里根柏林墙英文演讲稿

第一篇：里根柏林墙英文演讲稿

篇一：追忆柏林墙 追忆柏林墙

肯尼迪在柏林墙边的演说： kennedy 二千年以前，最自豪的夸耀是civitas romanus sum，今天，自由世界最自豪的夸耀是ich bin ein berliner。

世界上有许多人确实不懂，或者说他们不明白什么是自由世界和共产主义世界的根本分歧。让他们来柏林吧。有些人说，共产主义是未来的潮流。让他们来柏林吧。有些人说，我们能在欧洲或其他地方与共产党人合作。让他们来柏林吧。甚至有那么几个人说，共产主义确是一种邪恶的制度，但它可以使我们取得经济发展。“lasst sie nach berlin kommen.” 自由有许多困难，民主亦非完美，然而我们从未建造一堵墙把我们的人民关在里面，不准他们离开我们。我愿意我的同胞们——他们与你们远隔千里住在大西洋彼岸——说，他们为能在远方与你们共有过去十八年的经历感到莫大的骄傲。我不知道还有哪一个城镇或都市被围困十八年仍葆有西柏林的这种生机、力量、希望和决心。全世界都看到，柏林墙最生动最明显地表现出一种失败。但我们对此并不感到称心如意，因为柏林墙既是对历史也是对人性的冒犯，它拆散家庭，造成妻离子散骨肉分离，把希冀统一的一个民族分成两半。

这个城市的事实也用于整个德国——只要四个德国人中有一个被剥夺了自由人的基本权利，即自由选择的权利，那么欧洲真正持久的和平便绝无可能实现。经过保持和平与善意的十八年，这一代德国人终于赢得自由的权利，包括在持久和平中善所有的人民，实现家庭团聚和民族统一的权利。你们住在受到保护的一座自由之岛上，但你们的生活是大海的一部分。因此让我在结束讲话时请求你们抬起目光，超越今日的危险看到明天的希望；超越这道墙看到正义的生平来临的一天；超越你们自己和我们自己看到全人类。自由是不可分割的，只要一人被奴役，所有的人都不自由。当所有的人都自由了，那时我们便能期待这一天的到来：在和平与希望的光辉中这座城市获得统一，这个国家获得统一，欧洲大陆获得统一。当这一天最终来临——它必将来临——时，西柏林人民将能对这一点感到欣慰：几乎二十年时间里他们站在第一线。

一切自由人，不论他们住在何方，皆是柏林市民，所以作为一个自由人，我为“ich bin ein berliner”这句话感到自豪。历史见证：越过柏林墙，寻求自由

柏林墙由12公里长的水泥墙和137公里长的铁丝网组成，包括有116个观望台，随后经过了四次改建和加固。柏林墙一共截断了192条街道（97条在柏林内，95条为柏林通向东德的道路），32条铁路线，8条轻轨和4条地铁以及3条高速公路。边界上的河流、湖泊也被禁止通航，并加以监视。西柏林变成了一座孤岛。谁想在西柏林与西德之间旅行，则必须通过边境的严格检查。

第二次世界大战结束后，德国被分为4个区域，分别由法国、英国、美国和苏联接管，后来前三方合并，而苏联接管的地区变得更加孤立。这条1953年拉起的钢丝围栏把很多德国朋友分开了。

随着苏联和西方国家紧张局势的加剧，不同地区间的通道逐渐缩小。1961年，这条边界被正式化地变成了一堵砖墙，照片中东德士兵和工人正在给柏林墙增加高度。柏林墙把千千万万的德国家庭分隔开来，许多居住在东部的德国人无法再去西部上班。沿墙而行的街道也都被割裂开来，许多交通工具无法再在那里行驶。

多年来很多东德人试图逃到西边去。图为1961年一名17岁的东德男孩翻越柏林墙，两名西德警察正在帮助他安全地下来。

柏林墙建成后，西柏林变成了一片孤独的、被敌视和被包围的土地。在柏林墙位于奥巴鲍姆桥的检查站，两名东德边界警卫锁好大门后离开。美国总统肯尼迪于1963年访问柏林墙位于勃兰登堡门的关口，他在发表演讲时用德语说：我是一个柏林人(ich bin ein berliner)。这句话后来成为名言。逃到西德的东德女孩在和妈妈隔墙说话。

到上世纪80年代中期，柏林墙已经成为冷战的最持久象征。

“自由有许多困难，民主亦非完美，然而我们从未建造一堵墙把我们的人民关在里面，不准他们离开我们。” ——肯尼迪《柏林墙下的演说》1963年6月25日于西德市政厅柏林墙前。

柏林墙

地面逃亡最简单的方式是直接翻墙而过。看上去一人多高的墙可以翻身而上。但逃亡者从开始在边境开阔地带奔跑到墙下，再翻身跃上墙的这段时间内，生与死就完全听天由命了。1961年，当十八岁的东柏林青年彼得·费希特尔在到达墙跟翻身跃墙，他已经爬到了柏林墙的顶部，只需要再加最后一把劲，就可以达成目标，就在这个时候，枪声响了?? 彼得滑落回柏林墙东侧。

悲剧还没有完，身中数弹的彼得倒在柏林墙下，血流如注，这期间，他不停地呼喊救命，呼声惊动了西柏林一边的边防军人。军人们扔过来一个急救包，但血将流尽的彼得·费希特尔已无力自救。彼得就这样在墙下躺了50分钟，没有一个东德警察前来管他。

彼得的呼喊声一点一点的低下去了，低下去了。西柏林的人群爆发出愤怒的抗议声。

这是柏林墙将柏林城和它的人民分割以来，第一位在逃亡中死于枪击的东柏林市民。

如果说彼得最大的不幸在于他最终没有成功，我不知道下面这个最后“成功” 的例子，是不是算幸运。

在柏林墙刚完成的那一年，由于墙还不是很坚固，有人就想出了办法，开重型车辆直接撞墙，直接冲开柏林墙进入西德。1961年，这类事件多达14起。

逃亡者要面对的绝不仅仅是坚固的高墙，还有来自军队和警察的密集射击。而在枪林弹雨中全速前进去撞一堵大墙的行为，毫无疑问是“双重自杀行为”。而这却是当年东德一些逃亡者们投生的方式。

布鲁希克和他的同伙就是利用大客车冲击柏林墙，但是他们的行动从一开始就被发现了。军队和警察从多个方向向客车密集射击，客车起火燃烧，弹痕累累！还好，客车质量过硬，不但没有熄火，还在布鲁希克良好的驾驶下奋勇加速，一声巨响，柏林墙被撞开了一个大缺口，整个客车冲进了西柏林！

欢呼的人群拥上来迎接，却被眼前的景象震惊了，驾驶座上的布鲁希克身中19弹，他是用生命的最后意志坚持加速，冲向柏林墙的。当客车冲进西柏林的那一刻，布鲁希克停止了呼吸。柏林人展开了一场争论，布鲁希克究竟有没有看到他梦想看到的西柏林？最后是一个现场镜头宽慰了大家，从镜头上看，客车驾驶座位于西柏林之后，布鲁希克还有一个抬头的动作。是的，那时候他还活着！他的眼睛最后映出的，是他梦想中的自由世界－西柏林！他是一个成功者。

另一个传奇式的故事是空中热气球逃亡。

1979年的一个深夜，东德黑色夜幕的上空出现了一个高度为28米的欧洲历史上最大体积的热气球。当这个热气球接近柏林墙地域时，被东柏林地面警卫发现。三束探照灯直射黑色天幕，追踪监视着这个看来企图越境朝西柏林飘去的热气球。就在地面警卫朝这来历不明的巨大热气球开枪射击之前，热气球迅速高升，爬上了两千六百米高空，随后不知去向。这个热气球的吊蓝里，装着两个东德的家庭，大人小孩一共八口人。

他们在快速升高后，可能由于慌乱，失去了方向。当在空中飞行28分钟后，热气球安全降落地面。悄悄掀开覆盖了他们的巨大气球布，看看外围环境：丛林荒草，远近没有人烟。他们无法判断究竟是到了自己的目的地西德，还是不过在空中转了一个圈，仍在东德境内。或者，已经非法进入了其他国家的土地。他们不知该如何是好。

他们既非科学家又非运动员，虽然对气体动力学一无所知，但自从萌生了用热气球逃出东德的想法，就开始白手起家。买来了有关的书籍，从头学习有关原理。买来大量的纺织品，利用自己研制的相关设备一次次实验将要充当气球外体的布的质量。气象学要掌握、操作要掌握，材料学、工程学、物理、化学、力学等等知识都需要。后来，那个奇迹终于悄悄地在这一对普通东德人家的房顶下诞生了。在那个神不知，鬼不觉的深夜，那个欧洲最大的热气球载着两家人的希望和梦想，升上了东德阴霾的天空。他们什么都想到了：出境前被打落坠地、被逮捕入狱，出境后落入海中或落在人家房顶，落在城市中心等等，无论什么意外事故发生，好歹总要面对一个结局。他们就是没想到，什么意外也没发生，但当气球安全着陆时，竟是真相不明，无人理睬，没有下文。两对年轻的父母，带着四个年幼的孩子，闷在气球巨大的布面下，把未来的结局想设想了一遍又一遍：走出这泄了气的热气球，要么被东德政府关进监狱，要么向其他什么国家的政府投案自首，要么在西德安居乐业，重获新生。想想为这次逃亡而长久地呕心沥血，看看四个无辜的孩子，他们无法承受被东德政府关进监狱的命运，不敢走出气球；或者他们干脆把命运交给了上帝，听天由命。他们唯一能作的，就是祈祷。降落整整24小时以后，军人来了，揭开了气球。他们对这8个逃亡者说出了他们盼望了多少年的话。

“你们自由了！这里是西德的领土”。

1987年6月12日清晨，美国总统里根抵达柏林，此时这座城市正在庆贺其750岁诞辰。在将东西柏林割裂20余年的分界线——勃兰登堡门的柏林墙前，里根发表了著名的演讲。演讲稿由秘书起草，听者主要是正意欲与美国缔结友好关系的对象——苏联领导人米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫，还有届时在场的2万名听众。

在这次著名的演讲中，里根呼吁戈尔巴乔夫拆掉柏林墙，这一言辞遭到美国国务院和国家安全委员会的强烈反对，他们担心克里姆林宫的强硬派会以此向戈氏提出质疑。那天下午，不到2时，里根走上讲台。因为担心会有恐怖袭击，里根身后放置了两块巨大的防弹玻璃。

里根总统说出了以下这段震撼世界的话：“戈尔巴乔夫总书记，如果你要寻求和平，如果你要为苏联和东欧寻求繁荣，如果你要寻求自由：就到这扇门来吧！戈尔巴乔夫先生，打开这扇门！戈尔巴乔夫先生，拆掉这堵墙！”

1987年6月，美国总统里根访问柏林，从德国国会大厦的阳台上观看柏林墙。篇二：柏林墙 柏林墙 柏林墙（德语：berliner mauer）是德国分裂期间东德政府环绕西柏林边境修筑的边防系统，以将其与东德领土分割开来。柏林墙始建于1961年8月13日，全长155公里。最初以铁丝网和砖石为材料，后期加固为由瞭望塔、混凝土墙、开放地带以及反车辆壕沟组成的边防设施。东德政府称此墙为“反法西斯防卫墙”（德语：antifaschistischer schutzwall）或“强化边境”（德语：befestigte staatsgrenze），其目的是阻止东德居民逃往西柏林。

第二次世界大战后，原德国首都柏林被分割为东柏林与西柏林，柏林墙的建立是冷战期间美国和苏联两大阵营之间冲突导致的，它是二战后德国分裂和冷战的重要标志性建筑，也成为了分割东西欧的铁幕的一个象征。柏林墙修筑前，约有250万东德居民逃离东德，他们中的许多人通过西柏林前往西德和其他西欧国家。柏林墙修建后在1961至1989年间这类逃亡被大幅限制下来，约有5000人在此期间尝试翻越柏林墙。1960年起东德边防军将其视为非法越境并向越境者开枪射击，1982年《开枪射击令》（schie?befehl）下达后被合法化。据截止2009年的统计，死亡人数约在136至245人之间，确切数目则不得而知。

1989年东欧国家发生了一系列政治变动，邻国波兰和匈牙利政府的政策也发生了变化。在数周的抗议活动后，1989年11月9日东德政府宣布允许公民申请访问西德以及西柏林，当晚柏林墙因故在东德居民的压力下被迫开放。随后数周中欣喜的人群凿下柏林墙作为纪念品，1990年6月东德政府正式决定拆除柏林墙。柏林墙的倒塌为结束统一社会党专政以及两德统一铺平了道路，一年后的1990年10月3日两德最终统一。历史意义

柏林墙的倒塌，给联邦德国提供了大量的劳动力，给民主德国带来了先进的技术和资金，并使民主德国的人民的生活有一定的改善。

柏林墙的倒塌，代表了一个统一的德国，作为欧洲经济体中重要的组成部分。德国的发展可以带动整个欧洲的经济发展，使世界经济向多元化的趋势发展。

柏林墙的倒塌标志着德国的统一，是东欧剧变的一部分，也推动了苏联解体和冷战结束。不能否定柏林围墙倒塌的正面意义，但更应为二十多年来所付代价作反思。苏联集团解体诚是历史跃进，但若世界思维仍停在“敌消我长”这种战略利益窠臼中，那么历史跃进的意义会被抵消。

1989年11月9日，作为东西两大阵营对立的主要象征，柏林围墙被拆毁。柏林围墙的建造始于1961年，它的兴建与倒塌都标志着近代历史的重大变化。它的兴建意味着二战之后东西对峙的冷战时代达到巅峰。苏联东欧集团，在20世纪80年代，经历波兰“团结工会”运动、捷克斯洛伐克“七七宪章”运动，到柏林墙倒塌的第2年，即1990年10月3日，两德统一。而整个苏联也在1991年12月25日正式解体。

因此柏林墙倒塌，乃是欧洲及世界史的里程碑事件。它淘汰掉历史发展过程中某些专制封闭的政治形式，让全球统一进了以自由化、民主化和市场化为主导的新秩序中。名人评述

“自由有许多困难，民主亦非完美，然而我们从未建造一堵墙把我们的人民关在里面，来防止他们分开我们。” “自由是不可分割的，只要一人被奴役，所有的人都不自由。”——约翰·肯尼迪（1963年6月26日）“世界上的围墙都是防止外面的人闯进来的，只有一种围墙是防止里面的人出去的，那是什么？那就是监狱的围墙！” ——约翰·肯尼迪 “戈尔巴乔夫先生，打开这扇门。”“戈尔巴乔夫先生，推倒这堵墙！”——罗纳德·里根（1987年6月12日）

“柏林墙的倒塌是对暴政的谴责。”——巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马

“感谢柏林人在这个陷入困境的世界所作出的努力。非洲人还处于饥饿中，津巴布韦人留着眼泪在哭泣。那些处于痛苦中的人不必永远忍受。”——戈登·布朗

“这个纪念活动是号召大家反对压迫，拆除仍然分裂世界的所有围墙。这些围墙将城市、地区和国家分离。”——尼古拉·萨科齐

“对抗时代已经过去，我们应该建立一种独特的、新的、更好的世界。”——德米特里·阿纳托利耶维奇·梅德韦杰夫篇三：09年奥巴马在中美战略与经济对话上的演讲稿 中英对照版 奥巴马在中美战略对话中的演讲稿全文

below are the full remarks, as prepared for delivery and released by the white house: 总统先生：谢谢。各位早上好。我很荣幸地欢迎大家来到中美战略性经济对话的首场会议。本场会议是中美两国建立积极建设性的综合关系不必可少的一步。胡锦涛主席也支持以持续的对话促进两国的共同利益的达成，对此，我感到非常高兴。

president hu and i both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start.of course, as a new president and also as a basketball fan, i have learned from the words of yao ming, who said, no matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another.well, through the constructive meetings that weve already had, and through this dialogue, im confident that we will meet yaos standard.胡主席和我都认为，一个好的开头，对于两国关系有着重要作用。当然，作为一位新当选的总统，我也是一名篮球迷，我从姚明的一句话中有所得益。这句话是这样说的“无论你在球队多久，你都需要时间和其他的队友磨合。”。通过本次对话及两国以往多次的富有建设性的会议，我有信心，我们是能够达到姚明这句话所蕴含的含义。

现在我来介绍一下参与本次对话的各位杰出的美国及中国的领导人。希拉里·克林顿以及蒂姆·加斯内是我最亲密的两位顾问，他们对于如何与中国进行合作具有丰富的经验。我知道，他们能胜任与中方代表国务委员戴秉国先生与副主席王岐山先生进行良好沟通。谢谢你们的到来。

today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century.it houses a national memorial to president woodrow wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young。and americas leadership in the world was emerging.it is named for ronald reagan, a man who came of age during two world wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history.and it holds a piece of the berlin wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.今天，我们所处的这一建筑物代表着上一世纪的历史。这里有伍德罗·威尔逊总统的国家纪念碑。他在20世纪初期就任总统，当时美国在国际的领导方兴未艾。这里是以罗纳德·里根命名的。里根一生经历了两次世界大战，而他的总统就任引领一个新时代的到来。数十年前，柏林墙作为国家分裂的标志并最终被推翻，而这一总统就任执起了柏林墙的砖瓦，让全球化的理念光芒四射，并持续地塑造我们的世界。we cant predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times.and we also know this: the relationship between the united states and china will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world.that really must underpin our partnership.that is the responsibility that together we bear.我们无法准确地预测未来将为我们带来什么，但我们可以确定哪些问题将对我们的时代具有举足轻重的意义。我们也知道，中美两国的关系将构建21世纪，这和世界上所有的双边关系都同等重要。这必将对我们的合作关系打下基础。这是我们的共同责任。

as we look to the future, we can learn from our past--for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect.during my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of president nixons trip to china.at that time, the world was much different than it is today.america had fought three wars in east asia in just 30 years, and the cold war was in a stalemate.chinas economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the chinese people lived in extreme poverty.回顾历史，展望未来。历史告诉我们，我们两国的利益产生的基础是互惠互重。在我就任期间，我们会经历尼克松总统访华40周年纪念。当时，世界的面貌和现在大不相同。在30年间，美国在东亚就进行了三次战争，而当时大量的中国人生活在极端贫困的环境中。

那个时候，中美两国的对话的焦点是狭窄的，那是我们共同的竞争对手苏联。而今天，我们有着广泛的合作关系，这一关系反映着两国人民越来越紧密的联系。两国的联合关系比疏离关系的时间要长。两国人民在多个方面相互合作。我相信，我们必将在我们时代的一些重要问题上稳步前进。

my confidence is rooted in the fact that the united states and china share mutual interests.if we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off--because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.中美两国的共同利益时我的信息来源。如果我们可以通过合作来促进这些利益，我们的人民将受惠，世界也讲变得更美好。原因是我们相互合作的能力是迎接大量最紧迫的全球性挑战的前提。

让我提出其中的几点。第一，我们可以再持续的经济复苏中进行合作，一促进我们双方的利益。当前的危机让我们很清楚地看到，我们两国的国内决策影响着全球经济。不仅在纽约和西雅图如此，上海和深圳也不例外。这就是我们为什么必需保湿坚固的双边及多边协作的原因。这也是我们必先摒弃激进的行为而采取合作，从而挽回增长、防止进一步衰退及让人民免于失业的其中一个例子。going forward, we can deepen this cooperation.we can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform.we can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced doha round agreement.we can update international institutions so that growing economies like china play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility.and as americans save more and chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation--because just as china has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, china can also be an enormous market for american goods.进一步来讲，我们可以深化这一合作。我们可以通过加大透明度及有序的改革促进金融稳定。我们可以尽行自由而公平的贸易，寻求一个具有抱负的平衡的多哈回合协议。我们可以更新国际惯例，使中国这样的新兴经济体可以发挥能够与他们能力相配的更大的作用。随着美国的储蓄增加以及中国的消费能力提高，我们可以将增长放在一个更加持续的基础上，原因是中国得益于持续的投资与有利可图的出口，那么她也可以成为美国商品的巨大市场。

第二，我们可以共同合作，以促进我们在洁净、安全、及繁荣的能源未来中的双方利益。中美是世界两大能源消耗国以及温室气体排放国。我们坦率地认识到，如果如果我们不进行合作，而越来越依靠别的国家供给石油，我们是无法得益的，我们人民也无法避免气候变化所带来的劫难。常识让我们通力合作。

both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies.together we can chart a low carbon recovery;we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy;and we can work together to forge a global response at the climatechange conference in copenhagen and beyond.and the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.我们两国都在采取措施对能源经济进行改革。如果联手，我们可以跟踪大量的碳资源恢复，我们可以在研发方面扩大合作，促进能源的洁净及有效使用，我们可以在哥本哈根气候变化会议上以及会议以外共同促进气候变化问题的全球回应。而保证我们的安全与繁荣革新的最佳方法是让我们的市场接纳新的设想、新的交流以及新的能源来源。

third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons.make no mistake: the more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used.neither america nor china has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in east asia.that is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the korean peninsula, and make it clear to north korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations.and that is why we must also be united in preventing iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the islamic republic to live up to its international obligations.第三，我们可以在截至核武器扩散这一问题进行合作，以促进我们的共同利益。请不要误会：越多国家获得这些武器，这些武器越有可能被使用。无论是美国还是中国都会对一个获得炸弹的恐怖份子或东亚核武竞赛产生兴趣。这就是我们必需坚持朝鲜半岛无核化，并让北韩知道，实现安全和被尊重的前提是他们尽了自己的义务。而这正是我们必需联合起来防止伊朗获得核武器的原因，也是敦促伊斯兰共和国遵守国际义务的理由。

this is not about singling out any one nation--it is about the responsibility of all nations.together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our global nuclear summit next year.and together, we must strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament;countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them;and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy.a balance of terror cannot hold.in the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the worlds deadliest weapons.这不是针对某一国家，这是所有国家的共同责任。我们必需全体合作，保障世界上所有脆弱的核材料，而这将是明年全球核问题峰会的焦点。我们必须共同促进防止核扩散条约。方法是补充该条约的基本规定：具有核武器的国家将进行裁军；没有核武器的国家无需裁军；所有的国家均有权获取核能以作安全用途。恐怖活动无法生存。在21世纪，稳固的全球体制是保障世界在最致命的武器面前得以安全的唯一基础。

第二篇：经典英文演讲1(里根)

Ronald Reagan

Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate

delivered 12 June 1987, West Berlin

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]

Thank you.Thank you, very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F.Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall.Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin.And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom.But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well;by the feeling of history in this city--more than 500 years older than our own nation;by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten;most of all, by your courage and determination.Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents.You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]

Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America.I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East.To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people.To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me.For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.[There is only one Berlin.]

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe.From the Baltic South, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers.Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall.But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet, it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly;here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.President Von Weizsäcker has said, “The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.” Well today--today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet, I do not come here to lament.For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation.Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help.And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan.Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: “Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.”

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan.I was struck by a sign--the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt.I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city.The sign read simply: “The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.” A strong, free world in the West--that dream became real.Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant.Italy, France, Belgium--virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth;the European Community was founded.In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder.Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom.The German leaders--the German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes.From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany: busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland.Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums.Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles--the wonderful goods of the Kudamm.¹ From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth.Now the Soviets may have had other plans.But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on: Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze.[Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.²]

In the 1950s--In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: “We will bury you.”

But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history.In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind--too little food.Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself.After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity.Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace.Freedom is the victor.And now--now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom.We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness.Some political prisoners have been released.Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed.Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness;for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty--the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate.Mr.Gorbachev, open this gate.Mr.Gorbachev--Mr.Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent, and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens.To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion.So, we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength.Yet we seek peace;so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles capable of striking every capital in Europe.The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment(unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution)--namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides.For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness.As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days, days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city;and the Soviets later walked away from the table.But through it all, the alliance held firm.And I invite those who protested then--I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table.Because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons.At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons.And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons.While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur.And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative--research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend;on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them.By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world.But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed;we are armed because we mistrust each other.And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty.When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled;Berlin was under siege.And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty.And freedom itself is transforming the globe.In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth.Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth.In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place, a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications.In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom.Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today, thus, represents a moment of hope.We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world.And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971.Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future.Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.And I invite Mr.Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical.We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.With--With our French--With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin.It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control, or other issues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East.Our French and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same.And it's my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea--South Korea--has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North.International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city.And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West.In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city.You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade.Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall.What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage.But I believe there's something deeper, something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment.No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions.Something, instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence, that refuses to release human energies or aspirations, something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says “yes” to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom.In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin--is “love.”

Love both profound and abiding.Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West.The totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship.The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz.Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower's one major flaw: treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind.Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere, that sphere that towers over all Berlin, the light makes the sign of the cross.There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed.As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner(quote):

“This wall will fall.Beliefs become reality.”

Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall, for it cannot withstand faith;it cannot withstand truth.The wall cannot withstand freedom.And I would like, before I close, to say one word.I have read, and I have been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my coming.And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're doing again.Thank you and God bless you all.Thank you.Դ: http://

第三篇：里根总统演讲稿

January 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice president Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:

议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：

To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.总统先生，我希望我们同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。

1The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我们国家的事业在继续前进。合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动。

2/ ◆The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.◆They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.Government is the problem.我们深受其害的经济弊病，几十年来一直袭击着我们。这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。它们之所以终将消失，是因为我们作为现在的美国人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。

在当前这场危机中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。政府的管理就是问题所在。

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else?

我们时常误以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么，我们之中谁还能去管理他人呢。

All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我们大家--不论政府官员还是平民百姓--必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋求的解决办法必须是公平的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而。我们必须关心一个被忽视了大久的特殊利益集团。这个集团没有区域之分，没有人种之分，没有民族之分，没有 政党之分，这个集团由许许多多的男人与女人组成，他们生产粮食，巡逻街头，管理厂矿，教育儿童，照料家务和治疗疾病。他们是专业人员、实业家、店主、职 员、出租汽车 司机和货车驾驶员，总而言之，他们就是“我们人民”--这个称之为美国人的民族。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本届政府的日标是必须建立一种健全的、生气勃勃的和不断发展的经济，为全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会，让美国重新工作起 来，意味着让全体美国人重新工作起来。制止通货膨胀，意味着让全体美国人从失控的生活费用所造成的恐惧中解脱出来。人人都应分担“新开端”的富有成效的工 作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。我国制度和力量的核心是理想主义和公正态度，有了这些，我们就能建立起强大、繁荣、国内稳定并同全世界和平相处的美国。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.因此，在我们开始之际，让我们看看实际情况。我们是一个拥有政府的国家--而不是一个拥有国家的政府。这一点使我们在世界合国中独树一帜，我们的政府 除了人民授予的权力，没有任何别的权力。目前，政府权力的膨胀已显示出超过被统治者同意的迹象，制止并扭转这种状况的时候到了。

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.我打算压缩联邦机构的规模和权力，并要求大家承认联邦政府被授予的权力同各州或人民保留的权利这两者之间的区别。我们大家都需要提醒：不是联邦政府创立了各州，而是各州创立了联邦政府。因此，请不要误会，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它发挥作用--同我们一起合作，而不是凌驾于我们之上；同我们并肩 而立，而不是骑在我们的背上。政府能够而且必须提供机会，而不是扼杀机会，它能够而且必须促进生产力，而不是抑制生产力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.如果我们要探究这么多年来我们为什么能取得这么大成就，并获得了世界上任何一个民族未曾获得的繁荣昌盛，其原因是在这片土地上，我们使人类的能力和个 人的才智得到了前所未有的发挥。在这里，个人所享有并得以确保的自由和尊严超过了世界上任何其他地方。为这种自由所付出的代价有时相当高昂，但我们从来没有不愿意付出这代价。

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.我们目前的困难，与政府机构因为不必要的过度膨胀而干预、侵扰我们的生活同步增加，这决不是偶然的巧合。

我们是一个泱泱大国，不能自囿于小小的梦想，现在正是认识到这一点的时候。我们并非注定走向衰落，尽管有些人想让我们相信这一点。我不相信，无论我们做些什么，我们都将命该如此，但我相信，如果我们 什么也不做，我们将的确命该如此。

为此，让我们以掌握的一切创造力来开创一个国家复兴的时代吧。让我们重新拿出决心、勇气和力量，让我们重新建立起我们的信念和希望吧。

We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.我们完全有权去做英雄梦。那些评论我们现在是一个没有英雄的时代的，他们只不过没有仔细看。看吧！每一天进出工厂大门的工人，辛勤耕作为我们提供食物的农民们，站在柜台后的服务生们；尽心尽业打拼为社会创造财富，提供就业机会的企业家们。交纳赋税，以维持国家运作的公民们。所有支持慈善事业，教会，文化及教育的人们，他们的举动是无声的，但爱国心却是不言自明的。他们的价值造就了我们的国家。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我刚才用了“他们”这个人称来形容这些英雄们，其实我也可以用”你们”这个人称。在这个上帝眷顾的国家，你们的梦想，你们的希望，你们的追求就是这个国家存在的理由。

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我们的天性包含了同情。倘若我们热爱这个国家，怎么会不热爱自己的同胞们。当他们挫折时，扶他们一把，当他们生病时，给予关照。对于弱者，给予体面的帮助，使其自立.我们是否战能胜现在摆在面前的问题？我说，回答是毫不含糊的“能！”

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在未来的日子里，我们要扫清经济停滞和工业发展的路障，政府的各项政策要平衡。我们要一步步塌实缓慢的前进。该是唤醒这个工业巨人的时候了，削减沉重的赋税，让政府回归理性。这是我们原则，没有妥协的余地。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.在国家立国的前夕，我们的建国先贤之一，马塞诸萨州州长约瑟夫*沃伦对他的同胞们说“我们的国家正在危险之中，但我们丝毫不需绝望--------美国的前途就在我们手中。这个无限自由的幸福的国度即将诞生，让我们行动吧！”

我相信，同胞们，今天，为了我们孩子的孩子的自由和幸福，我们一定也准备好了，让我们行动吧！

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.我们庆祝重振美国的此时，全世界的人们都在关注着，我们依旧是那些尚未获得自由的人民心中的自由灯塔！

对于我们的邻居，自由世界的同盟们，我们将进一步加强联络，保证我们承担的义务。我们将以心换心，但我们决不会干涉你们的主权，希望你们也不会干涉我们。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.对于自由世界的敌人，我们潜在的对手。我们要使其明白，和平是美国人最高愿望。我们可以与你们谈判，妥协，但我们决不会屈服，永远不会。

请你们不要误会我们的忍耐，我们努力避免冲突但绝不代表我们的屈服。当我们的国家安全受到威胁，我们会采取行动。我们将保持拥有压倒性对手的武力，因为我们知道，只有拥有了足够的武力，才能确保我们不会使用这些武力。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.首先，我们必须认识到世界上没有任何武器能比自由人民的道义和勇气更强大。这恰恰是我们，美国人民所具备的，而我们的对手没有的武器。这一点，所有支持恐怖主义和觊觎弱小国家的都要明白。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.我听说今天各地举行了数以万计的祷告会，我衷心的感到欣慰。我们是上帝统治的国度，上帝给了我们自由。如果以后每一届的就职日都能成为祷告日，那是很好的事情。

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.大家都知道，这是历史上第一次在白宫西走廊举行的就职典礼。在这里，我们能看到整个首都的风貌。而在这广场另一端就是我们先贤们的圣坛。我的正前方就是乔治*华盛顿纪念碑，我们伟大的国父。是他领导了独立革命战争的胜利，并创建了这个国家。在其旁边则是另一位伟大的先贤，托马斯*杰弗逊，--独立宣言>的作者。而在水池的尽头，是雄伟的林肯纪念堂。从林肯的一生你能体会出什么是美国的精神。

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.在这些古迹旁是缓缓流淌的波托马可河，而岸边的斜斜的山坡正是我们的阿灵顿公墓。这些小小的十字架，六芒星下的墓志铭，述说着我们赢取自由而付出的代价。

每一个墓志铭都是我刚才说的英雄的事迹。这些英雄的生命倒在贝洛森林，阿尔贡丘陵，奥马哈海滩，萨勒诺，半个地球外的瓜岛，塔拉瓦岛，上甘岭，长津湖，以及遍地是稻田丛林的叫越南的地方。

Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

在这些墓碑中，有一个叫Martin Treptow的年轻人，他在1917年辞掉了小镇的理发店工作，跟随著名的“彩虹师"去了法国，在西线，他在为营长传递命令时，被重炮击中牺牲.后来，在他的尸体上我们发现了一本日记。在扉页上，他写到”我发誓，美国必须赢的这场战争，所以，我会奋斗，我会拯救，我会牺牲，我会忍受，我会勇奋战斗，就好比所有挣扎都将由我一个人来肩负。”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.今天我们面临的危机并不要求我们像 Martin Treptow作出如此的牺牲。但我们也要竭尽全力，有所作为。拥有上帝的协助，我们能度过危机。

最后，我们有什么理由不相信呢？记住！我们是美国人。上帝保佑你们，谢谢你们。

第四篇：柏林墙材料作文

拆除柏林墙材料作文

阅读下面材料，按要求作文。

学者秦晖在为德国柏林墙倒塌20周年所写文章中有这样一段话：“今天在柏林墙保留 下来的最著名的一段‘涂鸦墙’上，有一幅很大的墙画最引人注目，它画的是一群各种肤色的 人正在兴高采烈地拆墙，标题是‘还有许多墙需要拆掉’。”确实。在我们的生活、思想和观念里，也还有许多有形无形的墙需要拆掉。

要求选准角度，明确立意，自选文体，自拟标题；不要脱离材料内容及含意的范围作文。

要求：⑴角度自选；⑵立意自定，鼓励有创意的思想；⑶题目自拟；⑷除诗歌外，文体自选；⑸不少于800字

1、拆除心墙

2、拆除阻碍文化传承的墙

3、敞开你的心扉

4、思想的禁锢

5、拆掉那些阻碍沟通的墙

6、两代人----墙

7、阻碍前进的墙

8、拆掉种族的围墙

范文引路：

墙后是玫瑰的殿堂

徐宏

我始终向往着一个美丽的地方，那里有陶渊明笔下的落英缤纷，杜甫眼中的柳暗花明，王勃梦里的落霞孤骛，徐志摩记忆里的星辉斑斓，那就是一个开满玫瑰的殿堂。

然而要寻到那样的天堂，我得推开我的心墙。曾经有人告诉我，墙后便是玫瑰的殿堂。我在思索着要怎样推倒那堵墙。

我试着用陶渊明般的豁达去推倒那堵墙。我不需要桃李满园，我只求青藤上能挂上几个葫芦好让我做个酒壶；我不需要五谷丰登，我只求葡萄架上能结几串瘦果，好让我酿杯美酒；我不需要丝竹管弦，我只求自然给我天籁，好让我伴乐饮酒，好生逍遥自在。

我试着用苏轼的乐观去推倒那堵墙。虽然独自仰望，仍吟唱“但愿人长久，千里共婵娟。”虽然于荒草芜蔓中，却能赏到满园春色；虽然涉于荒郊小道，仍有松菊相伴；虽然闲于荒园庭院，仍品雪梅暗香。

我试着用李白的壮志去推倒那堵墙。乘风破浪，扬帆起航，怀着欲上青天揽明月的豪情壮志启程，用血与泪筑就厚实的肩膀。以地为席，以天为被，去观赏那滚滚长江。安能为权贵催眉折腰。

我试着用文天祥的满腔热情去推倒那堵墙。人生自古谁无死，留取丹心照汗青。心存高洁，身存正气，即使零落成泥碾作尘，仍有香如故。因为落红不是无情物，化做春泥更护花。虽然零落，但空中仍有那道美丽的弧线。

我在尝试，我一直在尝试着推倒那堵墙，去寻一个开满玫瑰的殿堂，虽然荆棘铺满两旁。

风雨中，我听见水手说，这点痛算什么；征途上，我听见拓荒者说，梦在远方，路在脚下；困难中，我听见登山者说，因为山在那里。是呀，因为墙在那里，我要去推开它去感受一下，登岸的快感，体验一下开垦的欣慰，触摸一下云端的激动。

渐渐地，我似乎看见了，看见了那开满玫瑰的殿堂。那是解放军过雪山的坚强，那是白求恩越洋救人的真心；那是老师撑起明天的伟岸，那是父母无微不至的关怀；那是一切梦想中的渴望。

终于，我嗅到了那阵芬芳。

筑墙·拆墙 王舒若

我是一名建筑师，我能筑出各种各样的墙，甚至是无形的墙。只要顾客提得出。我就筑得出。

我每天穿梭于城市中，为需要的人们筑墙，高大的、矮小的、美丽的、密不透风的„„我筑的墙总能得到顾客的赞赏，为此我很自豪。

这个城市中太多的人需要墙，其实我很不明白其中的原因。墙几乎都是冰冷的，难道人们如此喜爱用冰冷的东西来包围住房子，包围住自己吗？

正在我思索时，一个女孩找到了我，我认识她，一个星期前，他是我的顾客。她有一个相交几年的好友，可前久她们大吵了一架，竟闹到要绝交的地步。于是她找到我，让我为她们之间筑一面墙，她说再也不想与她的那个朋友有任何联系。

于是，我用“猜忌”为她筑了墙。

对于她的再次到来，我疑惑不解，她是要再筑墙还是不满意我的作品。

女孩解释道，有了这面墙后，她确实与好友失去了联系，再也没有见到好友。却在冷静后越发感到后悔，怀念起好友的好。她请求我为她拆去那面墙。

我十分惊讶，这是第一个要求我拆墙的人。带着这份震惊，我为她拆去了墙，在遗留的痕迹上涂了一层“包容”。

女孩非常开心，这样明媚的笑容竟是我筑了最美的墙也无法从顾客脸上看到的。我竟有些疑惑。

没想到过了几天，一个富翁找到我，他也是我曾经的顾客。一个月前，他花重金让我为她筑一道高大的墙，以围住他那非常美丽的庭院。我记得，那面墙我是用“自私”筑成的。

他也要我为他拆去那面墙，他解释道原本他就是为了不让别人看到他美丽的庭院筑起墙。但这一月来，只有自己才看到的美丽景色却越发让他感到无聊与空虚，所以希望我拆去墙，让大家都可以观赏到美丽的庭院。

我依样照做，这次已不再惊讶。最后，我用“分享”抹去了墙的痕迹。

我又再次看到了明媚的笑脸。

逐渐地，越来越多的顾客找我拆去我曾为他们筑的墙。墙拆后，他们都流露出真心的喜悦。

我也终于明白了很多，人世间，有那么多美好的事物、美好的情感，仅凭一时的想法就筑起一道道冰冷的墙，将这些事物与情感与外界隔绝开来，是非常不明智的想法。

人与人之间，人与事物之间都应该拆去彼此间的墙，使自私、冷漠、猜忌减少，让和谐、包容、分享增多，这样的世界才会美好。最后，我将这座城市外的墙拆去了，在遗留的痕迹上，涂抹了一层“温暖”。这时，我也流露出了开心的笑容。

为心墙打开一扇门

付思蓉

梦里是高墙，我们不能成云而跃，那就为心墙打开一扇门。

曲折百转的无头之路，我们在寻寻觅觅，迷迷糊糊，是梦与现实的冲突让我们纠纷不已，是渴望与毁灭的对弈让我们焦虑犹生，是雨凝欲滴的愁落，是苍鹰辽海不渡的惆惜。

在梦的高墙里，我们努力地攀爬，外面的世界近乎让我们痴狂。光明、自由已冻结成逝去的潦水。我们在追寻什么？这早已心不知明。是华丽与虚荣蛊惑了我们无知的心，是富丽堂皇的桂殿兰宫牵制了我们的脚步，而那真谛，已悄然逝去，黑暗，滚滚而来。

孰不知陶渊明，一生壮志未了，但在年迈之期却寻得归隐之趣，以万物为友，与自然齐乐，感叹今是昨非。他纵然跨不了官场名利之墙，但亦可寻得人生的乐趣所在，有琴书相伴，篱菊相衬，乐其所乐。他为自己的心打开了一扇门，门外，才是他真正的寻求的真谛。

亦有李白，放身荡游于四海之间。曾有力士脱靴，贵妃磨砚，也不曾虚荣半尺，他潇逸的灵体，为他打开了无束之门。官利之墙，也阻挡不了他追求自由，洒脱的神志。

纵然有千古豪情，也要得之坦然，亦要失之坦然。

为心墙打开一扇门，让形体不再受愚昧的心志所蒙役，让阳光跃过高高的隅角，让清风畅然穿过阁门初开时的缝隧，让花朵摇溢的花香，漫扑你的身心，让溪流灵动的烁光，映上你心神驰往的怡颜。

愚公移山未见其为智者，真正的智者，能进之无路，而另择其路，也许是心之固然蒙蔽了我们发现真理的慧眼，为心墙打开一扇门，也许看到的，是不一样的风景，收获的，是不一样的喜悦。

乘风欲济沧海，也不可呼啸而行，顺波随流，才可达梦之彼岸。攀峰欲览其众山小，也不可贸然而行，觅其捷径，才可顺利，快速到达巅峰。

为心墙打开一扇门，梦里的，不再是高墙。

墙推倒了就是桥

刘进宇

一堵墙，默默立在雨中。就那样，一动不动的站着，好像永远都不会疲倦一样，没有倒下。

我，就是那堵墙。我在这里站了好久好久，我已经累了，我想倒下，我想去做一座桥。可是谁又会猜透我的心，把我推倒呢？

我，一堵墙，一堵柏林墙。我因为战争而被砌起，我硬生生地拆开了一个又一个家庭，一对又一对的恋人。每天每夜，每分每秒，我都会看见一双双因哭泣而红肿的双眼，一颗颗因失去与亲人的联络而破碎的心。

其实，我也不想这样，我想倒下，去做一座联络亲人的桥梁。这样，我就不会看到失去儿子的母亲的头发一夜变白，不会看到姑娘本该红润的脸蛋变得苍白无力，更不会看到本该享受童年的欢乐的孩子的脸上，竟也会有悲伤。

可是，我又能怎样呢？我只能做一堵令人讨厌的墙。纵使我想躺下去桥，又能怎样呢?没有人把我推倒，我不允许被推倒。于是，我就这样，一直站着，等着。

我，一堵墙，一堵立于高级住宅区里两户人家之间的墙。我很漂亮。左边是清新的绿色，右边是梦幻的紫色;左边有美丽的花朵，右边有闪烁的星星。但是，我还是想到下，去做那最朴素的桥。但谁会把我推倒呢？我不知道。

按理来说，左边的人和右边的人应该会认识，并且互相帮助。毕竟是邻居，每天出出进进，总会遇到的。可俩人完全是陌生人，他们连招呼都没打过，只是知道，那人住我隔壁。

我不想隔着他们，他们应该是好朋友的，但我又能怎样呢？有一天，左边的人生病了，到大门口打车去医院，可那是个雨天，怎么也打不到车。这是右边的人正好开车回来。左边的人认出了他，想请他帮个忙。但忽然发现，他们从没说过一句话，他要怎么开口呢.？没办法，只好忍着痛继续在雨中打车。

看到这幅画面，我想做桥的愿望更加急切了。我不想做那堵墙。这样，我就不会看到这样的画面了。可是，终究没有人来将我推倒，让我做一座桥。于是，我就这样一直站着，等着。

一堵墙，默默立在雨中，一直站着，站着。他在等待着，等待着有人把他推倒。这样，他就可以去做一座桥了。

忽然有一天，墙轰然倒下，他终于成了一座桥。

一枝红杏出墙来

董嫣红

见惯了盈月当空，可曾想过新月伴夜的独树一帜；见惯了广袤俨然的森林，可曾偏爱于峭壁之上的紫云之颠的孤松；当你见惯了墨守陈规的庸俗，可曾渴望那一枝红杏或那一缕清风将你带离这樊笼高墙？

我渴望，挣脱世俗的枷锁。远离那灯红酒绿，屏弃那莺歌燕舞。撑一支长篙，漫溯在比青草更青，比蓝天更蓝的无人之境。就像那元亮兄一样，远离官场的高墙。如一只白鹤一般，飞出牢笼，鹤唳鸣出久久不得的畅快；如鱼一般，畅游桃花流水，鱼跃跳出复得返自然的质朴；如花一般，绽放南山下，灿烂笑出美好生活的真谛。

我祈祷，穿越欲念的海洋。风生水起得意之时，淡然处之。萎靡不振失意之时，泰然自若。如孔明先生所说；“淡泊以明志，宁静以致远”。如非放不下欲念，我们又何来烦恼呢？情人为爱，仇人为恨。爱恨情仇伤离别，如不及时放下，所得到的不过是人生路上一幢幢难以翻越的铜墙铁壁，阻隔你通往幸福之门。唯有堪破，放下，莞尔一笑。欲念消除，痛苦随风而逝，幸福之花才会在墙外盛开。

我期待，敲开人与人间的心墙，和墙外的人共舞。曲高和寡的你如何找到孤芳自赏的我，共赏阳春白雪，共煮黄酒言欢，共听琴瑟和鸣？只有敲倒心墙，二人才能实现美好的憧憬。推倒心墙，你受到的是别人友善的关怀，像沐浴春日的阳光；你听到的是知己的情话，像百灵的歌唱；你看到的是陌路人温暖的微笑，像天使散发光芒；你得到的是拥有全世界的满足，一如茉莉花一扫往日的阴暗。

挣脱世俗的枷锁，自己寻一片明月蓝天；屏弃灯火酒绿，自己开垦一片菊花园田。这是世俗的高墙，我冲破它，得到的是如莲香一般的安心。

穿越欲念的海洋，驾一叶扁舟于浩浩江河；放下诸多杂念，点一盏心灯照亮远方。这是欲念的高墙，我推倒它，得到的是如红杏一般怒放的生命之花，爬满残壁。

放开自己的心，便拥有全世界的爱；走进别人的心，把幸福传递给他人。这人与人之间的心墙，我敲开它，生命便像向日葵一样迎着太阳绽放。

一旦你冲破，推倒，敲开这一幢幢墙。你会看到，有一枝红杏怒放开来，如此美丽，如此耀眼，洒满你生命最灿烂的春天。

你的心有一道墙

牛昱

一直一直，你的心都有一道墙，而墙上长了满绿色的青苔。若我能跃过你心上的墙，我会欣喜若狂。

你的心有一道墙，没有尽头也就无所谓了开始。我要跃过那道墙，看我们的过去，看我们的将来。人性的疏离，彼此相隔那样近的两个人，却始终分裂，灵魂的分裂，不可融合，不可相互洞穿。

你的心有一道墙，揭开了我迫切想靠近你的欲望。我要越过那道墙，看我们曾经在缝中深藏的梦想，却只能任凭岁月默默的在你心墙上剥落。

你的心有一道墙，使我无法走入你的过往，通透你的灵魂。我要跃过那道墙。你那不为我知的过去，埋藏了我对你的深深眷恋与痴迷。你那些不为我知的过往，埋藏了你沉重的记忆。

你的心有一道墙，遮住了你无垢的眼。我要越过那道墙，我怀一个虔诚的梦在你的天空画满祥云。可逆酝酿了一场滂沱大雨，势必将我那个美丽的梦淋得狼狈不堪方才罢休。

你的心有一道墙，墙上的裂痕像你掌心缠绵的线。像我与你交织的日子一般纠结。我要跃过那道墙，或许相遇就是一段错误的篇章，眼看你心墙变作一组无解的方程式，我真的不知道翻跃该如何继续。

你的心有一道墙，闪电的交叉让我看到了你心墙上的创伤。我要跃过那道墙。若烦恼会在黄昏中风干，我想纵情的在你心中奔跑，或许汗水能为我懵懂的执着解渴，或许清风能降温我的落魄。

你的心有一道墙，墙后有我想念的美好。我要跃过那道墙，看你微笑时妩媚的睫毛，那时我生命中最美妙的八分音符，真的好想在歌声中沉醉，那里有觥筹交错的回忆。

我一直在努力地去试图去跃过你心中的那道墙。在婀娜的季节里树影也忘记了斑驳，秋风也忘记了萧杀。

我一直在不顾一切忘乎所以的去翻跃你心里那道墙。我想真正得进入你的世界融入你的生活，我以为坚持不懈就可以打动你。可是你懂我纯白坚持后的隐忍哀伤。

你的心有一道墙。墙隔开了两颗心。而两颗心的距离也就注定了我们的分离。

墙，推倒了就是桥

我只是生命的过客，辽远的天空留不下飞过的痕迹，带走的不止是那些细微的记忆。当我停留在生命指针重合的那一瞬，这些细微的记忆，将我带回到降生的世纪。

倏而，时光回流。孩提时的画面重现眼前。那时，稚气未脱的我趴在石桥上看小桥流水。潺潺的水声好像美丽的女子哼着歌谣。瞬间，年华散去。桥的桥的前面建起了一堵高大的墙，上面缠满了‘岁月之锁’，生满了‘往事之草’。我到不了桥！

回不去，我只好顺着历史的脉络继续往前走，当我再次回首时，却发现早已没有了那堵墙的影子！

我奋力往回跑，可终究赛不过时间啊！

但是心中一个强烈的信念告诉我，我必须找回桥！

于是，时间走，我也走。我总是努力要比它快！

历经了多少看似熟悉，却毫无印象的往事啊„„

有一天，我在梦中，又来到了那堵桥前面。我惊奇的发现，上面的‘岁月之锁’变少了，‘往事之草’也只剩下稀稀零零的几棵。桥后面的东西在召唤我。我心中有种强烈的感应：要不了多久，我们就能见面了！

花开，花落。

日出，日落。

潮涨，潮落。

历经了多少四季轮回。

我终于来到了当初那堵墙面前，我惊喜的发现墙上的‘岁月之锁’不见了，‘往事之草’早已没了踪影。取而代之的是干净透明的寒冰！

指尖，轻触。冰，碎了。桥，现了。

我迈着步子，忐忑的踏上桥，生怕这一切又只是一场梦！手指颤抖的抚摸着粗糙的桥身，突然，它告诉我，它的名字叫——童年！

原来我追寻这么久的竟是被我遗忘在时间角落里的童年。

夕阳的迷雾搂抱着眷念，当我们背负着那捆叫做记忆的柴火，消失在那扇叫做时间的门后。指尖触到的，才是世界细微而又具体的存在！

墙，推倒了就是桥！

第五篇：里根就职演讲稿

first inaugural address of ronald reagan里根第一任总统就职演说 tuesday, january 20, 1981 第40任总统(1981年-1989年)

（一）senator hatfield, mr.chief justice, mr.president, vice president bush, vice president mondale, senator baker, speaker oneill, reverend moomaw, and my fellow citizens: to a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, authority as called for in the constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.in the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先 生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们

中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是

一件普通的事情。按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了

两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为

常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。

（二）mr.president, i want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.by your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and i thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our republic.总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。通过移交

程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一

个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。同

时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和

国的根基。the business of our nation goes forward.these united states are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.we suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.it distorts our economic decisions, penalizes shatter the lives of millions of our people.我们国家的事业在继续前进。合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。我们遭遇到我国历史上

历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫

着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

（三）idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.but great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.for decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our childrens future for the temporary convenience of the present.to continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。即使那些有工作的人，也因税

收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的

增长。数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子

孙的前途抵押出去了。这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面

的大动荡。

（四）you and i, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?we must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.and let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.they will go away because we, as americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.in this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.government is the problem.作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一

段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动。

我们深受其害的经济弊病，几十年来一直袭击着我们。这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。它们之所以终将消失，是因为我们作

为现在的美国人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而

又最伟大的自由堡垒。

在当前这场危机中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。政府的管理就是

问题所在。government for, by, and of the people.but if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? all of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.the solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我们时常误以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么，我们之中谁还能去管理他人呢。

我们大家--不论政府官员还是平民百姓--必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋

求的解决办法必须是公平的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。

（六）we hear much of special interest groups.our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.it knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.it is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.they are, in short, we the people, this breed called americans.我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而。我们必须关心一个被忽视了

大久的特殊利益集团。这个集团没有区域之分，没有人种之分，没有民族之分，没有政党之分，这个集团由许许多多的男人与女人组成，他们生产粮食，巡逻街

头，管理厂矿，教育儿童，照料家务和治疗疾病。他们是专业人员、实业家、店

主、职 员、出租汽车司机和货车驾驶员，总而言之，他们就是我们人民--这个

称之为美国人的民族。

（七）well, this administrations objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.putting america back to work means putting all americans back to work.ending inflation means freeing all americans from the terror of runaway living costs.all must share in the productive work of this new beginning and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.with the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous america at peace with itself and the world.本届政府的日标是必须建立一种健全的、生气勃勃的和不断发展的经济，为

全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会，让美国重新工作

起来，意味着让全体美国人重新工作起来。制止通货膨胀，意味着让全体美国人

从失控的生活费用所造成的恐惧中解脱出来。人人都应分担新开端的富有成效的工 作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。我国制度和力量的核心是理想主义和

公正态度，有了这些，我们就能建立起强大、繁荣、国内稳定并同全世界和平相

处的美国。

（八）so, as we begin, let us take inventory.we are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.and this makes us special among the nations of the earth.our government has no power except that granted it by the people.it is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.it is my intention to curb the size and influence of the federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the federal government and those reserved to the states or to the people.all of us need to be reminded that the federal government did not create the states;the states created the federal government.now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.it is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此，在我们开始之际，让我们看看实际情况。我们是一个拥有政府的国家--而不是一个拥有国家的政府。这一点使我们在世界合国中独树一帜，我们的政

府除了人民授予的权力，没有任何别的权力。目前，政府权力的膨胀已显示出超

过被统治者同意的迹象，制止并扭转这种状况的时候到了。我打算压缩联邦机构的规模和权力，并要求大家承认联邦政府被授予的权力

同各州或人民保留的权利这两者之间的区别。我们大家都需要提醒：不是联邦政

府创立了各州，而是各州创立了联邦政府。

因此，请不要误会，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它发挥作用--同我们

一起合作，而不是凌驾于我们之上；同我们并肩而立，而不是骑在我们的背上。政府能够而且必须提供机会，而不是扼杀机会，它能够而且必须促进生产力，而

不是抑制生产力。

（九）if we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than篇二：1981年里根就职演讲稿-中英文对照 就职演说文本: first inaugural address of ronald reagan tuesday, january 20, 1981 senator hatfield, mr.chief justice, mr.president, vice president bush, vice idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.but great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.for decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our childrens future for the temporary convenience of the present.to continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.you and i, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? we must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.and let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.in this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.in and out of government, must bear the burden.the solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.we hear much of special interest groups.our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.it knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.it is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.they are, in short, we the people, this breed called americans.well, this administrations objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.putting america back to work means putting all americans back to work.ending inflation means freeing all americans from the terror of runaway living costs.all must share in the productive work of this new beginning and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.with the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous america at peace with itself and the world.so, as we begin, let us take inventory.we are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.and this makes us special among the nations of the earth.our government has no power except that granted it by the people.it is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.it is my intention to curb the size and influence of the federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the federal government and those reserved to the states or to the people.all of us need to be reminded that the federal government did not create the states;the states created the federal government.now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.it is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.if we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on earth.the price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.it is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.it is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.we are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable we have every right to dream heroic dreams.those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just dont know where to look.you can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.you meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.there are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.they are individuals and families whose taxes support the government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.their patriotism is quiet but deep.their values sustain our national life.i have used the words they and their in speaking of these heroes.i could say you and your because i am addressing the heroes of whom i speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me god.can we solve the problems confronting us? well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic yes.to paraphrase winston churchill, i did not take the oath i have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the worlds strongest economy.in the days ahead i will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.progress may be slow--measured in inches篇三：美国总统罗纳德-里根就职演讲稿(下)美国总统罗纳德-里根就职演讲稿（下）我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而。我们必须关心一个被忽视了大久的特殊利益集团。这个集团没有区域之分，没有人种之分，没有民族之分，没有政党之分，这个集团由许许多多的男人与女人组成，他们生产粮食，巡逻街头，管理厂矿，教育儿童，照料家务和治疗疾病。他们是专业人员、实业家、店主、职 员、出租汽车司机和货车驾驶员，总而言之，他们就是我们人民——这个称之为美国人的民族。

本届政府的日标是必须建立一种健全的、生气勃勃的和不断发展的经济，为全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会，让美国重新工作起 来，意味着让全体美国人重新工作起来。制止通货膨胀，意味着让全体美国人从失控的生活费用所造成的恐惧中解脱出来。人人都应分担新开端的富有成效的工 作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。我国制度和力量的核心是理想主义和公正态度，有了这些，我们就能建立起强大、繁荣、国内稳定并同全世界和平相处的美国。因此，在我们开始之际，让我们看看实际情况。我们是一个拥有政府的国家——而不是一个拥有国家的政府。这一点使我们在世界合国中独树一帜，我们的政府 除了人民授予的权力，没有任何别的权力。目前，政府权力的膨胀已显示出超过被统治者同意的迹象，制止并扭转这种状况的时候到了。

我打算压缩联邦机构的规模和权力，并要求大家承认联邦政府被授予的权力同各州或人民保留的权利这两者之间的区别。我们大家都需要提醒：不是联邦政府创 立了各州，而是各州创立了联邦政府。因此，请不要误会，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它发挥作用——同我们一起合作，而不是凌驾于我们之上；同我们并肩 而立，而不是骑在我们的背上。政府能够而且必须提供机会，而不是扼杀机会，它能够而且必须促进生产力，而不是抑制生产力。

如果我们要探究这么多年来我们为什么能取得这么大成就，并获得了世界上任何一个民族未曾获得的繁荣昌盛，其原因是在这片土地上，我们使人类的能力和个 人的才智得到了前所未有的发挥。在这里，个人所享有并得以确保的自由和尊严超过了世界上任何其他地方。为这种自由所付出的代价有时相当高昂，但我们从来没 有不愿意付出这代价。

我们目前的困难，与政府机构因为不必要的过度膨胀而干预、侵扰我们的生活同步增加，这决不是偶然的巧合。我们是一个泱泱大国，不能自囿于小小的梦想，现在正是认识到这一点的时候。我们并非注定走向衰落，尽管有些人想让我们相信这一点。我不相信，无论我们做些什么，我们都将命该如此，但我相信，如果我们什么也不做，我们将的确命该如此。为此，让我们以掌握的一切创造力来开创一个国家复兴的时代吧。让我们重新拿出决心、勇气和力量，让我们重新建立起我们的信念和希望吧。我们完全有权去做英雄梦。

有人告诉我们在他的身上发现一本日记。扉页上写着这样的标题：“我的誓言”。他写下了这样的话语：“美国必须赢得这场战争。为此，我会奋斗，我会拯救，我会牺牲，我会忍受，我会并将尽我最大的努力英勇奋战，就好比所有的战争问题都将由我一个人来肩负。”篇四：美国总统罗纳德-里根就职演讲稿(上)美国总统罗纳德-里根就职演讲稿（上）议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们： 今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。

我们国家的事业在继续前进。合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。

尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。大家都要明白无误地懂得——我们从今天起就要采取行动。

我们深受其害的经济弊病，几十年来一直袭击着我们。这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。它们之所以终将消失，是因为我们作为现在的美国人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。

在当前这场危机中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。政府的管理就是问题所在。

我们时常误以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么，我们之中谁还能去管理他人呢。

我们大家——不论政府官员还是平民百姓——必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋求的解决办法必须是公平的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。篇五：1981年里根第一任总统就职演说-译文

里根第一任总统就职演说

罗纳德-里根 第一次就职演说

第40任总统(1981年-1989年)中文译文

议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。但在世界上

更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。

总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为 你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。

我们国家的事业在继续前进。合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和

停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生

产力。

尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起

社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起

来。大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动。

我们深受其害的经济弊病，几十年来一直袭击着我们。这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。它们之所以终将消失，是因为我们作为现在的美国人，一如既往地有能力去完成

需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。在当前这场危机中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。政府的管理就是问题所在。我们时常误以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么，我们之中

谁还能去管理他人呢。

我们大家--不论政府官员还是平民百姓--必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋求的解决办法必须是公平

的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。

我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而。我们必须关心一个被忽视了大久的特殊利益集团。这个集团没有区域之分，没有人种之分，没有民族之分，没有 政党之分，这个集团由许许多多的男人与女人组成，他们生产粮食，巡逻街头，管理厂矿，教育儿童，照料家务和治疗疾病。他们是专业人员、实业家、店主、职 员、出租汽车司机和货车驾驶员，总而言之，他们就是我们人民--这个称之为美国

人的民族。

本届政府的日标是必须建立一种健全的、生气勃勃的和不断发展的经济，为全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会，让美国重新工作起 来，意味着让全体美国人重新工作起来。制止通货膨胀，意味着让全体美国人从失控的生活费用所造成的恐惧中解脱出来。人人都应分担新开端的富有成效的工 作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。我国制度和力量的核心是理想主义和公正态度，有

了这些，我们就能建立起强大、繁荣、国内稳定并同全世界和平相处的美国。

因此，在我们开始之际，让我们看看实际情况。我们是一个拥有政府的国家--而不是一个拥有国家的政府。这一点使我们在世界合国中独树一帜，我们的政府 除了人民授予的权力，没有任何别的权力。目

前，政府权力的膨胀已显示出超过被统治者同意的迹象，制止并扭转这种状况的时候到了。

我打算压缩联邦机构的规模和权力，并要求大家承认联邦政府被授予的权力同各州或人民保留的权利这两者之间的区别。我们大家都需要提醒：不是联邦政府创 立了各州，而是各州创立了联邦政府。因此，请不要误会，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它发挥作用--同我们一起合作，而不是凌驾于我们之上；同我们并肩 而立，而不是骑在我们的背上。政府能够而且必须提供机会，而不是扼杀机会，它能够

而且必须促进生产力，而不是抑制生产力。

如果我们要探究这么多年来我们为什么能取得这么大成就，并获得了世界上任何一个民族未曾获得的繁荣昌盛，其原因是在这片土地上，我们使人类的能力和个 人的才智得到了前所未有的发挥。在这里，个人所享有并得以确保的自由和尊严超过了世界上任何其他地方。为这种自由所付出的代价有时相当高

昂，但我们从来没 有不愿意付出这代价。我们目前的困难，与政府机构因为不必要的过度膨胀而干预、侵扰我们的生活同步增加，这决不是偶然的巧合。我们是一个泱泱大国，不能自囿于小小的梦想，现在正是认识到这一点的时候。我们并非注定走向衰落，尽管有些人想让我们相信这一点。我不相信，无论我们做些什么，我们都将命该如此，但我相信，如果我们 什么也不做，我们将的确命该如此。为此，让我们以掌握的一切创造力来开创一个国家复兴的时代吧。让我们重新拿出决心、勇气和力

量，让我们重新建立起我们的信念和希望吧。我们完全有权去做英雄梦。有人告诉我们在他的身上发现一本日记。扉页上写着这样的标题：“我的誓言”。他写下了这样的话语：“美国必须赢得这场战争。为此，我会奋斗，我会拯救，我会牺牲，我会忍受，我会并将尽我最大的努力英勇奋战，就好比所有的战争问题都将由我一个人来肩负。