第一篇：纽约时报英文资信
南非，当曼德拉与种族隔离都成为历史
Generation Born After Apartheid Sees Mandela‟s Fight as History
南非，当曼德拉与种族隔离都成为历史
JOHANNESBERG — Sitting in her comfortable suburban living room 45 minutes east of Johannesburg, Nokuthula Magubane, 18, was doing something close to unthinkable to older generations of black South Africans: She was affectionately praising Afrikaans.约翰内斯堡——诺库图拉·玛古贝恩(Nokuthula Magubane)的家位于约翰内斯堡东部的郊区，离城里有45分钟车程。今年18岁的她坐在家中舒适的起居室里，做了一件较年长的南非黑人几乎无法想象的事情：她在充满热情地称赞阿非利卡语(Afrikaans)。“Afrikaans is such a laid-back and beautiful language,” she said.“You can just sit back, relax, speak your Afrikaans and be happy.”
“阿非利卡语是一门松弛而美丽的语言，”她说，“就往椅背上一靠，放松，讲讲阿非利卡语，开开心心的。”
Mandatory instruction in Afrikaans during apartheid was one of the sparks that set off the Soweto student uprisings of 1976.Hundreds of young people, many younger than Ms.Magubane, were killed.Countless others chose to abandon education rather than receive instruction in what they considered the language of the oppressor.It was a seminal moment in the struggle against apartheid, and the day of the uprising, June 16, became national Youth Day in the new South Africa.种族隔离时代，强制教授阿非利卡语是激发起1976年索韦托(Soweto)学生运动的导火索之一。成百上千名年轻人遭到杀害，其中许多人比玛古贝恩还年轻。还有无数人宁肯放弃学业也不愿意以他们心目中的压迫者的语言接受教育。这是反种族隔离斗争中开创性的时刻，起义发生那天，6月16日，成了新南非的青年节。
But to Ms.Magubane, “At the end of the day, Afrikaans is just a language.” 但在玛古贝恩看来，“说到底，阿非利卡语也只是一门语言。”
Such feelings are common among members of Ms.Magubane‟s generation, known as the born frees because they were born after the end of apartheid, or just before it ended, and are too young to have many memories of it.And while they certainly know Nelson Mandela, who died on Thursday, it is almost impossible for them to grasp what it was like to see him emerge from prison in 1990 and become president in the nation‟s first fully democratic elections four years later.在玛古贝恩这一代人中，这种感觉十分常见。这代人生于种族隔离结束之后，或即将结束之际，他们被称为“生来自由”的一代，由于太年轻，所以对种族隔离没有太多记忆。尽管肯定认识周四逝世的纳尔逊·曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)，但他们几乎不可能领会到1990年目睹曼德拉走出监狱时，以及他在四年后成为南非首位经过全民民主选举当选总统时的感受。The born frees make up a huge segment of the population — about 40 percent, according to census figures — and their many critics among older South Africans contend that they are apathetic and apolitical, unaware of the history of the struggle that made their lives better.生来自由的一代人在总人口中占有极大的比例，人口普查数据显示约达40%。很多较为年长的南非人对年轻一代持批评态度，称他们冷漠、不关心政治，不了解让他们的生活变得更好的斗争史。
But the born frees have another name as well — the Mandela generation — and they insist that their determination to look to the future and not the past is the greatest tribute they can pay him.但生来自由的一代也有另外一个名字：“曼德拉世代”。他们坚持认为，决心展望未来而不是回首过去，才是献给曼德拉的最深切的礼赞。
“Yes, we were oppressed by white people;yes, it happened;yes, it hurt,” Ms.Magubane said while Mr.Mandela was still clinging to life.“But let us forgive each other so that we can move on fully and contribute fully to the South Africa we want to see in the future.”
“是的，我们受到了白人的压迫；是的，的确发生过；而且的确很痛苦，”玛古贝恩说，“但我们要互相宽恕，这样才能完全地走出过去，才能全身心地为一个我们理想中的南非做出贡献。”她接受采访时曼德拉尚在人世。
Akhumzi Jezile, a 24-year-old producer, television personality and speaker, says the born frees are portrayed as apathetic because they do not respond with the same emotion, or in the same numbers, as the Soweto generation does during Youth Day marches and similar remembrances.今年24岁的阿库姆齐·杰济勒(Akhumzi Jezile)是一名制片人、电视名人和演说家。他说生来自由的一代之所以被人形容“冷漠”，是因为他们不会在青年节游行或类似的纪念庆典上有索韦托那代人那样的反应，无论是情绪上还是人数上。
“It‟s not a matter of not understanding apartheid;it‟s just a matter of us having different challenges,” he said.“I think the feeling that the born frees are ignorant comes from an older generation that sees a youth that doesn‟t react the way they do.But that is normal.We didn‟t live it, but we have a vibrancy.We are fighting our issues.”
“并不是不理解种族隔离的问题，只是我们有了不同的挑战，”他说，“我想，生来自由的一代很无知的感觉，来自更为年长的一代，他们看到年轻人不像他们那样做出反应。但那是正常的，我们没有亲身经历过那些，但是我们很活跃，我们在为我们的问题抗争。”
He pointed to education campaigns led by young people to fight the scourges of substance abuse, crime and H.I.V.infection.他举出的例子有年轻人引领的针对药品滥用、犯罪和艾滋病的教育行动。
“The generation of 1976 or the generation before us had different challenges,” he said.“We cannot talk about apartheid every day forever.”
“1976年那一代人，或者我们的上一代人，有不同的挑战，”他说，“我们不能天天谈种族隔离，一直这么下去。”
Many, though certainly not all, of the born frees‟ attitudes differ markedly from those of older South Africans because their experiences are so sharply different.Young people, for instance, are more likely to socialize with people of another race, according to the Reconciliation Barometer, a yearly gauge of public opinion.生来自由的一代人，尽管并非全部，但有很多观点与上一代南非人存在明显差异，因为他们的经历是如此的不同。例如，年度公共意见研究《和解晴雨表》(Reconciliation Barometer)显示，年轻人更乐意与其他种族的人交际。
“It seems young people may be developing deeper relationships across historic dividing lines, beyond just interaction,” the 2012 Reconciliation Barometer reported.2012年的《和解晴雨表》报告中说，“年轻人似乎可以能跨过历史的分界线，超越简单的互动培养更深的关系。”
They are also less likely to have faith in political leaders, and less likely to blame apartheid for South Africa‟s current economic and social inequality, according to the Reconciliation Barometer.《和解晴雨表》显示，他们对政治领袖产生信心的可能性更低，将南非现在的经济和社会不平等归咎于种族隔离制度的可能性也更低。
And despite the warning from Zwelinzima Vavi, the general secretary of South Africa‟s powerful confederation of trade unions, that South Africa‟s young are a “ticking time bomb” because of the unemployment and poverty rates they face — twice as high as in the general population — born frees are overwhelmingly optimistic, the Barometer and other surveys have found.尽管南非影响力巨大的工会大会总书记兹维林兹马·瓦维(Zwelinzima Vavi)警告说，南非年轻人是一颗“嘀嗒作响的定时炸弹”，他们面临的失业率和贫困率是总人口的两倍。但是《和解晴雨表》和其他民调都显示，生来自由的一代人绝大多数都很乐观。
Indeed, their generation in other countries — often known as millennials elsewhere — also tends toward optimism.的确，在其他国家，这代人的心态也倾向于乐观——这代人在其他国家常常被称为“新千年一代”。
Even young people from impoverished townships display a heady enthusiasm, though for many life has changed little in material terms since the end of apartheid, and unemployment is worse.尽管来自贫穷村镇的年轻人们显示出了令人鼓舞的热情，但对许多人来说，自从种族隔离终结以来物质层面上生活并没有改变多少，失业问题甚至还加重了。
“Now there are no boundaries,” said Miles Mabaane, 18, a resident of Vosloorus, southeast of Johannesburg.“We young people have the potential to come up with new strategies of how to save the country, how to do things better, how to accommodate everybody in this country.”
今年18岁的迈尔斯·玛巴恩(Miles Mabaane)居住在约翰内斯堡东南的沃斯鲁若斯(Vosloorus)。“现在没有了界限，”他说。“我们年轻人有潜力构想出挽救国家的新战略，构想出改进的方法，如何在一个国家里包容所有人。”
While older South Africans complain about born frees not acknowledging the past, some born frees complain about their parents‟ trying to hold them “captive” to it.5 较为年长的南非人不满于生来自由的年轻人对历史无动于衷的态度，而有些年轻人也在抱怨父母想要让他们成为南非历史的“奴隶”。
“We are constantly reminded of what happened directly by those who were involved in the struggle — as a means of keeping us loyal, they brainwash us by continuously reinstilling fear about what the „white man‟ has done, about how much pain was caused, how much suffering their generation suffered,” wrote AkoLee, a blogger who says she was 6 in 1994, when Mr.Mandela became president.“They say we are ungrateful for not thinking the same way they do, for questioning what the „black man‟ is doing.”
博客作者AkoLee写道，“那些曾经参与斗争的人们不断提醒我们过去发生过什么——借此让我们保持忠诚，他们给我们洗脑，不停地灌输恐惧，告诉我们„白人‟做了什么，造成了多大痛苦，他们这一代人承受了多少苦难。”AkoLee说，1994年曼德拉担任总统时，她才六岁。“他们说，我们的想法和他们不一样，质疑„黑人‟做的事，这就是忘本。” One popular hip-hop artist in South Africa who goes by the name HHP — pronounced “double H P” — seemed to sum up the experiential disconnect between the generations in a song called “Harambe,” which also shows a clear appreciation for the sacrifices of the previous generations.南非著名说唱歌手HHP似乎在一首歌中总结了几代人在经验上的代沟，这首歌叫做《团结起来》(Harambe)，歌中明显表达了对前几代人所做牺牲的感谢。
“I‟m not the political type,” the song says.“Not the type to fake an image for the sake of this whole consciousness type.Never been called a Kaffir before.Can‟t imagine seeing 10 cops and dogs charging through my front door.Can‟t say what tear gas smelled like.Can‟t even imagine what a rubber bullet on your back felt like.6 歌中唱道，“我不关心政治。我不会为了别人的看法伪装自己。我从来没被人叫过„黑鬼‟。我想象不出，十个警察和一群警犬从我家前门冲进来的样子。我不知道催泪瓦斯什么气味。橡皮子弹打中后背的感觉，我想都没有想过。”
“But it‟s because of you that I don‟t speak Afrikaans today.I have chance today.” The song continues, “Because of you the black youth of today is emancipated.”
“但是因为你们，我今天不说阿非利卡语了。今天我有了选择的机会。”歌中接着唱道，“因为你们，黑皮肤的年轻人如今得到了解放。”
Most black South Africans 20 years ago would not have recognized the life that Ms.Magubane leads.A third of her friends are white.She has known many of them since she started school.She calls her white choir leader “Tanni Christine,” or “Auntie Christine” in Afrikaans.若是在20年前，大多数南非黑人想象不到玛古贝恩现在的生活。她的朋友中有三分之一是白人，其中许多一开始上学就认识了。她管合唱团的白人团长叫做“克里斯蒂娜塔尼”(Tanni Christine)，在阿非利卡语里意为“克里斯蒂娜阿姨”。
As for Mr.Mandela, she said: “We have seen his example, and now we‟re going to follow it.We‟re going to take it one step further into the future, and we‟re going to build the South Africa that he would have loved to see.”
至于曼德拉，她说，“我们看到了他树立的榜样，现在我们将跟随他的足迹。未来我们会更进一步，把南非建成他期望的样子。”
中国患者殴打医生事件缘何层出不穷
更新时间:2013-11-4 13:46:15 来源:本站原创 作者:佚名
Chinese Doctors Becoming the Targets of Patients‟ Anger
中国患者殴打医生事件缘何层出不穷
China‟s hospitals are a battleground — not just for the war on illness but also for the one between physicians and their patients.中国的医院是个战场——不仅是对抗疾病的战场，还是医生和病人开仗的战场。If that statement seems extreme, consider these data points from state-run medical organizations: 如果说这个说法显得有些极端，不妨看看来自国家医疗机构的这些数据：
Medical staff are attacked by patients or their relatives at a rate of once every two weeks per hospital, according to the China Hospital Association, Chinese news agencies reported.据中国新闻机构报道，中国医院协会统计表明，每家医院平均每两周就会发生一起病人或病人家属袭击医护人员的事件。
In the last two weeks there have been at least six serious incidents, including in Guangdong Province on Oct.21, when a Dr.Xiong Xuming was left with a damaged eye and ruptured spleen after being beaten up by a patient‟s relatives for refusing to allow them into the intensive care unit, and in Zhejiang Province on Oct.25, when Dr.Wang Yunjie was stabbed to death by a patient unhappy with his treatment.过去两周，至少发生了六起恶性事件。其中一起发生在10月21日，广东省医生熊旭明因拒绝让病人亲属进入特护病房而遭殴打，结果眼部受伤，脾脏破裂；另一起发生在10月25日，浙江省医生王云杰被一名对治疗不满的患者刺死。
Since 2002, attacks have risen by an average of nearly 23 percent a year, the China Hospital Management Society said in a paper published in December in Chinese Community Doctors, a medical journal.8 中华医院管理学会在12月发表于医学期刊《中国社区医生》的一篇文章中称，自2002年以来，袭击事件的年平均增长率达到了将近23%。
On Thursday, Prime Minister Li Keqiang addressed the issue, in a sign that the Chinese government is seriously concerned by the mounting violence.中国总理李克强周四提到了这个问题，这表明中国政府非常关心日益增加的暴力事件。Mr.Li was “paying utmost attention” to the situation and had written “important comments” requesting all government departments to take seriously the problem of conflict between doctors and patients, according to a post on the government‟s official Tencent Weibo, or microblog, account.He had ordered government departments to take measures to “protect medical order,” it said.政府在官方腾讯微博发帖称，李克强对这种状况“十分关注”，并作出“重要批示”，要求所有政府部门重视由医患矛盾引发的问题。他还命令政府部门采取措施，“维护医疗秩序”。The reasons for the problems in China‟s health care system are, by now, well known: a widespread lack of trust in doctors and hospital administrators, the high cost of care, long waiting times and short appointments — and corruption, at every level.A public that lacks basic knowledge about medical problems and outcomes is also a factor, commentators say.中国医疗系统之所以出现这些问题，原因已经众所周知：人们普遍对医生和医院管理者缺乏信任、医疗费用昂贵、等待时间漫长、预约数量有限——以及遍布各个层级的腐败。评论人士说，公众对医疗问题和医疗结果缺乏基础知识也是原因之一。
But why turn to violence? One reason is illness can bankrupt a family.People who exhaust their savings on care want to see positive results and blame doctors when that‟s not possible, commentators say.但是，人们为什么诉诸暴力？一个原因在于，疾病往往会使一个家庭倾家荡产。评论人员称，耗尽积蓄治病的人希望看到积极的结果，不能如愿就怪罪医生。While violent incidents in major cities and well-known hospitals receive the greatest attention, the problem is actually more severe in smaller or local hospitals, said Deng Liqiang, the head of the legal department of the Chinese Medical Doctors Association, in an interview with Yanzhao Metropolitan News, based in Shijiazhuang, the capital of Hebei Province.中国医师协会法律事务部主任邓利强在接受 《燕赵都市报》采访时表示，发生在主要城市及知名医院的暴力事件受到广泛关注，而小型或地方医院的问题实际上更加严重。《燕赵都市报》是河北省会石家庄的报纸。
“It‟s not hard to discover that third-tier hospitals and regional medical centers are the disaster ground for medical conflicts,” said Mr.Deng.邓利强说，“不难发现，三级医院、地区性中心医院成医疗纠纷重灾区。” Underfunding by the government is a major problem, Mr.Deng said.邓利强表示，政府投资不足是主要问题。
“In the late 1980s, the state provided about 60 percent of investment in most public hospitals and then it fell from there,” the newspaper quoted him as saying.“After medical reforms, by 2009, they were providing 20 percent, and the remaining 80 percent had to be covered with revenue generated by the hospitals.”
“80年代后期，国家财政投入占大多数公立医院全年需要费用的60%，此后逐年减少，”该报援引邓利强的话说，“到了2009年医改前后，占全部运营成本的20%，也就是说剩下的80%要医院自己创收。”
While the government has made few comments on the substance of the problems in the health care system, experts say another complaint of ordinary Chinese — the concentration of good hospitals in big cities and shortage of medical services in local communities — arises because the state is reluctant to decentralize medical care, fearing the rise of poorly trained medical personnel or outright quacks.虽然政府没有对医保制度的问题实质发表什么意见，但专家表示，普通中国人抱怨的另一个问题——好医院集中在大城市，地方社区缺乏医疗服务——是因为政府担心训练不足的医务人员或庸医增多，由此不愿分散医疗服务。
After the death of Dr.Wang, the Chinese Medical Doctors Association and three other professional groups issued a statement urging the government to better protect medical staff members.王云杰去世后，中国医师协会及其他三个行业组织发表了一份声明，敦促政府更好地保护医务人员。
“Why are doctors being injured without cease?” it asked.“In order to save lives, doctors and patients should become friends, not enemies,” it said.声明问道，“为什么伤医事件屡禁不止？”声明称，“为了救治生命，医患双方应成为朋友，而不是敌人。”
Meanwhile, the central government‟s National Health and Family Planning Commission has announced emergency measures: Hospitals should assign one security guard per 20 beds, and guards should account for no less than 3 percent of the total medical staff.与此同时，中央政府国家卫生和计划生育委员会宣布了如下紧急措施：医院应该每20张病床配备1名保安，保安人数不低于在岗医务人员总数的3‰
36小时玩转上海
更新时间:2013-12-5 23:37:28 来源:本站原创 作者:佚名
Hours in Shanghai 36小时玩转上海 What takes most cities eons to build, Shanghai can do overnight.Consider this: Just a decade ago, the city had four metro lines;now there are a dozen.The Jin Mao Tower was the tallest building in the neon-streaked financial center of Pudong;it has since been surpassed by the Shanghai World Financial Center and the nearly completed Shanghai Tower, which will be the second-tallest building in the world(after Dubai‟s Burj Khalifa)when it‟s finished next year.Still, what fascinates about this city is how little seems to have changed in the maze of lanes that have(thus far)eluded the bulldozer in the Old City or the former foreign concessions.Here, residents haggle over freshly caught fish in tiny markets or doze in lawn chairs on summer afternoons, ignoring the pounding jackhammers.Shanghai is remaking itself to become a “City of the Future,” but what‟s so alluring is how much old-world character remains.大多数城市经年累月才能建成的东西，上海一夜间就能完成。想想这个：就在十年前，这座城市还只有四条地铁线，现在它已经有了12条。在霓虹灯闪烁的金融中心浦东，金茂大厦曾是最高的大楼；而之后，它就被上海环球金融中心和几近完工的上海中心大厦超越。明年完工后，上海中心大厦将成为世界第二高楼（仅次于迪拜的哈里发塔[Burj Khalifa]）。不过，这个城市最吸引人之处还在于，在老城区和过去的外国租界，那些错综复杂的小弄堂（到目前为止）躲开了推土机的烦扰，一切似乎都没有变过。在这里，你能看到本地人在狭小的市场里为新鲜的鱼讨价还价，或者夏日午后在屋外的躺椅上打盹，对手提钻机发出的响声充耳不闻。上海正在重新将自己打造成“未来之城”，但迷人的是，这里旧世界的风貌犹存。FRIDAY 周五 3 p.m.下午3:00 1.Model City
1.城市模型
Start with an overview.Spanning the third floor of the Shanghai Urban Planning Exhibition Center(admission 30 renminbi, or about $5 at 6 renminbi to the dollar)is a model of the city as it‟s expected to look in 2020, with thousands of miniature buildings, elevated highways lined with yellow lights and streetlamps the size of toothpicks.The kitsch tour of Shanghai continues in the adjacent 360-degree projection theater, where visitors are taken on a virtual aerial tour of the city, swooping over bridges and high-speed trains as fireworks explode in the smog-free sky.It‟s a paean to mass development, 21st-century Chinese style — big, brash and over the top.先看看城市概貌吧。在上海城市规划展示馆三层，是覆盖整个楼层的上海2020年面貌的城市模型（门票30元人民币，约合5美元），里面有成千上万座微型建筑、两侧是有着黄色路灯的高架路，以及如牙签大小的街灯。你可以在旁边的360度投影影院里，继续领略上海当下的景象，在那里观众会被带入一场虚拟旅行，从空中俯瞰上海。在掠过大桥和高铁时，烟花在没有雾霾的晴朗天空中绽放。这是对大规模发展，以及宏大、匆促和夸张的21世纪中国风格的赞歌。4:30 p.m.下午4:30
2.Glamour Shots 2.魅力剪影
While swaths of old Shanghai have fallen, many historic buildings have been spared and refurbished in recent years, particularly around the Bund.One noteworthy project is the Rockbund Art Museum(15 renminbi), housed in an extensively renovated 1930s Art Deco building.The museum exhibits works by well-known contemporary artists like Cai Guo-Qiang and Zhang Huan and isn‟t 13 afraid to take risks: One show featured live monkeys in a cage with a robotic Confucius until the government ordered the primates removed.Around the corner is Yuanmingyuan Road, a block of equally stunning turn-of-the century buildings that doubles as a catwalk for brides in red dresses preening for wedding photographers.虽然近些年来，大片旧上海建筑已被推倒，但很多历史建筑得以保存并被翻修，尤其是外滩附近的建筑。值得一提的一项工程就是上海外滩美术馆（门票15元），它位于一个上世纪30年代装饰派艺术风格的大楼里，这座大楼经过了大面积整修。美术馆并不害怕冒险，这里正展览着蔡国强和张洹等著名当代艺术家的作品：其中的一个展品是一个机器人的孔子和一群活的猴子一起关在笼子里，直到政府要求把这些猴子弄走。街角处便是圆明园路，这个街区留存着的上世纪的建筑也同样令人赞叹。这里还是新娘的T型台，她们穿着红色的礼服，努力在婚纱照摄影师的镜头前显得漂亮迷人。7 p.m.晚上7:00
3.Party Like It’s 1929 3.来派对吧，就像1929年一样
Shanghai‟s historic Bund hasn‟t looked this good since Noël Coward and Charlie Chaplin were party guests in the city‟s glamorous prewar years.As part of the city‟s sprucing-up for the 2010 World Expo, the concession-era strip underwent a three-year restoration that moved most of the traffic underground and widened the riverside promenade to create a pleasant place to stroll in the evenings(minus the crowds).Several iconic properties have also recently returned to their former splendor.Splurge on a 500-renminbi glass of Yao Ming‟s cabernet sauvignon — or a more reasonably priced bottle from the extensive wine list — on the rooftop bar at the House of Roosevelt, a neo-Classical building restored by a company run by Theodore Roosevelt‟s great-grandson Tweed.Or drop by the Long Bar at the Waldorf Astoria, a 110-foot-long recreation of the original Long Bar at the former Shanghai Club, an exclusive British gentleman‟s club that became a KFC in the 1990s.在上海战前的光彩岁月，诺埃尔·科沃德(Noël Coward)和查理·卓别林(Charlie Chaplin)曾是这里的派对宾客，而自那以来，上海有着历史意义的外滩，从没像现在这样美丽。作为迎接2010年世博会的城市面貌改造的一部分，这一从租界时代保留下来的狭长地带经过了三年重修，大部分交通被转移至地下，江边的人行道经过拓宽，为人们在晚间散步时创造了一个更愉悦的环境（如果不考虑拥挤人群的话）。一些标志性建筑最近也重现往昔风采。在罗斯福公馆的屋顶酒吧，你可以花500元，奢侈地喝上一杯姚明推出的赤霞珠葡萄酒，或者是从丰富的酒单中选一瓶价格更为适中的酒。罗斯福公馆是一座新古典风格建筑，由西奥多·罗斯福(Theodore Roosevelt)的曾孙德尔·罗斯福(Tweed Roosevelt)经营的公司重新修复。你还可以到华尔道夫酒店的廊吧坐一坐，这里的吧台长约34米，再现了过去上海总会(Shanghai Club)的廊吧。上海总会是过去驻沪英国侨民的专属俱乐部，后来在上世纪90年代改造成一家肯德基(KFC)餐厅。8 p.m.晚上8:00
4.A Movable Feast 4.流动的盛宴
Jason Atherton is building quite a culinary empire in Asia.The Michelin-starred chef behind Pollen Street Social in London has opened six restaurants in Shanghai, Hong Kong and Singapore since 2010, including the new Commune Social, a playful tapas restaurant where eating a meal feels more like barhopping.First, small plates of miso-grilled mackerel with wasabi avocado and cucumber chutney(88 renminbi)and oysters with Vietnamese dressing(48 renminbi each)are served at the informal tapas bar overlooking the busy kitchen.Next, diners head to the narrow, white-tiled dessert bar to watch the South African pastry chef Kim Lyle make inventive desserts like goat‟s cheese, yogurt sorbet and honeycomb frozen with liquid nitrogen(55 renminbi).The last stop is the hidden cocktail bar upstairs for a PBJ(cognac, cherry brandy, peanut butter, strawberry jelly;88 renminbi), a nightcap that doubles as a midnight snack.贾森·阿瑟顿(Jason Atherton)正在亚洲建造一个餐饮帝国。自2010年起，这位米其林星级大厨、伦敦宝仑街社交场餐厅(Pollen Street Social)的老板已在上海、香港和新加坡开了六家餐厅，其中包括新开的食社(Commune Social)，这是一家有趣的西班牙小吃餐厅，在那里吃饭更像是泡吧。首先，在有着开放式厨房的随意小吃区品尝小碟的“味噌烤鲭鱼，芥末牛油果，黄瓜酸辣酱”（88元）、牡蛎佐越式甜辣酱（每只48元）。接下来再转移到镶着白色瓷砖的狭窄的甜品区，在那里欣赏饼房总厨金莱尔(Kim Lyle)制作别出心裁的甜点，比如“羊酪，酸奶冰糕，（液氮冷冻）的蜂巢糖”（55元）。最后再到二楼有些隐蔽的鸡尾酒吧，享用一杯花生兄爱果酱妹（干邑、樱桃白兰地、花生酱和草莓果酱，88元），睡前喝这一杯也可以算作午夜的小零食。SATURDAY 周六 10 a.m.上午10：00 5.Powerful Art 5.震撼的艺术
Shanghai could never be criticized for lack of ambition.Not content with being merely a financial hub, the city has been on a museum building spree in recent years to establish itself as a global arts center, too.One of the more promising institutions is the Power Station of Art, which opened last October in a late 19th-century power plant that was renovated for the 2010 Expo.With its industrial feel and focus on modern art, the museum feels similar to the Tate Modern, and it‟s already hosted several major exhibitions, including the Shanghai Biennale and the largest collection of Andy Warhol‟s art in Asia(though the Mao Zedong portraits were left out for obvious reasons).After checking out the art, take in the view of the barges chugging lazily up the Huangpu River from the expansive fifth-floor deck.上海永远不会被批判缺乏抱负。这座城市不满足只当一个金融中心，近几年一直在大举修建博物馆，要将自己打造成一个全球艺术中心。其中颇有发展前景的机构之一便是上海当代艺术博物馆。这家博物馆于去年10月开放，在一个为2010年世博会翻新的19世纪末电厂的基础上建成。这座颇具工业特色的博物馆将重点放在当代艺术上，感觉有些像泰特现代美术馆(Tate Modern)，而且它已经办过几个大型展览，包括上海双年展以及亚洲最大的安迪·沃霍尔(Andy Warhol)作品回顾展（尽管由于显而易见的原因，那幅毛泽东的画像没能参展）。参观完艺术作品后，可以到空间开阔的五楼咖啡厅，看驳船在黄浦江上轰隆隆地缓慢前行。Noon 中午
6.Healthful Eats 6.健康饮食
In response to China‟s mounting food safety concerns, many local restaurants are now taking a healthier approach to cooking, such as Jian Guo 328, which prides itself on using only high-quality cooking oil, filtered water and no MSG.(The Taiwanese owner also bans smoking.)Menu standouts are all Shanghainese favorites: cong you ban mian(noodles in scallion oil;18 renminbi), xie fen dou fu(custard-like tofu with flakes of crab and crab roe;32 renminbi)and shi zi tou mian(a giant pork meatball in noodle soup;28 17 renminbi).Not only is the food deliciously authentic, it‟s much lighter than other local joints.为了回应中国日益加剧的食品安全担忧，本地许多餐馆现在对烹饪有了更健康的态度，建国328小馆就是一个例子。这家餐馆引以为豪的是，只使用高质量的烹饪用油和纯净水，而且不使用味精。（来自台湾的老板还禁止在店里抽烟。）菜单上出彩的菜品都是上海特色：葱油拌面（18元）、蟹粉豆腐（32元）、狮子头面（28元）。这里的食物美味又正宗，也比本地的其他食肆更清淡。2 p.m.下午2:00
7.Designer District 7.设计区
With its charming villas and bohemian vibe, the former French Concession has become a magnet for artists and designers opening boutiques.Dong Liang Studio is the place to find rising fashion talents, such as Christopher Bu, the stylist for the Chinese “it” girl Fan Bingbing.At Brut Cake, Nicole Teng makes tote bags and upholstered furniture using old Chinese fabrics.Down the street, stop at the Japanese designer Mayumi Sato‟s shop for women‟s clothes of brightly patterned organic cottons, silks and vintage kimono fabrics;and Piling Palang for Deng Bingbing‟s exquisite ceramic and cloisonné pieces.这里有迷人的别墅和波西米亚的氛围，过去的法租界现在已经成了艺术家和设计师开设精品店的热门场所。在栋梁工作室，你能找到正在冉冉升起的时尚人才，比如中国当红女星范冰冰的造型师卜柯文(Christopher Bu)。Brut Cake的邓乃瑄(Nicole Teng)使用中国老式的织物制作手提袋和软垫家具。继续沿着街走，就会与日本设计师Mayumi Sato的女装店铺相遇。这里的衣物图案明亮，采用有机的棉、丝面料，以及复古的和服面料。在Piling Palang，能触摸到邓兵兵精致的陶瓷作品和景泰蓝物件。
4 p.m.下午4:00
8.Dancing With the Retirees 8.与退休老人共舞
When you‟re all shopped out, a respite awaits on the other side of the former French Concession in Fuxing Park, where elderly Shanghainese come for gossip — and a bit of a show.Old men in Mao jackets chain-smoke and play cards on park benches, drawing hordes of onlookers, while small troupes of musicians gather in hidden corners to sing Peking opera classics.The main attraction, however, happens beneath the towering plane trees in the center of the park where well-dressed couples show off their best ballroom dancing moves to syrupy Chinese love songs.购物过后，在前法租界对面的复兴公园可以休憩片刻。上海的老人们常常来这里闲谈，有时也展示一下自己。身穿中山装的老先生们坐在公园的长凳上，一边打牌，一边一根接一根地抽烟，吸引了很多人前来围观。小群小群的票友躲藏在角落里唱京剧。而最吸引人的景象，就发生在公园中间高高的法国梧桐树下。在那里，一对对衣着考究的舞者，和着婉转的中文情歌翩翩起舞。7:30 p.m.下午7:30
9.Cinematic Cuisine 9.电影一般的餐厅
If the 1960s Hong Kong diner décor at Cha‟s Restaurant looks like a movie set, that‟s because it is.Well, sort of.Charlie Hau, a Hong Kong movie producer, opened a traditional cha chaan teng(tea restaurant)in Shanghai after struggling to find authentic Cantonese food while shooting the Ang Lee film “Lust, Caution.” Mr.Hau‟s cinematic expertise ensured that every detail was perfect, from the leather-backed booths and 1960s china patterns to a menu that includes Hong Kong staples like poached chicken in soy sauce(60 renminbi for a half-bird)and pineapple buns(8 renminbi).Cha‟s has become a hit with the Hong Kong diaspora, as well as trendy young Shanghainese with dyed hair and high-tops, so be prepared for a wait.如果说查餐厅(Cha‟s Restaurant)里，上世纪60年代风情的香港餐厅装潢让它看起来像是一处拍电影的片场，那是因为它的确是，或者说基本上是。香港的电影制片人侯杰辉(Charlie Hau)在参与拍摄李安(Ang Lee)的电影《色，戒》时，在寻找正宗的粤式菜品方面历尽艰辛，于是干脆自己在上海自己开了一家传统的茶餐厅。侯杰辉在电影业的专业知识，确保从皮质靠背的座椅，到上世纪60年代的瓷器花纹等每个细节都完美无瑕。菜单上囊括了主打的港式菜品，如玫瑰豉油鸡（60元半只）和菠萝包（8元）。查餐厅不仅在旅居上海的香港人中很受欢迎，在染着各色头发脚穿高帮帆布鞋的时髦上海青年中也很受欢迎，所以要做好等位的心理准备。10:30 p.m.晚上10:30
10.Spanish Speakeasy 10.西班牙小酒馆
Shanghai‟s cocktail scene has become highly competitive in recent years, with a constantly revolving door of new speakeasy-style bars and enterprising mixologists.One bar, however, has separated itself from the pack: the Barcelona native Willy Trullás Moreno‟s El Cóctel, which combines Spanish-style décor(leather ottomans, exposed brick walls, a floral ceiling design by a Barcelona artist)with one of the most colorful drinks menus in town(the Late Night Tale, 84 renminbi, for instance, is made with Tennessee whisky, Canadian maple syrup, coffee — and a side of insomnia).For a night spot with more bounce, pull up a stool outside one of the shoe-box bars on Yongkang Road — a former vegetable market that has become a raucous bar street popular with the fixed-gear-bike-riding expat community.上海主打鸡尾酒的酒吧近几年来竞争十分激烈，一家又一家地下风格的酒吧开了又关，调酒师也总是换来换去。然而有一家酒吧却卓尔不群，那就是巴塞罗那人威利·特鲁拉斯·莫雷诺(Willy Trullás Moreno)开的El Cóctel。这家店既有西班牙式的装潢（皮革脚凳、裸露的砖墙，以及一位巴塞罗那艺术家设计的花纹天花板），又有沪上最异彩纷呈的酒单，例如84元一杯的“深夜故事”(Late Night Tale)，内含田纳西威士忌、加拿大枫糖、咖啡，还要再加上一点点失眠。如果你在夜晚想找一个更热闹的所在，不如到永康路去，在鞋盒一样狭窄的酒吧外，坐在高凳上啜饮。这里曾经是一个菜市场，但现在已经成了喧闹的酒吧街，派驻上海的外国人中总喜欢骑着死飞在这里穿梭。SUNDAY 周日
10:30 a.m.上午10:30
11.Sidewalk Snacks 11.路边小吃
Breakfast in China is best enjoyed on the street, still piping hot from the wok or steamer.The only difficulty is deciphering a Chinese menu.UnTour Shanghai(untourshanghai.com), a street culinary tour company, simplifies the process by doing the ordering for you.The Dumplings Delights tour(400 renminbi)spans the breadth of China, from cabbage-filled jiao zi eaten in wintry northeastern China to delicate shrimp almond pastries from southern China and, of course, Shanghai‟s famous xiao long bao(soup dumplings)— all in a two-square-block area.Fortunately, there‟s enough walking between stops to justify such gluttony, though in anything-goes Shanghai, you‟ll need little excuse.中国的早餐最好在刚出锅或出笼时，热腾腾地在街头享用。唯一的困难是搞不明白中文的菜单写的是什么。带你品尝街头美食的旅游公司UnTour上海游(untourshanghai.com)，可以帮你点单，简化这个过程。“包馅小吃”(Dumpling Dlights)之旅（400元）可以在方圆两个路口的范围内，让你尝到中国各地的美味小点，既有来自寒风凛冽的中国东北的白菜馅饺子，又有南方精致的杏仁虾球，当然更少不了大名鼎鼎的上海小笼包。幸运的是，每一餐之间行走的距离足够远，完全有理由大快朵颐。不过在无所不有的上海，你根本不需要什么借口。THE DETAILS 详细地址
1.Shanghai Urban Planning Exhibition Center, 100 Renmin Avenue;supec.org.1.上海城市规划展示馆，人民大道100号；supec.org。
2.Rockbund Art Museum, 20 Huqiu Road;rockbundartmuseum.org.2.上海外滩美术馆，虎丘路20号；rockbundartmuseum.org。
3.House of Roosevelt, 27 East Zhongshan First Road;27bund.com.Waldorf Astoria, 2 East Zhongshan First Road;www.xiexiebang.com.5.上海当代艺术博物馆，花园港路200号；powerstationofart.org。6.Jian Guo 328, 328 West Jianguo Road, 86-21-6471-3819.6.建国328小馆，建国西路328号，86-21-6471-3819。
7.Dong Liang Studio, 184 Fumin Road, 86-21-3469-6926.Brut Cake, 232 Anfu Road, brutcake.com.Mayumi Sato, 169 Anfu Road;mayumisato.com.Piling Palang, 183 Anfu Road.7.栋梁工作室，富民路184号，86-21-3469-6926。Brut Cake，安福路232号；brutcake.com。Mayumi Sato，安福路169号；mayumisato.com。Piling Palang，安福路183号。
8.Fuxing Park, 2 Gaolan Road.8.复兴公园，皋兰路2号。
9.Cha‟s Restaurant, 30 Sinan Road;86-21-6093-2062.9.查餐厅，思南路30号，86-21-6093-2062。10.El Cóctel, 47 Yongfu Road, el-coctel.com.10.El Cóctel，永福路47号；el-coctel.com。
11.Dumplings Delights tour, UnTour Shanghai;untourshanghai.com.11.包馅小吃之旅，UnTour上海游；untourshanghai.com。
中国向防空识别区派遣战机
更新时间:2013-11-29 12:09:36 来源:本站原创 作者:佚名
China Sends Jets Into „Air Defense‟ Zone After Flights by Japan and South Korea 中国向防空识别区派遣战机
TOKYO — China sent fighter jets into its newly declared air defense zone Thursday on what state media called the country‟s first air patrol since it claimed control of the airspace.The announcement came hours after Japan and South Korea sent their own military planes into the airspace over the East China Sea, testing China‟s resolve to enforce its declaration.东京——本周四，中国向新宣告划设的防空识别区派遣了战机，中国官方媒体称，这是中国自宣布控制识别区空域以来的首次空中巡逻行动。前述消息出炉几小时以前，日本和韩国把自己的军机派入了东海防空识别区，以此测试中国兑现防空识别区宣言的决心。
The announcement of the flights came just days after unarmed American B-52 bombers flew through the same zone in defiance of China.Beijing later said that it had monitored the American bombers but had chosen not to take action even though the planes did not tell the Chinese they were coming, as the government now demands.中方发布飞行公告的几天之前，两架未携带武器的美国B-52轰炸机刚刚无视中国的规定飞越了同一空域。中方后来表示，已对美国轰炸机进行监视，但却决定不采取任何行动，尽管美方飞机无视中国政府目前的要求，没有通知中国它们要来。
On Thursday, the top Japanese government spokesman, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga, said that the Chinese had not been notified of the Japanese flights, and reported that China did not scramble its fighter jets to intercept the planes.周四，日本政府首席发言人、内阁官房长官菅义伟(Yoshihide Suga)表示，日本的飞行没有通知中方。他还通报说，中国没有紧急起飞战机拦截日方飞机。
The South Korean government announced that it, too, had flown aircraft through the zone, on Wednesday, without alerting Beijing, a flight Chinese officials said they had monitored.The South Korean plane was a surveillance aircraft, the South Korean government said.韩国政府宣布，本周三，本国也在未知会中方的情况下派出飞机飞越了识别区。中国官员说，他们监视了韩方的此次飞行。韩国政府表示，韩国派出的是一架侦察机。
Like Japan, South Korea claims sovereignty over territory in the zone, but enjoys warmer ties with Beijing than Japan does.和日本一样，韩国声称对识别区内的部分领土拥有主权，不过，韩国与中国的关系好于日本与中国的关系。
Japan did not specify how many patrols had flown through the zone or when the flights were made.日本没有具体说明在该区域进行了多少次巡逻飞行，也没有说明这些飞行是什么时候进行的。
Japan, the United States and South Korea have all refused to recognize the air zone, which includes the airspace above disputed islands, known as the Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in Chinese.The islands are administered by Japan, but also claimed by China.日本、美国和韩国都拒绝承认前述防空识别区。该识别区包括一些争议岛屿上方的空域。这些岛屿在日本被叫做尖阁诸岛，在中国被叫做钓鱼岛，目前处于日本的管辖之下，但中国也声称拥有其主权。
When China declared the zone on Saturday, it said that it would police the airspace with military aircraft, a move that raised the specter of Japanese and Chinese fighter jets intercepting each other.The move drew immediate criticism 25 from both Japan and the United States, which is obligated by treaty to defend Japan from attack.上周六宣布划设该识别区时，中国表示会用军用飞机管辖相关空域，此举让人们担心，中日两国的战斗机会进行相互拦截。这一举动立即遭到了日本和美国的指责。根据条约，美国有义务保护日本免受攻击。
China‟s failure so far to enforce the zone appears to support the view of some Japanese officials that the declaration of control was part of a broader, long-term strategy to try to pry the islands out of Japan‟s grip.China has been doing this by sending coast guard ships around the islands, dispatching patrol aircraft and now claiming the airspace above — all steps, Japanese officials say, aimed at proving that China has just as much legal basis as Japan to claim that it administers the islands.中国迄今未执行为该区域制定的相关规定，这似乎佐证了部分日本官员的观点，他们认为，宣称拥有该空域的控制权是一项更广泛的长期战略的一部分，目的是尝试从日本手中夺取那些岛屿。中国一直在这么做，方法是往那些岛屿周边派遣海监船和巡逻机，现在又声称自己有权控制岛屿上方的空域。日本官员称，所有这些步骤都是为了证明，中国拥有和日本一样充分的法律依据，可以声称自己管辖着相关岛屿。
乌克兰国会否决不信任案，示威者占领政府大楼
更新时间:2013-12-4 21:53:23 来源:本站原创 作者:佚名
Ukraine Protests Persist as Bid to Oust Government Fails 乌克兰国会否决不信任案，示威者占领政府大楼
KIEV, Ukraine — Refusing to grant a central demand of protesters who have laid siege to public buildings and occupied a landmark plaza in this rattled capital, the Ukrainian Parliament on Tuesday defeated a measure calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Mykola Azarov and his government.26 乌克兰基辅——周二，乌克兰国会拒绝满足示威民众的主要诉求，推翻了一项要求总理米克拉·阿扎罗夫(Mykola Azarov)和他领导的政府辞职的议案。连日来，示威者将政府建筑团团围住，还在为紧张气氛所笼罩的首都占据了一座地标性大厦。
The failure of the no-confidence vote pushed the battle for the future of Ukraine back onto the streets, where demonstrators and political opposition leaders allied with them say they would not relent until they succeeded in removing the government, including President Viktor F.Yanukovich.不信任案在投票中未能获得通过，从而再一次将关涉乌克兰未来的斗争推回了街头。街头的示威者，以及与示威者立场一致的反对派政治领袖都宣称，不推翻包括总统维克多·F·亚努科维奇(Viktor F.Yanukovich)的现政府，就绝不罢休。
“Our demand is impeachment of the president and dismissal of the government,” said Oleksiy Ivannikov, 35, a construction engineer who was in a crowd of protesters with his friends.“I see no compromises here,” Mr.Ivannikov said.“How long should we go on compromising?”
今年35岁的建筑工程师奥列克西·伊万尼科夫(Oleksiy Ivannikov)和朋友们加入了示威的人群。他说，“我们的要求是弹劾总统，解散政府。”伊万尼科夫还说，“这一点没有妥协的余地，我们到底还要妥协多久？”
In response to Parliament‟s refusal to act, demonstrators — who have already blockaded the Cabinet of Ministers building and seized City Hall — said they intended to close off access to the headquarters of the presidential administration, which is heavily guarded by riot police officers.They also plan to try to cordon off Parliament in a bid to paralyze the legislative and executive branches of government.示威者已经在乌克兰内阁部长大楼前设置了路障，并占领了市政府。他们表示，为了回应国会拒绝行动的决定，打算阻断通往总统府的交通，而那里现有大量防暴警察把守。为了让政府的立法和行政分支陷于瘫痪，他们还计划封锁国会。Leaders of the protest movement, a loose coalition the three main political opposition parties, civic organizations and student groups, said they were digging in for a long fight.示威运动的领导者表示，他们会坚决地开展长期斗争。示威运动是由三个主要的反对派政党、公民组织，以及学生团体组成的松散联盟发起的。
Since the start of demonstrations on Nov.22, many protesters, especially students, have been skeptical that elected officials would answer their demands, which were a response to Mr.Yanukovich‟s decision not to sign far-reaching political and trade agreements with the European Union that had been in the works for years.自从11月22日示威开始以来，许多示威者，尤其是学生，都怀疑民选的官员不会回应他们的诉求。人们之所以发动游行示威，是因为亚努科维奇决定，不与欧洲联盟签署影响深远的政治和贸易协议，尽管这些协议的制定过程已经持续了很多年。
Public anger deepened over brutal tactics used by riot police officers against protesters in Independence Square early Saturday — a display of violence that roused a march and rally by hundreds of thousands of people in Kiev on Sunday, and thousands more in cities around the country.周六早上，由于防暴警察在基辅独立广场使用粗暴手法对付示威者，公众的愤怒情绪进一步升级。警察暴力促使数十万人周日在基辅举行游行和集会，在乌克兰其他城市也有成千上万人参加了游行。
In a speech to Parliament before Tuesday‟s vote, Mr.Azarov once again apologized for the police violence on Saturday and said that an investigation was underway that would hold those responsible accountable.But he also warned that the authorities would answer any violence.28 周二国会表决前，阿扎罗夫在国会发言时，再一次为警察周六采取暴力手段进行了道歉，并表示正在开展调查，会对责任人予以惩戒。但他也警告，官方也会对示威者的暴力行为予以回应。
“We are ready to discuss with peaceful manifestations all conditions of our agreements,” the prime minister said, as opposition lawmakers in the chamber pounded their desks and rendered him nearly inaudible with chants of “Resignation!Resignation!”
“我们乐于与和平的示威者讨论协议里的所有条件，”阿扎罗夫说。此时国会里的反对派议员拍着桌子高呼“辞职！辞职！”完全盖住了阿扎罗夫发言的音量。
“We will give you a hand,” Mr.Azarov said.“If we see a fist, we have enough force.”
“我们会向你们表达善意，”阿扎罗夫说，“可是如果我们看到有人动一个拳头，我们可是有足够的武力。”
The prime minister seemed to be suggesting new talks between the Ukrainian government and European leaders.But while European leaders say they remain open to signing the accords if Ukraine meets previously agreed-upon conditions, like an overhaul of its justice system, they are not willing to renegotiate.乌克兰总理似乎是在说，乌克兰政府要与欧盟领导人开展新的谈判。尽管欧盟领导人表示，如果乌克兰满足过去达成一致的条件，如改革该国司法体系，欧盟仍然愿意签约，但是他们并不愿意重新谈判。
“The European Union is ready to discuss aspects of implementation of the agreement already initialed but not to reopen any kind of negotiations,” said Maja Kocijancic, a spokeswoman for the European Union‟s foreign policy chief, Catherine Ashton.29 欧盟外交政策负责人凯瑟琳·阿什顿(Catherine Ashton)的发言人玛雅·科斯亚奇克(Maja Kocijancic)说，“欧盟乐于就执行已经签署的协议，讨论各方面的问题，但是不会重新开展任何谈判，”
And in a signal of American unhappiness with Ukraine‟s decision to distance itself from the European Union, Secretary of State John Kerry skipped a long-anticipated visit to Kiev that was to follow a meeting of NATO foreign ministers in Brussels.为了表示美国对乌克兰疏远欧洲的决定感到不满，美国国务卿约翰·克里(John Kerry)参加完在比利时布鲁塞尔举行的北约(NATO)外长会议后，略过了人们期待已久的一次基辅之行。
Instead, Mr.Kerry on Wednesday will visit Moldova, a small nation that has pursued closer ties with the European Union in the face of intense pressure from Moscow.周三，克里将访问摩尔多瓦。这个小国面对着俄罗斯的强烈压力，仍在寻求与欧盟建立更紧密的联系。
Mr.Kerry on Tuesday urged the Ukrainian government to “listen to the voices of its people” who favor closer ties with the union.He said Ukrainians should be allowed to make their own choice without “a bidding war.”
周二，克里敦促乌克兰政府“倾听民众的心声”，他们希望与欧盟建立更紧密的关系。他说，应当允许乌克兰民众自己做出选择，而不必进行一场“竞价大战”。
Mr.Yanukovich, however, has effectively shut the door to new talks over the agreements.In the days since he refused to sign them at a summit meeting in Vilnius, Lithuania, last week, he has turned forcefully toward Russia, which had exerted heavy pressure on him to derail the accords.30 然而亚努科维奇实际上关闭了就协议开展新谈判的可能性。上周他在立陶宛维尔纽斯举行的一场峰会上拒绝签署协议，之后他已经坚定地转向了俄罗斯。俄罗斯向他施加了极大的压力，阻挠与欧盟的协议。
In an interview with Ukrainian television on Monday evening, Mr.Yanukovich said that he would begin working to extend a strategic partnership agreement first executed with Russia in 1997, and that he was close to securing lower natural gas prices from Russia.On Tuesday, officials said Russia had agreed to defer Ukraine‟s payments for natural gas for several months.周一晚上，在接受乌克兰电视采访时，亚努科维奇说，他将着手扩大跟俄罗斯之间的一个战略合作伙伴协议，该协议最初生效是在1997年，他还说，以较低价格从俄罗斯获得天然气的协商即将成功。周二，官员们说，俄罗斯已同意让乌克兰拖延支付天然气款项数个月。European leaders have said they would not participate in three-way negotiations with Russia, as Mr.Yanukovich has proposed.欧洲的领导者已经表示，他们不会参加亚努科维奇提出的跟俄罗斯进行的三方谈判。On Tuesday, as Mr.Yanukovich flew to China to attend business development meetings, opposition lawmakers continued to call for his ouster.周二，当亚努科维奇飞赴中国参加商业发展会议时，反对派议员继续要求他下台。“We demand the resignation of the government, the president and the minister of internal affairs,” Arseniy P.Yatsenyuk, the leader of the opposition Fatherland coalition, said in Parliament.“我们要求政府、总统和内政部长下台，”反对党祖国联盟(Fatherland coalition)的领导人阿尔谢尼·P·亚采纽克(Arseniy P.Yatsenyuk)在国会说。
Thousands of protesters, many of whom have remained in the city center since the huge rally, marched to the Parliament building, which was shielded by lines of buses and deep columns of riot police officers.数千名示威者游行到了被公交车和多层防暴警察团团保护的国会大厦，他们中很多人都是在大集会后滞留在市中心的民众。
Opposition lawmakers said they now expected the action to shift onto the street.反对派议员说，现在他们会把行动转移到街头。
“Street politics were always in the forefront,” said Yuri Levchenko, a member of Parliament with the nationalist Svoboda party.“In this environment, they will stay that way.”
“街头一向都是政治活动的前沿阵地，”民族主义党派斯沃博达党(Svoboda)的国会议员尤里·列夫琴科(Yuri Levchenko)说。“在这种情况下，他们会继续在街头活动。” The organizers are using a strategy akin to a spreading ink blot, letting the crowds of giddy young men and women spill across an ever-broadening area of central Kiev, occupying the country‟s most important political landscape.On Independence Square, protesters huddle around drum fires, play guitars and claim the pavement as their own, clearly confident that momentum is on their side.组织者正在采用一个类似于“延展墨渍”(spreading ink blot)的策略，让一群群惹眼的年轻男女不断在基辅中心扩大活动范围，占领该国最重要的政治地形。在独立广场上，示威者们挤在火堆边弹吉他，并占据了人行道。很显然，他们坚信自己在势头上占了上风。“The last couple of days have shown we are able to increase our area of control,” Mr.Levchenko said.32 “过去几天的情况已经表明，我们可以扩大我们控制的范围。”列夫琴科说。
乌兹别克总统家族现激烈权力内斗
更新时间:2013-11-25 11:17:09 来源:本站原创 作者:佚名
A Brutal Feud Emerges in Uzbekistan‟s Fractured First Family
乌兹别克总统家族现激烈权力内斗
MOSCOW — Truth be told, Gulnara Karimova, the eldest daughter of the strongman leader of Uzbekistan, never did seem particularly well qualified to succeed her father at the head of their impoverished and troubled Central Asian nation.莫斯科——说实话，乌兹别克斯坦铁腕领导人的大女儿古尔娜拉·卡里莫娃(Gulnara Karimova)好像一向都不是特别适合接替她父亲，领导这个贫穷且问题丛生的中亚国家。A gregarious socialite, she had a clothing line and recorded pop songs under a stage name, Googoosha, while Uzbekistan‟s cotton-based economy languished and the government forced students into the fields once a year to bring in the harvest for almost no pay.作为一个热衷社交的社会名流，她有自己的服装品牌，还以谷谷莎(Googoosha)为艺名录制流行歌曲，然而，乌兹别克斯坦以棉花为基础的经济停滞不前，政府每年都会把学生赶到田地里一次，强迫他们收割，却基本上不付报酬。
But Ms.Karimova‟s standing has taken a big hit lately amid an escalating family power struggle after her father, President Islam Karimov, apparently allowed reports to circulate on the normally firewalled Internet that he had beaten her in a fit of rage.但近来，在一场日渐升级的家族权力斗争中，她的地位受到了打击，目前在互联网上流传着她的父亲伊斯兰·卡里莫夫(Islam Karimov)在盛怒之下打了她的报道。在这个一向会给互联网加设防火墙的国家里，这么做显然是受到了卡里莫夫的许可。
“Karimov first slapped her on the face and then really started to beat Gulnara,” the account claimed, attributed to a security service insider and published late last month on the website of the opposition People‟s Movement of Uzbekistan.“卡里莫夫先是扇了古尔娜拉一耳光，后来真的开始打她，”该报道称。报道上月底出现在反对派乌兹别克斯坦人民运动(People‟s Movement of Uzbekistan)的网站上，并称消息来源是一名负责安保的内部人士。
Over the two decades of his rule, Mr.Karimov has expelled nearly all foreign journalists and aid workers, so that reporting on the country tends to be fragmentary and based on uncertain sources of information.But drawing on a mix of Twitter messages, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, scattered Western news reports and Uznews and other opposition websites, it seems clear that a vicious and potentially destabilizing feud has broken out inside the ruling family.在统治乌兹别克斯坦的二十多年里，卡里莫夫赶走了几乎所有外国记者和援助人员，有关该国的报道因此往往是零碎的，依据的也是不确定的信源。但综合Twitter上的信息、自由欧洲电台/自由电台(Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty)的消息、零星的西方新闻报道、《乌兹别克斯坦新闻》(Uznews)和其他反对派网站上的新闻，统治家族内部看来的确爆发了一场剧烈的、可能会影响稳定的争端。
Even as the family conflict has played out like a Hollywood scandal, its implications are serious for millions of people and for the United States military‟s exit plans from Afghanistan, which shares a border with Uzbekistan.尽管这起家族争端的上演像是一场好莱坞丑闻，但却和千千万万的民众息息相关，对于要从与乌兹别克斯坦接壤的阿富汗撤军的美国而言，这起争端也有重大影响。
Uzbekistan is Central Asia‟s most populous country, but institutions are weak and the possibilities for violence are many.As with most authoritarian states nearing a transition in leadership, the succession bears with it the risks of bloodshed, betrayal within the elite and even civil unrest.34 乌兹别克斯坦是中亚人口最多的国家，但制度薄弱，发生暴力的可能性很大。和大部分即将面临权力交接的独裁国家一样，该国的权力交接也伴随着流血、上层社会内部的背叛乃至社会**的风险。
Over his more than two decades as president, Mr.Karimov, 75, has presided over one of the world‟s most repressive governments, and abuse is rife.Even by the standards of former Soviet countries, Uzbekistan is progressing poorly.在担任总统的二十多年里，现年75岁的卡里莫夫领导的政府是全世界最专制的政府之一，滥用职权的现象随处可见。即便以前苏联国家的标准来看，乌兹别克斯坦也进步甚少。On Oct.28, for example, Human Rights Watch submitted a report to the United Nations Committee Against Torture outlining a litany of egregious abuses, including one case in which a secret police agent used a rolled-up newspaper lighted on fire to burn a man‟s genitals during an interrogation.比如，人权观察组织(Human Rights Watch)10月28日向联合国禁止酷刑委员会(United Nations Committee Against Torture)提交的一份报告概述了一系列惊人的虐待事件，在其中一个案例中，一名秘密警察在审讯期间用一卷点燃的报纸去烧一名男子的生殖器。According to the Uzbek Constitution, if the president dies, the speaker of the Senate becomes president.But former Soviet states are not always bound by legal norms, and if the intensity of the Karimovs‟ internecine battles are any indication, they are not planning on answering to the speaker anytime soon.根据乌兹别克宪法，如果总统去世，将由参议院议长接任总统一职。但前苏联国家不见得会接受法律准则的约束，因此，如果卡里莫夫家族的激烈内斗说明了什么，那就是，他们暂时没有搭理参议院议长的打算。
Since the summer, Mr.Karimov‟s government has closed a half-dozen television channels and radio stations that constituted the crown jewels of Ms.Karimova‟s media empire, ostensibly for license violations.The authorities in Uzbekistan 35 opened official inquiries into her charitable foundations and apparently froze some of her bank accounts.从夏季开始，卡里莫夫政府已经关闭了大约6家电视台和广播电台，表面理由是它们违反了许可证的规定。这些电视台和广播电台正是卡里莫娃媒体帝国中最显要的那部分。乌兹别克斯坦当局还对她的慈善基金会启动了官方调查，而且看来还冻结了她的部分银行账户。For her part, Ms.Karimova, 41, on Instagram and Twitter has accused her younger sister, Lola Karimova-Tillyaeva, and her mother, Tatiana Karimova, of practicing witchcraft.41岁的卡里莫娃则在Instagram和Twitter上指责她的妹妹萝拉·卡里莫娃-迪利亚耶娃(Lola Karimova-Tillyaeva)和母亲塔蒂阿娜·卡里莫娃(Tatiana Karimova)在使巫术。The mother and father are separated, Uzbek dissident websites report.A cousin has been arrested for involvement in organized crime.And Ms.Karimova says her father‟s police officers arrested her bodyguards.据乌兹别克异见人士网站的报道，她们的父母已经分居。一个表亲因涉嫌有组织犯罪被逮捕。卡里莫娃说她父亲的警察逮捕了她的保镖。
“Only a small number of people inside the country really understand the state of play,” Scott Horton, a lecturer at Columbia Law School and a specialist on Central Asia, said in a telephone interview.Of Ms.Karimova, he said, “What is obvious is there has been a change in her position.”
“在这个国家里，只有很少几个人真正知道此事的内情，”哥伦比亚法学院(Columbia Law School)讲师、中亚问题专家斯科特·霍尔顿(Scott Horton)在一次电话采访中说。对于卡里莫娃，他说，“她的地位发生了变化，这一点是明确的。”
Ms.Karimova-Tillyaeva, the younger sister, who is 35, told the BBC that her older sister should forget about becoming president of Uzbekistan because her 36 odds of succeeding their father were minuscule.She then went on to dismiss Ms.Karimova as “different.”
妹妹卡里莫娃-迪利亚耶娃现年35岁，她对BBC说，她的姐姐不应该再惦记着当乌兹别克斯坦总统的事，因为她继承父业的机会微乎其微。而后她又不屑地说，卡里莫娃这个人“与众不同”。
In a conservative Muslim country, she has a point.Platinum blonde and divorced, Ms.Karimova has made a music video, “Dare How,” in which she runs her hands over her body and sings, “She looks fine but she has 100 things on her mind.”
在这个保守的穆斯林国家，她的话不无道理。一头铂金发的卡里莫娃离了婚，还拍过一个音乐视频《胆大妄为》(Dare How)，她在里面用双手抚摸着自己的身体，唱道：“她看起来一切如常，心里却有万千思绪。”
By contrast, Ms.Karimova-Tillyaeva is dark-haired, demure, married and, by all appearances, now the apple of her father‟s eye.相比之下，黑发的卡里莫娃-迪利亚耶娃仪态端庄，已婚，种种迹象都表明她现在是其父的掌上明珠。
Ms.Karimova‟s troubles at home follow setbacks abroad, contributing to an overall picture of the unraveling of the career of a coddled descendant of an authoritarian ruler.在国内遇到这些麻烦之前，卡里莫娃在国外也不顺利，愈发让人觉得她就是一个被宠坏的独裁者后代，其事业正在土崩瓦解。
She was banned from showing her label, Guli, at New York Fashion Week in 2011 because rights groups said her father‟s government used child slave labor to harvest the cotton used in fabric in her clothes.37 2011年纽约时装周上，她的品牌Guli被禁止举办秀展，因为有人权组织说，她的衣服所使用的布料来自其父政府奴役童工所采摘的棉花。
This year, it was widely reported in Sweden that prosecutors there had accused Ms.Karimova of accepting a bribe of about $340 million from TeliaSonera, the largest telecommunications company in Sweden, in exchange for access to the Uzbek cellphone market.TeliaSonera has denied wrongdoing.今年，瑞典检察官对卡里莫娃发起指控一事在瑞典国内被广泛报道，她被控的罪名是收受来自瑞典最大电信公司TeliaSonera的贿赂，这笔约3.4亿美元的贿赂的目的是获得进入乌兹别克手机市场的机会。该公司已经否认存在不当行为。
Some analysts suggest that the family fight is partly a ruse to underscore distinctions between assets in Ms.Karimova‟s name and other family holdings in Europe, lest investigators broaden their inquiry to the rest of the family.有分析人士提出，这场家族内斗在一定程度上也许是一个计谋，为的是给卡里莫娃名下的资产和家族在欧洲持有的其他资产划清界限，以免调查人员将调查范围扩大到家族其他成员。After her younger sister‟s interview on the BBC, Ms.Karimova called her a witch.“The other part of the family destroys and is friends with sorcerers,” she wrote in a post on Instagram.在妹妹接受BBC采访后，卡里莫娃称她是个巫婆。“家里其他人搞破坏，与巫师为伍，”她在Instagram上写道。
Ms.Karimova then wrote on Twitter that her father‟s secret police had arrested and were torturing her bodyguards.卡里莫娃随后在Twitter上写道，她父亲的秘密警察逮捕并拷打了她的保镖。
“An officer was seriously beaten up,” she wrote on the Twitter account widely believed to be hers because she has posted on it unpublished photographs of herself doing yoga.“Last time, ribs were broken.”
这个Twitter账号被广泛认为的确属于她本人，因为她曾经通过这个账号发布此前未曾发布过的照片，显示她在做瑜伽。她写道：“一位官员遭到严重的殴打。上次，肋骨都被打断了。” With Ms.Karimova now apparently out of contention, the succession in Uzbekistan has narrowed to two insiders, a prime minister and a deputy prime minister, while the National Security Service chief, Rustam Inoyatov, is trying to assert a role as kingmaker.如今卡里莫娃看似已经退出角逐，乌兹别克斯坦继承人之争只剩下两位内部人士，分别是总理和副总理，而国家安全局(National Security Service)局长鲁斯塔姆·伊诺亚托夫(Rustam Inoyatov)则尝试在事关候选人的决策上占据一席之地。
Far from showing that the president is weak, some analysts of Central Asia say, the family fight left Mr.Karimov appearing as strong as ever.许多中亚分析人士认为，这次家族内斗非但没有让总统显得软弱，反而让他的形象前所未有地强大起来。
“Gulnara is probably the person Karimov loves most because she looks like him and is very smart,” said one Western official who has met both father and daughter.“But he is capable of turning on his daughter.He is not the only one on earth that fits in that category.But he is certainly in that category.” “卡里莫夫可能最喜欢古尔娜拉，因为她长得像他，又很聪明，”一位和父女两人都见过面的西方国家官员称。“但他是会去攻击自己的女儿的人。世上能这么干的人不只他一个。但他无疑属于其中之一。”
泰国反政府示威者闯入财政部大楼
更新时间:2013-11-26 12:58:30 来源:本站原创 作者:佚名
Bangkok Protesters Raid Finance Ministry Compound 泰国反政府示威者闯入财政部大楼
Anti-government protesters raided the compound of Thailand‟s Finance Ministry and entered the grounds of the Foreign Ministry on Monday in the latest escalation of a long-running battle between supporters and opponents of Thaksin Shinawatra, the billionaire former prime minister whose party has a commanding majority in Parliament and determined opponents in Bangkok.泰国反政府抗议者周一占领了财政部，并进入了外交部大院，这是前富豪总理他信·西那瓦(Thaksin Shinawatra)的支持者与反对者之间长期斗争的最近一次升级，他信所在党派在议会中占压倒性多数席位，但曼谷也有其坚定的反对者。
Tens of thousands of protesters, who on Sunday staged one of Thailand‟s largest demonstrations in years, split into a dozen groups early on Monday and marched through Bangkok chanting “Get out!” — apparently in reference to Mr.Thaksin‟s sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, the current prime minister, and to others in Mr.Thaksin‟s circle.成千上万的抗议者在周日发动了泰国近年来最大的一起抗议活动，周一早些时候抗议者分成几组，喊着“滚出去！”的口号在曼谷市游行，这一口号明显针对的是他信的妹妹、现任总理英拉·西那瓦(Yingluck Shinawatra)和他信圈内的其他人。
The takeover of the Finance Ministry recalled previous protests against Mr.Thaksin and his allies in 2008, when demonstrators occupied and shut down the prime minister‟s office and Bangkok‟s main international airport.这次占领财政部让人回想起2008年针对他信及其盟友的抗议活动，当时游行抗议者占领并关闭了总理办公室以及曼谷最大的国际机场。
Suthep Thaugsuban, a former deputy prime minister who is one of the leaders of the protest, led the takeover of the Finance Ministry on Monday, shouting instructions to protesters from atop a large truck.前副总理、抗议活动领导人之一素贴·特素班(Suthep Thaugsuban)领导了周一占领财政部的行动，他站在一辆大卡车上向抗议者喊着命令。
“Everyone get in the building!” Mr.Suthep said as his supporters blew ear-piercing whistles.The protesters eventually turned off the ministry‟s electricity after he urged them to do so, “so that the police will not receive their daily allowance.”
素贴喊道：“大家都进去！”他的支持者吹着刺耳的口哨。最后，抗议者在他的敦促下切断了财政部的电源，“这样警察就拿不到他们的每日津贴了。”
By late afternoon, protesters could be seen napping and snacking in two of the ministry‟s conference rooms.By evening, they were starting to camp out in the courtyard.Riot police officers have been deployed in Bangkok for several weeks, but no officers were visible in the compound.到下午晚些时候，能看到抗议者在财政部的两个会议室里睡觉和吃东西。晚上，他们开始在财政部的院子里扎营。虽然防爆警察已经部署在曼谷好几周了，但在财政部院子里没看到有警察。
Mr.Suthep said protesters had chosen to occupy the Finance Ministry because it is at the heart of the government.素贴说，抗议者选择占领财政部是因为这里是政府的心脏。
“From now on, this government can no longer transfer money,” he said.“Not a single coin will be used by the Thaksin regime anymore.”
他说：“从现在起，这个政府不能再转移资金。他信统治集团将再也动用不了一分钱。”
Later in the day, other protesters had also reached the grounds of the Foreign Ministry but had not entered the main building.There were also plans to stay overnight in the Foreign Ministry‟s courtyard, organizers said.当天晚些时候，其他抗议者也到达了外交部的院子，但没有进入主楼。抗议组织者说，也有在外交部院里过夜的计划。
Mr.Suthep has not detailed specific goals for the protest, but he has said he would not be satisfied by the dissolution of Parliament or by the resignation of members of the government led by Ms.Yingluck.素贴还没有给出这次抗议活动的具体目标，但他说，他不会满足于解散议会或是英拉领导的政府成员辞职。
“We will not stop fighting until the Thaksin regime is entirely eradicated from Thailand,” he told the crowd on Sunday.他在周日对一群人说：“在他信统治集团被彻底清除出泰国之前，我们不会罢休。” Mr.Thaksin, who has lived overseas since a conviction for abuse of power in 2008, maintains strong support in the populous northern and northeastern provinces of Thailand.Many analysts, including some of his opponents, say his party, Pheu Thai, would most likely win again if fresh elections were called.他信曾在2008年被判犯有滥用职权罪，之后他一直住在国外，但在泰国人口众多的北部和东北部的邦中，他信的支持率依然很高。包括一些他信的反对者在内的很多分析人士认为，如果举行新的大选，他信的泰党(Pheu Thai)很可能会再次获胜。
Mr.Thaksin‟s opponents say they are concerned that he has accumulated too much power in Thailand and are angry that he appears to be making policy decisions from abroad.42 他信的反对者说，他们担心他信在泰国积累了过多的权力，而且他们对他似乎从海外制定国内政策表示愤怒。
The current protests began several weeks ago, in what proved to be a successful effort to force the government to withdraw a wide-reaching amnesty bill that would have eased Mr.Thaksin‟s return to Thailand.But to the chagrin of some business associations in the country, which fear economic fallout from the protests, the demonstrations have continued despite the amnesty bill‟s defeat.这次抗议活动从几周前就已开始，并已经成功地迫使政府撤回一项广泛的赦免法案，该法案会让他信回国变得更加容易。但是，让一些泰国商业协会感到懊恼的是，虽然赦免法案已被击败，但示威活动仍在继续，商业组织担心抗议活动可能给泰国经济带来的影响。Independent analysts have criticized what they say appears to be an open-ended protest.“The protest leaders need to clarify their demands,” Yuttaporn Issarachai, the dean of political science at Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University, said Monday on Thai television.独立分析人士对此提出批评，他们称这似乎是一场无止境的抗议。素可泰塔馬提拉开放大学(Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University)政治学系教授尤塔彭·伊萨拉扎(Yuttaporn Issarachai)周一在泰国电视台上说：“抗议活动的领导人需要明确提出他们的要求。”
Mr.Yuttaporn said he worried about the possibility of clashes between rival protesters.Thousands of government supporters have gathered at a sports stadium in Bangkok.尤塔彭说，他担心敌对的抗议者之间会发生冲突。成千上万的政府支持者已经聚集在曼谷一家体育场内。
Mr.Thaksin, who was prime minister from 2001 until the military removed him from power in a coup d'état in 2006, cemented his support in the northern rural areas through policies such as universal health care and microloans to villagers.他信从2001年开始担任总理，直到2006年发生军事政变将他推下台，在执政期间，他用诸如全民医疗和给村民提供小额贷款等做法，在北部的农村地区巩固了自己得到的支持。Ms.Yingluck has continued to put populist policies in place in her two and a half years in power.Some of those programs have come at great cost to the country‟s finances.News services reported Monday that the government was having trouble finding enough buyers for 75 billion baht, or $2.3 billion, in bonds that it needs to sell to finance a program that pays farmers well above market price for rice.英拉上台两年半以来，一直在继续推行这些民粹主义政策。其中一些项目已经成为泰国财政的巨大负担。新闻媒体周一报道称，政府正在为一笔约23亿美元（约合140亿元人民币）的债券找到足够多的买家发愁，政府需要这笔钱为一个以远高于市价收购农民大米的项目提供资金。
第二篇：资信证明 英文
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To(hereinaftercalledtheRecipient):
(hereinaftercalledtheClient)entrustsourbank(hereinaftercalledtheBank)toissuethiscreditreference(hereinaftercalledtheReference)for.Situationhasbeenconfirmedasfollowing：
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第三篇：个人资信证明英文
个人资信证明英文人资信证明业务是指我行为客户出具中英文对照的资信证明书，如实证明其在我行的金融资产数量及与我行业务往来情况(包括存款、购买理财产品、基金、保险、账户黄金/实物黄金、贷款、信用卡等)的业务。资信证明书是对个人资金实力、信用状况、资金往来情况的有力客观证明。
我行可出具的个人资信证明内容包括:个人存款(含凭证式/储蓄式国债)证明、个人存款发生额证明、个人购买记账式国债证明、个人购买本外币理财产品证明、个人购买本外币理财产品证明交易记录证明、个人购买基金证明、个人购买保险证明、个人购买账户黄金/实物黄金证明、个人贷款证明、个人信用卡守信证明、个人信用卡信用额度证明以及个人客户在我行办理的其他业务证明。个人资信证明内容包括:个人存款(含凭证式/储蓄式国债)证明、个人存款发生额证明、个人购买记账式国债证明、个人购买本外币理财产品证明、个人购买本外币理财产品证明交易记录证明、个人购买基金证明、个人购买保险证明、个人购买账户黄金/实物黄金证明、个人贷款证明、个人信用卡守信证明、个人信用卡信用额度证明以及个人客户在银行办理的其他业务证明。ACCOUNT OF CREDIT 日期：2000年8月20日 August 20，2000 中华人民共和国重庆工商管理局 中国，重庆
People's Republic of China Chongqing Commercial and Industrial Administration Chongqing，China 关于：美国国际出口有限公司资信证明
Re： Account of American International Export Credit 编号 NO.：
0880686700 0881846228 敬启者：
To Whom It May Concern：
兹证明美国国际出口有限公司总裁约克·J·史密斯先生在商业银行开立有数个账户。正式商务账户于1997年9月开立，金融市场账户于1999年8月开立。先在敝银行的全部存款余额为883，360.00美元。Please be advised that Mr.York J.Smith，President of American International Export Co.，Ltd.has established several accounts with Commerce Bank.The regular busineaccount was established in September 1997 and the money market account was established in this August 1999.The total balance of deposit at our bank for both accounts is US$833，360.00 其账户信誉一贯良好。
第四篇：银行资信证明英文版本
附件三---1—B--EN(Specimen of Standardized Edition)
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第五篇：纽约时报：War Horse《战马》影评
Innocence Is Trampled, but a Bond Endures
By A.O.SCOTT
Published: December 22, 2011
There is no combat in the early scenes of “War Horse,” Steven Spielberg’s sweeping adaptation of the popular stage spectacle, but the film opens with a cinematic assault as audacious and unsparing as the Normandy landing in “Saving Private Ryan.” With widescreen, pastoral vistas dappled in golden sunlight and washed in music(by John Williams)that is somehow both grand and folksy, Mr.Spielberg lays siege to your cynicism, bombarding you with strong and simple appeals to feeling.You may find yourself resisting this sentimental pageant of early-20th-century rural English life, replete with verdant fields, muddy tweeds and damp turnips, but my strong advice is to surrender.Allow your sped-up, modern, movie-going metabolism, accelerated by a diet of frantic digital confections — including Mr.Spielberg’s just-released “Adventures of Tintin” — to calm down a bit.Suppress your instinctive impatience, quiet the snarky voice in your head and allow yourself to recall, or perhaps to discover, the deep pleasures of sincerity.If you can fake that, the old Hollywood adage goes, you’ve got it made.But while “War Horse” is, like so many of Mr.Spielberg’s films, a work of supreme artifice, it is also a self-conscious attempt to revive and pay tribute to a glorious tradition of honest, emotionally direct storytelling.Shot the old-fashioned way, on actual film stock(the cinematographer is Mr.Spielberg’s frequent collaborator Janusz Kaminski), the picture has a dark, velvety luster capable of imparting a measure of movie-palace magic to the impersonal cavern of your local multiplex.The story, in its early chapters, also takes you back to an older — you may well say cornier — style of entertainment.Joey, the fleet-footed, headstrong half-Thoroughbred of the title, is purchased at auction by Ted Narracott(Peter Mullan), a proud and grouchy Devon farmer with a tendency to drink too much.His household includes a loving, scolding wife, Rosie(Emily Watson);a cantankerous goose;and a strapping lad named Albert(Jeremy Irvine), who forms an immediate and unbreakable bond with Joey.The teenage boy trains the horse to pull a plow and together they ride through the stunning scenery.But this pastoral is darkened by memories of war — Ted fought the Boers in South Africa, an experience so terrible he cannot speak of it to his son — and by social divisions.The Narracotts are tenant farmers at the mercy of their landlord(David Thewlis), and if “War Horse” pays tribute to solid British virtues of decency and discipline it also, like a Thomas Hardy novel, exposes the snobbery and economic oppression that are, if anything, even more deeply rooted in that nation’s history.So it is not entirely a simpler, more innocent world that is swept away by the war but rather a way of life whose contradictions are as emphatically presented as its charms.And what follows, as Joey is taken across the English Channel to the battlefields and trenches of Flanders and France, is a nightmare of cruelty that is not without its own sinister magic.Like most movies with an antiwar message, “War Horse” cannot help but be enthralled by the epic scale and transformative power of military conflict.“The war has taken everything from everyone” — the truth of this reckoning, uttered more than once by characters on screen, is self-evident, but it is complicated by the visceral charge and cathartic relief that an effective war movie gives to its audience.The extreme violence of the slaughter in World War I is implied rather than graphically depicted.Mr.Spielberg steps back from the bloody, chaotic naturalism of “Saving Private Ryan” — this is an animal fable for children, after all, with echoes of “E.T.” and Carroll Ballard’s “Black Stallion” — but his ability to infuse action sequences with emotional gravity has hardly diminished.An early battle scene dramatizes the modernization of warfare with remarkable and haunting efficiency.A British cavalry unit attacks a German encampment, charging through the enemy ranks with swords in what appears to be a clean and devastating rout.But then, at the edge of the field, the German machine guns begin to fire, and the British horses crash into the forest, suddenly riderless and instantly obsolete.Joey, who of course never sought out heroism in the first place, is relegated to a life of brutal labor that seems fated to end in an ignoble death.He is kept alive by instinct, human kindness and the companionship of a regal black horse named Topthorn.Joey’s episodic journey takes him from British to German hands and back again, with a sojourn on a French farm owned by an elderly jam-maker(Niels Arestrup)and his young granddaughter(Celine Buckens).Albert, meanwhile, makes his own way to the war, and his and Joey’s parallel experiences — harrowing escapes, the loss of friends, the terror and deprivation brightened by flickers of tenderness or high spirits — give the story texture and momentum, as well as giving Mr.Spielberg an opportunity to show off, once again, his unmatched skill at cross-cutting.(The large cast, mostly British and almost entirely male, acquits itself admirably, with a few moments of maudlin overacting and many more of heartbreaking understatement.)
Mr.Spielberg and the screenwriters, Lee Hall and Richard Curtis, have wisely avoided attempting to reproduce the atmosphere and effects of the stage production, in which Joey and the other horses are portrayed by huge puppets.He prefers to translate the tale, which originates in a novel by Michael Morpurgo, into a fully cinematic idiom.And “War Horse” turns out to have a central Spielbergian theme — perhaps the dominant idea in this director’s body of work — namely the fraught and fascinating relationship between the human and the nonhuman.What do they — sharks, horses, aliens, dinosaurs, intelligent machines — mean to us? What are we supposed to do with them? The boundary can be hard to maintain: sometimes, as in “E.T.” and “A.I.,” nonhuman beings are virtually impossible to distinguish from humans;at other times, as in “Amistad” and “Schindler’s List,” self-evidently human beings are denied that status.Sometimes the nonhuman is a threat, at other times a comfort, but it always presents a profound ethical challenge based in a stark existential mystery: Who are we?
Mr.Spielberg’s answers to this question tend to be hopeful, and his taste for happy, or at least redemptive endings is frequently criticized.But his ruthless optimism, while it has helped to make him an enormously successful showman, is also crucial to his identity as an artist, and is more complicated than many of his detractors realize.“War Horse” registers the loss and horror of a gruesomely irrational episode in history, a convulsion that can still seem like an invitation to despair.To refuse that, to choose compassion and consolation, requires a measure of obstinacy, a muscular and brutish willfulness that is also an authentic kind of grace.“War Horse” is rated PG-13(Parents strongly cautioned).The violence is intense and upsetting, though not especially gory by present-day standards.WAR HORSE
Directed by Steven Spielberg;written by Lee Hall and Richard Curtis, based on the novel by Michael Morpurgo;director of photography, Janusz Kaminski;edited by Michael Kahn;music by John Williams;production design by Rick Carter;costumes by Joanna Johnston;visual-effects supervisor, Ben Morris;produced by Mr.Spielberg and Kathleen Kennedy;released by DreamWorks Pictures and Walt Disney Studios Motion Pictures.Running time: 2 hours 26 minutes.WITH: Emily Watson(Rosie Narracott), David Thewlis(Lyons), Peter Mullan(Ted Narracott), Niels Arestrup(Grandfather), Tom Hiddleston(Captain Nicholls), Jeremy Irvine(Albert Narracott), Benedict Cumberbatch(Major Stewart), Toby Kebbell(Geordie Soldier), Celine Buckens(Emilie), Rainer Bock(Brandt)and Patrick Kennedy(Lieutenant Waverly).
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