第34任总统Dwight David Eisenhower的就职演讲稿

第一篇：第34任总统Dwight David Eisenhower的就职演讲稿

第34任总统Dwight David Eisenhower的就职演讲稿

First Inaugural Address of Dwight David Eisenhower

MY friends, before I begin the expression of those thoughts that I deem appropriate to this moment, would you permit me the privilege of uttering a little private prayer of my own.And I ask that you bow your heads: Almighty God, as we stand here at this moment my future associates in the executive branch of government join me in beseeching that Thou will make full and complete our dedication to the service of the people in this throng, and their fellow citizens everywhere.Give us, we pray, the power to discern clearly right from wrong, and allow all our words and actions to be governed thereby, and by the laws of this land.Especially we pray that our concern shall be for all the people regardless of station, race, or calling.May cooperation be permitted and be the mutual aim of those who, under the concepts of our Constitution, hold to differing political faiths;so that all may work for the good of our beloved country and Thy glory.Amen.My fellow citizens:

The world and we have passed the midway point of a century of continuing challenge.We sense with all our faculties that forces of good and evil are massed and armed and opposed as rarely before in history.This fact defines the meaning of this day.We are summoned by this honored and historic ceremony to witness more than the act of one citizen swearing his oath of service, in the presence of God.We are called as a people to give testimony in the sight of the world to our faith that the future shall belong to the free.Since this century's beginning, a time of tempest has seemed to come upon the continents of the earth.Masses of Asia have awakened to strike off shackles of the past.Great nations of Europe have fought their bloodiest wars.Thrones have toppled and their vast empires have disappeared.New nations have been born.For our own country, it has been a time of recurring trial.We have grown in power and in responsibility.We have passed through the anxieties of depression and of war to a summit unmatched in man's history.Seeking to secure peace in the world, we have had to fight through the forests of the Argonne, to the shores of Iwo Jima, and to the cold mountains of Korea.In the swift rush of great events, we find ourselves groping to know the full sense and meaning of these times in which we live.In our quest of understanding, we beseech God's guidance.We summon all our knowledge of the past and we scan all signs of the future.We bring all our wit and all our will to meet the question: 10 How far have we come in man's long pilgrimage from darkness toward light? Are we nearing the light—a day of freedom and of peace for all mankind? Or are the shadows of another night closing in upon us?

Great as are the preoccupations absorbing us at home, concerned as we are with matters that deeply affect our livelihood today and our vision of the future, each of these domestic problems is dwarfed by, and often even created by, this question that involves all humankind.This trial comes at a moment when man's power to achieve good or to inflict evil surpasses the brightest hopes and the sharpest fears of all ages.We can turn rivers in their courses, level mountains to the plains.Oceans and land and sky are avenues for our colossal commerce.Disease diminishes and life lengthens.Yet the promise of this life is imperiled by the very genius that has made it possible.Nations amass wealth.Labor sweats to create—and turns out devices to level not only mountains but also cities.Science seems ready to confer upon us, as its final gift, the power to erase human life from this planet.At such a time in history, we who are free must proclaim anew our faith.This faith is the abiding creed of our fathers.It is our faith in the deathless dignity of man, governed by eternal moral and natural laws.This faith defines our full view of life.It establishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator that are man's inalienable rights, and that make all men equal in His sight.In the light of this equality, we know that the virtues most cherished by free people—love of truth, pride of work, devotion to country—all are treasures equally precious in the lives of the most humble and of the most exalted.The men who mine coal and fire furnaces and balance ledgers and turn lathes and pick cotton and heal the sick and plant corn—all serve as proudly, and as profitably, for America as the statesmen who draft treaties and the legislators who enact laws.This faith rules our whole way of life.It decrees that we, the people, elect leaders not to rule but to serve.It asserts that we have the right to choice of our own work and to the reward of our own toil.It inspires the initiative that makes our productivity the wonder of the world.And it warns that any man who seeks to deny equality among all his brothers betrays the spirit of the free and invites the mockery of the tyrant.It is because we, all of us, hold to these principles that the political changes accomplished this day do not imply turbulence, upheaval or disorder.Rather this change expresses a purpose of strengthening our dedication and devotion to the precepts of our founding documents, a conscious renewal of faith in our country and in the watchfulness of a Divine Providence.The enemies of this faith know no god but force, no devotion but its use.They tutor men in treason.They feed upon the hunger of others.Whatever defies them, they torture, especially the truth.Here, then, is joined no argument between slightly differing philosophies.This conflict strikes directly at the faith of our fathers and the lives of our sons.No principle or treasure that we hold, from the spiritual knowledge of our free schools and churches to the creative magic of free labor and capital, nothing lies safely beyond the reach of this struggle.Freedom is pitted against slavery;lightness against the dark.The faith we hold belongs not to us alone but to the free of all the world.This common bond binds the grower of rice in Burma and the planter of wheat in Iowa, the shepherd in southern Italy and the mountaineer in the Andes.It confers a common dignity upon the French soldier who dies in Indo-China, the British soldier killed in Malaya, the American life given in Korea.We know, beyond this, that we are linked to all free peoples not merely by a noble idea but by a simple need.No free people can for long cling to any privilege or enjoy any safety in economic solitude.For all our own material might, even we need markets in the world for the surpluses of our farms and our factories.Equally, we need for these same farms and factories vital materials and products of distant lands.This basic law of interdependence, so manifest in the commerce of peace, applies with thousand-fold intensity in the event of war.So we are persuaded by necessity and by belief that the strength of all free peoples lies in unity;their danger, in discord.To produce this unity, to meet the challenge of our time, destiny has laid upon our country the responsibility of the free world's leadership.So it is proper that we assure our friends once again that, in the discharge of this responsibility, we Americans know and we observe the difference between world leadership and imperialism;between firmness and truculence;between a thoughtfully calculated goal and spasmodic reaction to the stimulus of emergencies.We wish our friends the world over to know this above all: we face the threat—not with dread and confusion—but with confidence and conviction.We feel this moral strength because we know that we are not helpless prisoners of history.We are free men.We shall remain free, never to be proven guilty of the one capital offense against freedom, a lack of stanch faith.In pleading our just cause before the bar of history and in pressing our labor for world peace, we shall be guided by certain fixed principles.These principles are:

(1)Abhorring war as a chosen way to balk the purposes of those who threaten us, we hold it to be the first task of statesmanship to develop the strength that will deter the forces of aggression and promote the conditions of peace.For, as it must be the supreme purpose of all free men, so it must be the dedication of their leaders, to save humanity from preying upon itself.In the light of this principle, we stand ready to engage with any and all others in joint effort to remove the causes of mutual fear and distrust among nations, so as to make possible drastic reduction of armaments.The sole requisites for undertaking such effort are that—in their purpose—they be aimed logically and honestly toward secure peace for all;and that—in their result—they provide methods by which every participating nation will prove good faith in carrying out its pledge.(2)Realizing that common sense and common decency alike dictate the futility of appeasement, we shall never try to placate an aggressor by the false and wicked bargain of trading honor for security.Americans, indeed all free men, remember that in the final choice a soldier's pack is not so heavy a burden as a prisoner's chains.(3)Knowing that only a United States that is strong and immensely productive can help defend freedom in our world, we view our Nation's strength and security as a trust upon which rests the hope of free men everywhere.It is the firm duty of each of our free citizens and of every free citizen everywhere to place the cause of his country before the comfort, the convenience of himself.(4)Honoring the identity and the special heritage of each nation in the world, we shall never use our strength to try to impress upon another people our own cherished political and economic institutions.(5)Assessing realistically the needs and capacities of proven friends of freedom, we shall strive to help them to achieve their own security and well-being.Likewise, we shall count upon them to assume, within the limits of their resources, their full and just burdens in the common defense of freedom.(6)Recognizing economic health as an indispensable basis of military strength and the free world's peace, we shall strive to foster everywhere, and to practice ourselves, policies that encourage productivity and profitable trade.For the impoverishment of any single people in the world means danger to the well-being of all other peoples.(7)Appreciating that economic need, military security and political wisdom combine to suggest regional groupings of free peoples, we hope, within the framework of the United Nations, to help strengthen such special bonds the world over.The nature of these ties must vary with the different problems of different areas.In the Western Hemisphere, we enthusiastically join with all our neighbors in the work of perfecting a community of fraternal trust and common purpose.In Europe, we ask that enlightened and inspired leaders of the Western nations strive with renewed vigor to make the unity of their peoples a reality.Only as free Europe unitedly marshals its strength can it effectively safeguard, even with our help, its spiritual and cultural heritage.(8)Conceiving the defense of freedom, like freedom itself, to be one and indivisible, we hold all continents and peoples in equal regard and honor.We reject any insinuation that one race or another, one people or another, is in any sense inferior or expendable.(9)Respecting the United Nations as the living sign of all people's hope for peace, we shall strive to make it not merely an eloquent symbol but an effective force.And in our quest for an honorable peace, we shall neither compromise, nor tire, nor ever cease.By these rules of conduct, we hope to be known to all peoples.By their observance, an earth of peace may become not a vision but a fact.This hope—this supreme aspiration—must rule the way we live.We must be ready to dare all for our country.For history does not long entrust the care of freedom to the weak or the timid.We must acquire proficiency in defense and display stamina in purpose.We must be willing, individually and as a Nation, to accept whatever sacrifices may be required of us.A people that values its privileges above its principles soon loses both.These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions, far removed from matters of daily living.They are laws of spiritual strength that generate and define our material strength.Patriotism means equipped forces and a prepared citizenry.Moral stamina means more energy and more productivity, on the farm and in the factory.Love of liberty means the guarding of every resource that makes freedom possible—from the sanctity of our families and the wealth of our soil to the genius of our scientists.And so each citizen plays an indispensable role.The productivity of our heads, our hands, and our hearts is the source of all the strength we can command, for both the enrichment of our lives and the winning of the peace.No person, no home, no community can be beyond the reach of this call.We are summoned to act in wisdom and in conscience, to work with industry, to teach with persuasion, to preach with conviction, to weigh our every deed with care and with compassion.For this truth must be clear before us: whatever America hopes to bring to pass in the world must first come to pass in the heart of America.The peace we seek, then, is nothing less than the practice and fulfillment of our whole faith among ourselves and in our dealings with others.This signifies more than the stilling of guns, easing the sorrow of war.More than escape from death, it is a way of life.More than a haven for the weary, it is a hope for the brave.This is the hope that beckons us onward in this century of trial.This is the work that awaits us all, to be done with bravery, with charity, and with prayer to Almighty God.Second Inaugural Address of Dwight David Eisenhower

THE PRICE OF PEACE Mr.Chairman, Mr.Vice President, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.Speaker, members of my family and friends, my countrymen, and the friends of my country, wherever they may be, we meet again, as upon a like moment four years ago, and again you have witnessed my solemn oath of service to you.I, too, am a witness, today testifying in your name to the principles and purposes to which we, as a people, are pledged.Before all else, we seek, upon our common labor as a nation, the blessings of Almighty God.And the hopes in our hearts fashion the deepest prayers of our whole people.May we pursue the right—without self-righteousness.May we know unity—without conformity.May we grow in strength—without pride in self.May we, in our dealings with all peoples of the earth, ever speak truth and serve justice.And so shall America—in the sight of all men of good will—prove true to the honorable purposes that bind and rule us as a people in all this time of trial through which we pass.We live in a land of plenty, but rarely has this earth known such peril as today.In our nation work and wealth abound.Our population grows.Commerce crowds our rivers and rails, our skies, harbors, and highways.Our soil is fertile, our agriculture productive.The air rings with the song of our industry—rolling mills and blast furnaces, dynamos, dams, and assembly lines—the chorus of America the bountiful.This is our home—yet this is not the whole of our world.For our world is where our full destiny lies—with men, of all people, and all nations, who are or would be free.And for them—and so for us—this is no time of ease or of rest.In too much of the earth there is want, discord, danger.New forces and new nations stir and strive across the earth, with power to bring, by their fate, great good or great evil to the free world's future.From the deserts of North Africa to the islands of the South Pacific one third of all mankind has entered upon an historic struggle for a new freedom;freedom from grinding poverty.Across all continents, nearly a billion people seek, sometimes almost in desperation, for the skills and knowledge and assistance by which they may satisfy from their own resources, the material wants common to all mankind.No nation, however old or great, escapes this tempest of change and turmoil.Some, impoverished by the recent World War, seek to restore their means of livelihood.In the heart of Europe, Germany still stands tragically divided.So is the whole continent divided.And so, too, is all the world.The divisive force is International Communism and the power that it controls.The designs of that power, dark in purpose, are clear in practice.It strives to seal forever the fate of those it has enslaved.It strives to break the ties that unite the free.And it strives to capture—to exploit for its own greater power—all forces of change in the world, especially the needs of the hungry and the hopes of the oppressed.Yet the world of International Communism has itself been shaken by a fierce and mighty force: the readiness of men who love freedom to pledge their lives to that love.Through the night of their bondage, the unconquerable will of heroes has struck with the swift, sharp thrust of lightning.Budapest is no longer merely the name of a city;henceforth it is a new and shining symbol of man's yearning to be free.Thus across all the globe there harshly blow the winds of change.And, we—though fortunate be our lot—know that we can never turn our backs to them.We look upon this shaken earth, and we declare our firm and fixed purpose—the building of a peace with justice in a world where moral law prevails.The building of such a peace is a bold and solemn purpose.To proclaim it is easy.To serve it will be hard.And to attain it, we must be aware of its full meaning—and ready to pay its full price.We know clearly what we seek, and why.We seek peace, knowing that peace is the climate of freedom.And now, as in no other age, we seek it because we have been warned, by the power of modern weapons, that peace may be the only climate possible for human life itself.Yet this peace we seek cannot be born of fear alone: it must be rooted in the lives of nations.There must be justice, sensed and shared by all peoples, for, without justice the world can know only a tense and unstable truce.There must be law, steadily invoked and respected by all nations, for without law, the world promises only such meager justice as the pity of the strong upon the weak.But the law of which we speak, comprehending the values of freedom, affirms the equality of all nations, great and small.Splendid as can be the blessings of such a peace, high will be its cost: in toil patiently sustained, in help honorably given, in sacrifice calmly borne.We are called to meet the price of this peace.To counter the threat of those who seek to rule by force, we must pay the costs of our own needed military strength, and help to build the security of others.We must use our skills and knowledge and, at times, our substance, to help others rise from misery, however far the scene of suffering may be from our shores.For wherever in the world a people knows desperate want, there must appear at least the spark of hope, the hope of progress—or there will surely rise at last the flames of conflict.We recognize and accept our own deep involvement in the destiny of men everywhere.We are accordingly pledged to honor, and to strive to fortify, the authority of the United Nations.For in that body rests the best hope of our age for the assertion of that law by which all nations may live in dignity.And, beyond this general resolve, we are called to act a responsible role in the world's great concerns or conflicts—whether they touch upon the affairs of a vast region, the fate of an island in the Pacific, or the use of a canal in the Middle East.Only in respecting the hopes and cultures of others will we practice the equality of all nations.Only as we show willingness and wisdom in giving counsel—in receiving counsel—and in sharing burdens, will we wisely perform the work of peace.For one truth must rule all we think and all we do.No people can live to itself alone.The unity of all who dwell in freedom is their only sure defense.The economic need of all nations—in mutual dependence—makes isolation an impossibility;not even America's prosperity could long survive if other nations did not also prosper.No nation can longer be a fortress, lone and strong and safe.And any people, seeking such shelter for themselves, can now build only their own prison.Our pledge to these principles is constant, because we believe in their rightness.We do not fear this world of change.America is no stranger to much of its spirit.Everywhere we see the seeds of the same growth that America itself has known.The American experiment has, for generations, fired the passion and the courage of millions elsewhere seeking freedom, equality, and opportunity.And the American story of material progress has helped excite the longing of all needy peoples for some satisfaction of their human wants.These hopes that we have helped to inspire, we can help to fulfill.In this confidence, we speak plainly to all peoples.We cherish our friendship with all nations that are or would be free.We respect, no less, their independence.And when, in time of want or peril, they ask our help, they may honorably receive it;for we no more seek to buy their sovereignty than we would sell our own.Sovereignty is never bartered among freemen.We honor the aspirations of those nations which, now captive, long for freedom.We seek neither their military alliance nor any artificial imitation of our society.And they can know the warmth of the welcome that awaits them when, as must be, they join again the ranks of freedom.We honor, no less in this divided world than in a less tormented time, the people of Russia.We do not dread, rather do we welcome, their progress in education and industry.We wish them success in their demands for more intellectual freedom, greater security before their own laws, fuller enjoyment of the rewards of their own toil.For as such things come to pass, the more certain will be the coming of that day when our peoples may freely meet in friendship.So we voice our hope and our belief that we can help to heal this divided world.Thus may the nations cease to live in trembling before the menace of force.Thus may the weight of fear and the weight of arms be taken from the burdened shoulders of mankind.This, nothing less, is the labor to which we are called and our strength dedicated.And so the prayer of our people carries far beyond our own frontiers, to the wide world of our duty and our destiny.May the light of freedom, coming to all darkened lands, flame brightly—until at last the darkness is no more.May the turbulence of our age yield to a true time of peace, when men and nations shall share a life that honors the dignity of each, the brotherhood of all.德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔[1](Dwight David Eisenhower，1890年10月14日—1969年3月28日)美国第34任总统（1953年1月20日——1957年1月20日，1957年1月20日——1961年1月20日），陆军五星上将。

他是格兰特总统之后第二位职业军人出身的总统。艾森豪威尔是一个充满戏剧性的传奇人物,曾获得很多个第一。美军历史上，共授予10名五星上将，艾森豪威尔晋升“第一快”；出身“第一穷”；他是美军统率最大战役行动的第一人；他是第一个担任北大西洋公约组织盟军最高统帅；他是美军退役高级将领担任哥伦比亚大学校长的第一人；他的前途“第一大”--惟一当上总统的五星上将。

著作：《远征欧洲》、《受命变革》、《缔造和平》、《悠闲的话》

名言：“我不能容忍那些把一切与他们见解不同的人都称作共产党的极右分子，我也不能容忍那些高呼我们其余的人都是残酷的贪财牟利之徒的极左分子。”

第二篇：俄罗斯第六任总统普京就职演讲稿

俄罗斯第六任总统普京就职演讲

由博雅源讲演（视频）网收集整理

对于我来说刚刚我已经郑重的向全俄罗斯的民众宣誓，我将把捍卫国家的利益还有人民的人权，全心全意的为人民服务，永远视为我最为神圣而至上的这样一个职责，我不会辜负我们俄罗斯民众几百万人对我的这样一份厚爱和期待。我将用我毕生的精力去捍卫俄罗斯、服务人民而努力。我们在一起经历很多，我们共同走过以前这个特别困难的那一段历史，也正是由于这些困难呢，我们所有的这些人变得更加的团结，我们永远是站在一起，那么现在我们取得了一些成绩，我想说这都是我们大家通力合作的结果，我非常想感谢所有的人，所有那些为了我们的国家发展，人民生活更好而做出贡献的人们。那么现在呢，俄罗斯在过去这些年当中我们的经济已经有了很明显的改善，社会各方面也有了一定的改善，在梅德韦杰夫上任总统他执政期间呢，俄罗斯社会各个方面都取得了一定的成绩，所以我要感谢他。

我也是要祝愿梅德韦杰夫他在新的总理这样一个岗位上，能够取得新的成绩。我们在未来的六年当中，我将会继续的把捍卫国家权益、人民权益视为最重要的工作任务。那么在经济方面保持经济的大幅增长，这一项目标是离不开大家所有人的通力合作和努力的，我们一直想把重振俄罗斯的雄风，让俄罗斯在世界的舞台上能够得到超级大国这样一个地位。我们也要捍卫俄罗斯的民主，扩大人权的自由还有经济的自由，我们俄罗斯是一个有自己的特点，因为它是多民族的有多宗教信仰，所以我想对于这样一个国家来说，捍卫这个国家的凝聚力是一个非常重要的一个任务。那么只有在非常稳定的、非常良好的这样一个文化和社会的基础下我们才能渡过一个又一个的难关。

我想说如果我们每一个人都能够热爱我们的祖国，热爱我们的人民，把俄罗斯变成世界大国使人民生活得更好的这条道路上，我们就会走得更顺。俄罗斯是一个民主的国家，在这样的一个国家内，我希望通过我的努力能够让每个人都能够各尽其职，各思其能。我非常相信、确认我跟我的这些同仁们我们有共同的目标，那就是让俄罗斯能够大部的发展，能够让国家更加的公正、更加的公平，那么我们的国家在历史上创造了很多这样辉煌的一页又一页，正是由于这样辉煌的历史我们的人民才能创造一个又一个的奇迹，我很感谢在座的各位，谢谢大家。

第三篇：第二任总统John Adams的就职演讲稿

Inaugural Address of John Adams

INAUGURAL ADDRESS IN THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1797

When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society.The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered.But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences--universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity.Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty.The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country.Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been proposed or suggested.In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, had contributed to establish.Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private.It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent.Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution.The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?

There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good.Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented.It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear.The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people.And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections.If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good.If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations.It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves;and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance.Such is the amiable and interesting system of government(and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed)which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year.His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace.This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence;but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth;if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it;if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments;if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments;if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations;if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments;if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration;if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense;if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them;if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress;if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations;if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint;if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand;if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world;if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived;if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraved on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age;and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without effect.With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith and honor, the duty and interest, of the same American people pledged to support the Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared without hesitation to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power.And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world of virtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and its Government and give it all possible success and duration consistent with the ends of His providence.-John Adams

第四篇：总统就职演讲

My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms.At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers, and true to our founding documents.So it has been.So it must be with this generation of Americans.That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood.Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred.Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.Homes have been lost;jobs shed;businesses shuttered.Our health care is too costly;our schools fail too many;and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land--a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real.They are serious and they are many.They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.But know this, America: They will be met.On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things.The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit;to choose our better history;to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given.It must be earned.Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less.It has not been the path for the fainthearted--for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things--some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor--who have carried us up the long, rugged path toward prosperity and freedom.For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West;endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;Normandy and Khe Sahn.Time and again, these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life.They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions;greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.This is the journey we continue today.We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth.Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began.Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year.Our capacity remains undiminished.But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions--that time has surely passed.Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.For everywhere we look, there is work to be done.The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act--not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth.We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together.We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost.We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.All this we can do.And all this we will do.Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions--who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans.Their memories are short.For they have forgotten what this country has already done;what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them--that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works--whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, programs will end.And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account--to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day--because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control--and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous.The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity;on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart--not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals.Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations.Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake.And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please.Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use;our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.We are the keepers of this legacy.Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort--even greater cooperation and understanding between nations.We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken;you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness.We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus--and nonbelievers.We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth;and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass;that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve;that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself;and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history;but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow;to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders;nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.For the world has changed, and we must change with it.As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service;a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.And yet, at this moment--a moment that will define a generation--it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies.It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.Our challenges may be new.The instruments with which we meet them may be new.But those values upon which our success depends--hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism--these things are old.These things are true.They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.What is demanded then is a return to these truths.What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility--a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world;duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.This is the price and the promise of citizenship.This is the source of our confidence--the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed--why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled.In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river.The capital was abandoned.The enemy was advancing.The snow was stained with blood.At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people: “Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].” America.In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words.With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come.Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back, nor did we falter;and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.各位同胞：

今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠於创建我国的法统。

因此，美国才能承继下来。因此，这一代美国人也必须承继下去。

现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正在与四处蔓延的 暴力和憎恨作战。我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。许多人失去房 子，丢了工作，生意萧条。我们的医疗太昂贵，学校教育让人失望。每天都有更

多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。

这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。

今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。

在这一天，我们聚在一起，因为我们选择希望而非恐惧，有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。在这一天，我们来此宣示，那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结，那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。我们仍是个年轻的国家，但借用圣经的话，摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了，重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了，选择我们更好的历史，实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利，那种高贵的理念：就是上帝的应许，我们每个人都是平等的，每个人都是自由的，每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。

再次肯定我们国家的伟大，我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来，必须 努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的，那些偏好逸乐胜过工作，或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相 反，走这条路的始终是勇於冒险的人，做事的人，成事的人，其中有些人很出名，但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄，在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我 们，迈向繁荣与自由。

为了我们，他们携带很少的家当，远渡重洋，追寻新生活。

为了我们，他们胼手胝足，在西部安顿下来；忍受风吹雨打，筚路蓝缕。为了我们，他们奋斗不懈，在康科特和盖茨堡，诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。

前人不断的奋斗与牺牲，直到双手皮开肉绽，我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大於所有个人企图心总和的整体，超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。

这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是 全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时，我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新，我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比，一样是必需品。我们 的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定，这段时期肯定已经过去。由今天开始，我们必须振作起来，拍掉身上的灰尘，再度开始重塑美国。

我们无论朝何处望去，都有工作必须完成。经济情势需要大 胆、迅速的行动，我们将有所行动，不光是创造新工作，更要奠定成长的新基础。我们将造桥铺路，为企业兴建电力网格与数位线路，将我们联系在一起。我们将让 科学回归合适的用途，运用科技的奇蹟来提高医疗品质并降低费用。我们将利用

太阳能、风力和土壤作为汽车的燃料和工厂的能源。我们将让中小学及大专院校转 型，因应新时代的需要。这些我们可以作到。我们也将会作到。

现在，有人质疑我们的雄心，暗示说我们的体系无法承受太多的大计画。这些人的记性不好。因为他们忘记了这个国家已经完成的成就，当创造力朝同一个目标发展，不受约束的男男女女可以完成何等成就，必要的是勇气。

怀疑者无法理解的是他们的主张已经站不住脚，长期以来折磨 我们的陈腐政治争议已经行不通。我们今天的问题不是政府太大或太小，而是有无功效，是否能帮助家庭找到薪水不错的工作，支付得起照顾费用，有尊严的退休。哪个方向能够提供肯定的答案，我们就往那里走。答案是否定的地方，计画就会停止。所有我们这些管理大众金钱的人都将负起责任，花钱要精明，改掉恶习，正大 光明作事情，只有这样我们才能重建政府与人民间最重要的信任。

我们眼前的问题也不是说市场的力量是善或恶。市场创造财富 和增加自由的力量无与伦比，但是这场危机提醒我们没有监督时，市场发展将失控，当市场只偏爱有钱人时，国家无法永续繁荣。我们经济成功的依据，不只是国内 生产毛额的规模，还有繁荣可及的范围，以及我们将机会拓展给每个愿意打拚的人，不是因为施舍，而是因为这就是达到我们共同利益最稳健的途径。

至於我们的共同防卫，让我们必须在自由和理想之间作一抉 择，是错误的，我们拒绝接受。我们建国诸父在我们难以想像的危难之中。拟具了确保法治和人权的宪章，被一代代以鲜血扩大充实的宪章。这些理想依然照亮这个 世界，我们不会为了便宜行事而扬弃它。同样地，今日在观看此情此景的其他民族和政府，从最宏伟的都城到家父出生的小村庄，我要说：任何一个国家、男、女、和孩童，只要你在追求一个和平且有尊严的未来，美国就是你的朋友，我们准备再次带领大家。

回想先前的世代力抗法西斯主义和communist，靠的除了飞弹和战车之外，还有强固的联盟和持久的信念。他们知道单单力量本身不足以让我们自保，也不能让我们为所欲为。相反地，他们知道我们的力量因为谨慎使用而增强，我们的安全源自我们理想的正当性，我们所树立楷模的力量，以及谦逊和克制所具有的调和特质。

我们是这些遗产的保存者。在这些原则的再次指引下，我们可以面对那些新的威胁，这些威胁有赖国与国间更 大的合作与谅解方能因应。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克还给它的人民，并在阿富汗建立赢来不易的和平。我们会努力不懈地与老朋友和昔日的对手合作，以 减轻核子威胁，和地球的暖化。我们不会为我们的生活方式而道歉，也会毫不动摇地保护它，对那些想要藉由带来恐怖与杀害无辜以遂其目的者，我们现在告诉你，我们的精神强过你们，无法摧折，你们不可能比我们长久，我们必定打败你们。

因为我们知道，我们拼凑组合而成的遗产是我们的强处，而非弱点。我们是由基督徒和穆斯林，犹太教徒和印 度教徒，以及非信徒组成的国家。我们由取自世界四面八方的各种语文和文化所形塑。而且由於我们曾尝过内战和种族隔离的苦果，并且在走出那黑暗时期之後变得 更坚强和团结，这让我们不得不相信旧日的仇恨终究会过去，部族之间的界线很快就会泯灭。随着世界越来越小，我们共通的人性也会彰显，而美国必须扮演引进新 和平时代的角色。

对穆斯林世界，我们寻求一种新的前进方式，以共同的利益和尊重为基础。那些想播植冲突并把自己社会的问 题怪罪於西方的领袖，须知你的国民藉以判断你的，是你能建立什麽，而非你能毁坏什麽。那些靠着贪腐欺骗和箝制异己保住权势的人，须知你们站在历史错误的一 边，而只要你愿意松手，我们就会伸出援助之手。

那些穷国的人民，我们保证会和你们合作，让们的农场丰收，让清流涌入，滋补饿坏的身体，喂养饥饿的心灵。而对那些和我们一样比较富裕的国家，我要说，我们不能再对国界以外的苦痛视而不见，也不能再消耗世上的资源而不计後果。因为世界已经变了，我们也要跟着改变。

在我们思索眼前道路的此际，我们以谦虚感激的心想到，有些勇敢的美国同胞正在遥远的沙漠和山岭上巡逻。今天他们有话要对我们说，就和躺在阿灵顿（公墓）的英雄们世世代代轻声诉说的一样。我们尊荣他们，不只因为他们扞卫我们的自由，更因为他们代表着服务的精 神；愿意在比自己更大的事物上找寻意义。而在此刻，能够界定一个世代的此刻，必须常驻你我心中的，正是这种精神。

即使政府能做和必须做，这个国家最终仍得靠美国人民的信念与决心。在堤防决堤时，是人们的善心，让他们 招待陌生人。是工作人员的无私，让他们宁可减工时，也不愿看到朋友失业，陪伴我们度过最黑暗时期。是消防员的勇气，让他们冲进满是浓烟的楼梯间。是父母心 甘情愿培育孩子，最终决定我们的命运。

我们的挑战也许是新的，我们迎接挑战的工具也许是新的，但我们赖以成功的价值观─辛勤工作和诚实、勇气 和公平竞争、容忍和好奇心、忠实和爱国心─这些都是固有的。这些价值是真实的，是我们历史上进步的沉默力量。我们有必要找回这些真实价值。我们现在需要一 个勇於负责的新时代，每一个美国人都体认到我们对自己、对国家、对世界负有责任，我们不是不情愿地接受这些责任，而是欣然接受，坚信没有什麽比全力以赴完 成艰难的工作，更能得到精神上的满足，更能找到自我。这是公民的代价和承诺。

这是我们信心的来源，体认上帝召唤我们创造不确定的命运。

这是我们的自由和信条的真谛，为什麽不同种族和信仰的男女老幼能在这个大草坪上共同庆祝，为什麽一个人的父亲在不到六十年前也许还不能进当地的餐厅用餐，现在却能站在你们面前做最神圣的宣誓。

让我们记住这一天，记住我们是谁、我们走了多远。在美国诞生这一年，在最寒冷的几个月，在结冰的河岸，一群爱国人士抱着垂死的同志。首都弃守，敌人进逼，雪沾了血。在那时，我们革命的成果受到质疑，我们的国父下令向人民宣读这段话：

“让这段话流传后世，在深冬，只剩下希望和美德，这个城市和这个国家，面临共同危险，站起来迎向它。”

美国，面对我们共同的危险，在这个艰困的冬天，让我们记得这些永恒的话语。怀着希望和美德，让我们再度 冲破结冰的逆流，度过接下来可能来临的暴风雪。让我们孩子的孩子继续流传下去，说我们受到考验时，我们拒绝让旅程结束，我们不回头，也不踌躇；眼睛注视着 远方，上帝的恩典降临我们，我们带着自由这个伟大的礼物，安全送达未来的世世代代。

President Bush: Thank you all.Thank you all for coming.We had a long night--(laughter)--and a great night.(Cheers, applause.)The voters turned out in record numbers and delivered an historic victory.(Cheers, applause.)Earlier today, Senator Kerry called with his congratulations.We had a really good phone call.He was very gracious.Senator Kerry waged a spirited campaign, and he and his supporters can be proud of their efforts.(Applause.)Laura and I wish Senator Kerry and Teresa and their whole family all our best wishes.America has spoken, and I'm humbled by the trust and the confidence of my fellow citizens.With that trust comes a duty to serve all Americans, and I will do my best to fulfill that duty every day as your president.(Cheers, applause.)There are many people to thank, and my family comes first.(Cheers, applause.)Laura is the love of my life.(Cheers, applause.)I'm glad you love her, too.(Laughter.)

I want to thank our daughters, who joined their dad for his last campaign.(Cheers, applause.)I appreciate the hard work of my sister and my brothers.I especially want to thank my parents for their loving support.(Cheers, applause.)I'm grateful to the vice president and Lynne and their daughters, who have worked so hard and been such a vital part of our team.(Cheers, applause.)The vice president serves America with wisdom and honor, and I'm proud to serve beside him.(Cheers, applause.)I want to thank my superb campaign team.I want to thank you all for your hard work.(Cheers, applause.)I was impressed every day by how hard and how skillful our team was.I want to thank Chairman Mark Racicot and--(cheers, applause)--the campaign manager Ken Mehlman--(cheers, applause)– the architect, Karl Rove.(Cheers, applause.)I want to thank Ed Gillespie for leading our party so well.(Cheers, applause.)

I want to thank the thousands of our supporters across our country.I want to thank you for your hugs on the rope lines.I want to thank you for your prayers on the rope lines.I want to thank you for your kind words on the rope lines.I want to thank you for everything you did to make the calls and to put up the signs, to talk to your neighbors, and to get out the vote.(Cheers, applause.)

And because you did the incredible work, we are celebrating today.(Cheers, applause.)There's an old saying, 'Do not pray for tasks equal to your powers, pray for powers equal to your tasks.' In four historic years, America has been given great tasks and faced them with strength and courage.Our people have restored the vigor of this economy and shown resolve and patience in a new kind of war.Our military has brought justice to the enemy and honor to America.(Cheers, applause.)Our nation--our nation has defended itself and served the freedom of all mankind.I'm proud to lead such an amazing country, and I am proud to lead it forward.(Applause.)Because we have done the hard work, we are entering a season of hope.We will continue our economic progress.We will reform our outdated tax code.We will strengthen the Social Security for the next generation.We will make public schools all they can be, and we will uphold our deepest values of family and faith.We will help the emerging democracies of Iraq and Afghanistan--(cheers, applause)--so they can--so they can grow in strength and defend their freedom, and then our servicemen and-women will come home with the honor they have earned.(Cheers, applause.)With good allies at our side, we will fight this war on terror with every resource of our national power so our children can live in freedom and in peace.(Cheers, applause.)Reaching these goals will require the broad support of Americans, so today I want to speak to every person who voted for my opponent.To make this nation stronger and better, I will need your support and I will work to earn it.I will do all I can do to deserve your trust.A new term is a new opportunity to reach out to the whole nation.We have one country, one Constitution, and one future that binds us.And when we come together and work together, there is no limit to the greatness of America.(Cheers, applause.)Let me close with a word to the people of the state of Texas.(Cheers, applause.)We have known each other the longest, and you started me on this journey.On the open plains of Texas, I first learned the character of our country;sturdy and honest, and as hopeful as the break of day.I will always be grateful to the good people of my state.And whatever the road that lies ahead, that road will take me home.A campaign has ended, and the United States of America goes forward with confidence and faith.I see a great day coming for our country, and I am eager for the work ahead.God bless you.And may God bless America.(Cheers, applause.)

布什:

此次选民的投票率创下了历史新高，带来了历史性的胜利。今天早些时候，克里参议员打电话祝贺我竞选成功。我们在电话中谈得挺好，他非常亲切。克里参议员发起了猛烈的竞选攻势，他和他的支持者可以为此感到自豪。劳拉和我向克里、特里萨以及他们全家表示最衷心的祝愿。

美国做出了选择。对于同胞们的信任，我很感激。这种信任意味着我将承担为所有美国公民服务的义务。作为你们的总统，我每天都将竭尽全力。

我需要感谢许多人，首先是我的家人。劳拉是我一生的挚爱，我对你们也爱她感到高兴。我还要感谢在竞选后期加入竞选团的女儿，感谢兄弟姐妹们付出的努力，特别感谢严父慈母的支持。

我感谢副总统、（他的夫人）莱尼和他们的女儿。他们付出了努力，是竞选团的重要成员。副总统聪明睿智、正直高贵，我为跟他共事感到自豪。

我感谢优秀的竞选团，感谢你们所有人付出的努力。你们的勤奋和智慧每天都给我留下了深刻的印象。

我感谢全国上下成千上万名支持者，感谢你们在竞选集会上的拥抱、祈祷和亲切言语，感谢你们想方设法打出标语，呼吁邻居前去投票。

正是由于你们付出了惊人的努力，我们今天才能庆祝胜利。

俗话说，不要祈求能力所能胜任的任务，要祈求能胜任任务的能力。在四年历史性时期，美国被赋予了伟大的任务，并以实力和勇气面对这些任务。我国人民使经济活力复苏，并在新型战争中显示出决心和耐心。我军已经将敌人绳之以法，给美国带来了荣誉。我国保卫了自己，维护了全人类的自由。领导这样出色的国家，我感到自豪；带领这个国家前进，我感到自豪。

我们已经完成了艰难的任务，进入了充满希望的时期。我们将继续推动经济增长，改革落后的税法，为下一代加强社会保障。我们将尽量改善公立学校，维护在家庭和信仰方面的核心价值观。

我们将帮助伊拉克和阿富汗建立民主制度„„，以便他们增强实力和维护自由。然后，我军官兵将带着他们获得的荣誉回国。在优秀盟国的支持下，我们将动用美国的一切力量打赢这场反恐战争，确保我们的孩子们的自由与和平。

要实现这些目标，美国公民的广泛支持是必不可缺的。因此今天，我要对支持对手的所有人说，为了让美国变得更强大更美好，我需要你们的支持，我也将努力获得你们的支持，并将竭尽所能以担当得起你们的支持。

新一届任期使我有机会影响整个国家。正是同一个国家、同一部宪法和同一个未来把我们联系到了一起。当我们一起努力的时候，美国的前途无可限量。

作为结束语，请允许我向得克萨斯州人民讲几句话：我们彼此认识的时间最长，你们是我旅程的起点。在得州广阔无垠的平原上，我初次学到了美国的特点：强壮有力、真诚坦率，充满了黎明般的希望。我将永远感谢这个州的优秀人民。不管前方的路怎么样，这条路都将带我回家。

选举已经结束，美利坚合众国将充满自信地前进。我看到我们的国家正迎来伟大的日子，很期待下一周的开始。

愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美国！

“在希望中欢乐，在苦难中忍耐”

—肯尼迪总统 1961 年就职演讲词（节选）

导语： 2005 年 1 月 20 日，美国将举行隆重盛大的总统就职典礼，届时小布什将宣誓连任总统并发表演说。就职演说已成为历届总统宣誓就职典礼中的一道亮丽的风景线，其中不乏激励人心、催人奋进的精彩之作，1961年肯尼迪总统发表的就职演说就是一例。他那句最为人称道的名言“不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而是要问你们能为国家做些什么”仍回响在一代美国人的心中。

“Rejoicing in Hope, Patient in Tribulation”

— John F.Kennedy's inaugural address in 1961(Excerpts)We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change.我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；它意味着更新，也意味着变革。

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered 1 by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing 2 of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.今天我们不敢忘记，我们是第一次革命的继承人。此时此地，让我们的朋友和敌人都知道，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受到过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶；他们为我们的古老传统而骄傲，而不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被剥夺。我国一向致力于保护人权，今天在国内和全世界我们仍将如此。

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.让每一个国家知道，不管它是祝福我们还是心存敌意，我们愿不惜一切代价，承担任何重任，忍受任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的生存与实现。

This much we pledge--and more.对此我们郑重承诺——而且还不止此。

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds 3 and split asunder 4.对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神渊源的昔日盟友，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，我们共同的事业则无往而不利。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.对于那些新加入自由行列的国家，我们保证，一种殖民统治形式的消失决不是为了被另一种更为残酷的暴政取而代之。我们不能指望他们会一直认同我们的观点，但我们始终希望他们能坚决维护自身的自由——不要忘记，过去那些骑在虎背上耀武扬威的人，结果反落虎口。

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、奋力打破普遍贫困桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助其自救，不管需要多长时间——自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全少数的富人。

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf 5 all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，对于那些敌对国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是请求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学释放出的毁灭性力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成，不会在最初的一千天中完成，不会在本届政府任期中完成，甚至也不会在我们的有生之年完成。但让我们从现在开始。

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.同胞们，我们事业的最终成败，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是取决于你们手中。自建国以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤，宣誓效忠祖国。而应召入伍的美国军人的坟冢遍布全球。

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation 6 ”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.现在那号角正再度召唤我们——不是号召我们拿起武器，尽管武器是必不可少的；不是号召我们投入战斗，尽管我们正严阵以待；那是号召我们年复一年肩负起漫长黎明前的斗争重任，“在希望中欢乐，在苦难中忍耐”；这是一场对抗人类公敌——暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身——的斗争。

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

我们能否结成一个全球性的大联盟——其成员遍及东西南北——来对付这些敌人，来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活 ? 你们是否愿意参与这项历史性的壮举 ? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在世界悠久历史中，只有少数几代人被赋予了在自由面临最大危险时捍卫自由的使命。我不会在这种责任面前临阵退缩；我欢迎它。我相信我们当中没有人会和任何其他人或一代人调换位置。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与献身精神将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人，而这团火焰所发出的光辉必能照亮全世界。

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.所以，同胞们：不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.全世界的公民：不要问美国能为你们做些什么，而应问我们一起能为人类的自由做些什么。

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.最后，不管你是美国公民或别国公民，请用我们要求你们贡献力量与做出牺牲的同样的高标准来要求我们。我们唯一可回报的是问心无愧，让历史来最后裁决我们的行为吧，让我们一同向前，领导我们挚爱的国家，企求上帝的保佑与扶携，但我们知道，在这个世界上，上帝的任务是我们所应肩负的真正使命。

第五篇：肯尼迪总统就职演讲

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和丅平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪－－他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道－－不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落－－为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证－－而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成－－因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由丅行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由－－而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间－－之所以这样做，并不是因为共丅产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证－－在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政丅府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和丅平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

对联合国，主丅权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和丅平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和丅平。

我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。

但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。

因此，让我们双方重新开始－－双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。

让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令－－“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。）

如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和丅平将得到维护。

所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政丅府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

现在，号角已再次吹响－－不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人－－专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。

为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作