦。现在，我们应该为实现另一种前途携手努力 ── 我们不再进行以往的大规模竞赛，同时努力解决当前的冲突，让我们都为中亚的安全做贡献。