昂山素吉 演讲稿 恐惧与自由

第一篇：昂山素吉 演讲稿 恐惧与自由

恐惧与自由 昂山素姬

导致腐败的不是权力而是恐惧。那些掌权者恐惧丧失权力及无权者恐惧权力的蹂躏，都导致了腐败。大多数缅甸人熟悉这四种腐败：

（一）贪婪的腐败，由欲望导致的腐败，是由于受到诱惑或出于那些人们的喜好背离了正确的道路；

（二）偏狭的腐败，是采取错误方式去敌视那些心怀恶意者；

（三）愚昧的腐败，是由于无知所带来的失常；

（四）恐惧的腐败，这也许是四种腐败中最坏的一种，因为它不仅产生了恐惧，窒息并缓慢地摧毁了所有的是非观，大多数时候，它还是其它三种腐败的根源。

正如贪婪的腐败一样，不纯粹是贪婪，恐惧匮乏或恐惧失去他们所爱之物，都能带来这种后果。因而，在某种程度上，恐惧被超越、被羞辱或受伤害，都是恶意的种子。因此，除非摆脱恐惧的枷锁、自由地去追求真理，否则无知将难以驱散。恐惧与腐败的关系如此接近，一点儿也不奇怪。在任何社会里任何一种恐惧都充满了腐败。它根深蒂固地难以根除。

公众对经济困难的不满看起来像是1988年由学生示威所导致的缅甸民主运动的主要原因。这是真的：多年来不连贯的政策、无能的官方措施，萌发了通货膨胀和实际收入的下降，已经使国家变成经济的废墟。但是比起难以接受的生活水平，更为严重的是，它已经侵蚀了传统忍耐的美德，沉默的人们也由于腐败和恐惧扭曲了生命的羞耻感。

学生们不仅仅抗议他们的同志们的死亡，而且还反对否认他们生活的权力、剥夺生活的意义与未来希望的极权主义制度。并且，因为学生们的抗议与民众的普遍受挫相关，示威活动迅速演变为全国性的运动。其中一些热情的支持者是富有经验的商人。他们不仅扩大了必要的联系，保存了运动，而且还使运动在体制内取得了蓬勃的发展。但他们的富裕使得他们缺乏真正的安全感或满足感。然而他们意识到，不管他们自己以及其它同行的市民的经济地位如何，为了达到一个令人满意的效果，即使不是充分条件，至少也需要一个负责任的行政部门。当缅甸人民的权力就象捧在手中的水一样的时候，他们已经厌倦了毫无保障的不稳定的政局。

也许绿宝石那样凉爽

就象捧在手中的水

但是啊也许我们的权利

只是破碎的玻璃

捧在手里

这种锋利无比的捍卫着试图粉碎他们的闪耀着力量光芒的玻璃碎片，可以将其视为那些企图摆脱镇压的人们身上所闪现出的勇气的本质特征的一种生动的象征。

伯格·由克·昂山（Bogyoke AungSan）在他被审讯期间，把自己看作为一个不屈不挠地探索着缅甸问题之最佳答案的革命者。他激励人们鼓起勇气：“不要仅仅依靠别人的勇气与无畏。你们中的每一个人都必须作出牺牲，去成为一个无畏的有勇气的英雄。只有到那时候，我们才能够享受到真正的自由。”

需要努力去保持一个没有腐败的环境，在那儿，日常生活中的基本恐惧由于受到法律的控制，而不直接地威胁到人们的幸福。法律不只是通过对罪犯采取公平的惩罚从而防止腐败。它们也促进创造一个没有营私舞弊的、能够满足人们的基本需求、保存人的尊严的社会。哪儿没有这样的法律。那儿维持正义与公共尊严的重担便落在了平民百姓身上。需要他们持续不变的努力与忍耐，才能把一个理性与良知由于恐惧而受到扭曲的民族，改变为一个法治的国家；在把人天性中的破坏力降低到最低点的同时，促进人民对于和谐正义的渴望。

在这个已经创造出致命武器、科技一日千里的时代里，它能够并且已经通过这种强大的、非人道的技术，控制了弱小与无助的人们。这时候，迫切需要在民族与国际水准上，建立起政治与道德之间的更为亲密的关系。联合国《世界人权宣言》声明，全人类不分种族、国籍和宗教，每一个个体和社会机构都应该力争促进基本的人权和自由。但只要政府的权威是建立在强制而不是民意之上的，利益集团的短期利益凌驾于长远的和平与繁荣之上的，那么，为保护与促进人权的国际性的协调性行为，将仍然是最可行的一部分斗争，将继续建立斗争的舞台，在那里，受压迫的被害者不得不依靠他们自己的内在力量去捍卫他们作为人类家庭中一员不可剥夺的权利。

革命的精髓是精神。它出自于一种理性的信念。为塑造出一个民族的发展进程，需要改变精神上的态度与价值观。革命的目标如果仅仅是瞄准在改善物质的条件上，改变官方的政策与制度，它就很少有真正成功的机会。如果没有革命的精神，那么产生了不公正的旧秩序的力量，将会继续不断地威胁改革与重建的进程。仅仅是呼吁与要求自由、民主和人权是不够的。必须万众一心地去坚持斗争，以不朽真理的名义去献身，去抵制由于欲望、憎恨、无知和恐惧的影响所带来的腐败。

据说，圣徒就是不断努力去尝试的罪人。因而自由人就是阻止自己继续做尝试的人，并且在这过程中，使自己适当地承担起维持一个自由社会所需要的责任与纪律。对于那些向往生命尽可能圆满与完整的人说来，免于恐惧的自由，既是一种过程、也是一种目的的基本自由。

一个想要建立强大的、民主制的、并且坚定地确保反对国家滋生权力的民族，首先必须学习将自己的思想从冷漠与恐惧中解放出来。

为实践自己的思想，昂山自己总是坚持不懈地表现出勇气――不仅是身体上、还是精神上的，从而使得他敢于说出真理、遵守诺言、接受批评、承认缺点、改正错误、尊重对手并勇于与敌人谈判，从而在人们的心中赢得了当之无愧的领袖角色。正是因为这种道义勇气，使他在缅甸永远值得人们去爱与尊敬――他不仅是一个好斗的英雄，还是一个民族的精神源泉与良知。尼赫鲁用来描述圣雄甘地的话，正可以用在昂山的身上：“他基本教义中的无畏与真理，以及与此相关的行为，永远将被视作为大众的幸福。”

甘地与昂山，一个是伟大的非暴力倡导者，一个是国家军队的创始人，两者的个性截然不同，但因为向独裁统治的挑战在任何地方、任何时间里都不可避免地有着相同点，因而，在那些起来迎接挑战的人身上存在着内在本质上的相似处。曾认为甘地一项最伟大的功绩是给印度人民输灌勇气的尼赫鲁，是个现代政治家。但是，在对20世纪独立运动要求的评价时，他发现并回顾了古印度的哲学：“一个个体或一个国家的最大的天赋„„是勇敢，不只是肉体上的勇气，而且还是出自于精神上的无畏。”

勇敢也许是天生的，但通过后天努力得来的可能来得更加珍贵。勇气来自于习惯性地拒绝唯命是从。勇气可以被描述为“压力下的优雅”――所谓优雅就是面对残酷、持续的压力不断地更新自己。

在一个否认基本人权存在的制度内，恐惧往往成为了一种时尚――害怕坐牢，害怕拷打，害怕死亡，害怕失去朋友、家庭、财产或谋生的手段，害怕贫穷，害怕孤独，害怕失败。最为阴险的恐惧方式是化装为常识、乃至于至理名言，将有助于保存人的自尊与内在的人性高贵的日常的勇敢行为，谴责为愚蠢、鲁莽、没有价值或琐碎无用的。对由于恐惧而习惯于在铁幕统治下生活的人们说来，将他们从使人虚弱的恐惧的泥沼中解放出来，也许是不容易的。但即使在最为残暴的国家机器下，勇气也在不断地产生，因为恐惧不是文明人的自然状态。

面对肆无忌惮的权力，勇气与忍耐的源泉通常在于坚定地信仰神圣的道德原则以及身处逆境但仍然信奉精神与物质进步的历史观。人与纯粹的动物最大的区别是，他有自我改进和自我拯救的能力。人的责任的根源在于对完美的观念，欲望使之完成，理智使之发现面向它的道路。即使意志在这一条道路上无法到达终点，至少这段距离会产生超越个人局限与环境障碍的要求。这是理性的、文明人的世界观。它引导人们去挑战、去承受、去建设一个没有贫困与恐惧的社会。当真理、正义与同情的概念只是作为抵抗残暴权力的壁垒的时候，那么它们就仍然无法摆脱历史的陈词滥调。

======================================== 1991年10月14日荣获1991年诺贝尔和平奖。

1991年12月10日“昂山素姬 恐惧与自由”（AUNG SAN SUU KYI’S FREEDOM FROM FEAR）及其他作品在伦敦出版。

第二篇：昂山素季观后感

《昂山素季》观后感

看了《昂山素季》，我的心久久不能平静，那影片里的情景一直在我的脑海里回荡，我敬佩这位女神。

她生于缅甸仰光，是缅甸非暴力提倡民主的政治家。在昂山素季三岁的时候，她的父亲因为领导缅甸独立军而在1947年7月19日被暗杀。在长大后，素季离开家乡前往英国牛津大学学习，在那里认识了丈夫麦克-阿里斯，生下两个孩子，过上了幸福安乐的生活。在1988年的一天夜晚，素季接到一通来自缅甸的电话，得知她的母亲中风入院。这使得她不得不在多年后，再次踏上故土，面对悲伤的回忆。当时，正赶上缅甸政权变动，许多群众上街进行游行。素季在医院亲眼目睹当地士兵向示威的学生开枪，死伤甚众。这唤醒了她心中对民主政权的渴望。许多认识素季父亲的退役军官和反抗人士纷纷邀请她领导民主运动，她也决定继承父亲的衣钵，完成他未尽的事业。在同年8月，素季在仰光近百万群众集会前，发表了她的第一次演说。随后，她创立了自己的政党，赢得了当年的大选，但军政府取消了票选结果，并通过武力对素季一家进行胁迫„„其后21年间她被军政府断断续续软禁于其寓所中长达15年，在2010年11月13日终于获释。

我认为她的故事应该得到传播。电影呈现了一个有血有肉的母亲，一个温婉伟大的女性，一个平和的女子，是她推动了缅甸非暴力民主的进程...昂山素季，不愧为诺贝尔和平奖的获得者。她与英国籍的丈夫爱的是那样的深沉...电影美丽的广播与优美的音乐令人回味，昂山素季的经历耐人寻味

昂山素季是“超越圣女贞德的女英雄”，得力于“非暴力运动”。20世纪以来，面对殖民统治、种族歧视、专制政权等人类社会的毒瘤，甘地、马丁.路德金、曼德拉、图图、瓦文萨、哈维尔、昂山素季等人倡导与坚守一种“非暴力不合作运动”。与原先的“暴力革命”的最大不同点，就在于“暴力革命”是以“恨”为精神资源，而“非暴力运动” 是以“爱”为精神资源。“暴力革命”的以暴制暴是人本主义的，正义与非正义处在同一个平面上，经常可能互换位置；而“非暴力运动”不是妥协，而是抗争；不是消灭敌人的肉体，而是征服对手的灵魂。面对残酷的暴戾，非暴力主义者以爱与宽恕来对待，这已经超越

了人性所能达到的最高境界，所以非暴力主义者都有着宗教的关怀和信仰的力量。对于非暴力主义者，我们不能以“战士”来称谓他们，甚至不能以“英雄”来称谓，他们只适合一个名词，那就是“圣徒”。昂山素季说，绝对不能采取以暴易暴，这种方法实际上却让自己堕落为与军政权同样的地步。在《自由》一书中，昂山素季指出：“一些人改变是因为他们别无选择。当南非的旧政府、拉丁美洲的军事专政进行独裁统治发生变化的时候，他们认识到这些变化不可避免，这是他们所能选择的最好道路。我所表达的真正改变是通过理解、同情、正义、爱心后的内在变化。”“为别人而活，主动地去承担那些处于恐惧之中的人们应该承担的责任。” 我的意思是她是一位甘地式的女性，她为了民主手无寸铁地奋斗了30年，她唯一的武器就是她的话语和演，她为了民主手无寸铁地奋斗了30年，她唯一的武器就是她的话语和演讲。这是一个女人手无寸铁的战斗，她只是用自己的善意和智慧来战斗，就像甘地一样，她是一位甘地式的女性。在历史上，你能够找出几位这样的女人？从来没有做过任何违法的事情，但却被拘禁了24年。这是疯狂的。

在1998年，昂山素季离开牛津回到缅甸探访病中的母亲，并最终留在了这片土地，而在1999年，她的丈夫阿里斯在诊断出癌症晚期后同年去世。阿里斯不被允许入境缅甸，这是为了逼迫昂山素季在去留之间做出最后的抉择。丈夫的病与死成了诱饵。这部电影着重描述了那个压抑的、令人难以置信的抉择，这是人类的悲剧。他们的爱情是惊心动魄的。

昂山素季，一个女人，用她柔弱的身躯支撑起民主的信念，捍卫着人类普世的尊严。一位伟大的女性，与曼德拉一样在追求自由与民主的道路上坚守了20年。一位为理想牺牲家庭幸福的母亲，获得诺贝尔和平奖当之无愧。尽管某国已有两位诺和奖得主，但支持邪恶朝鲜的某国无法理解诺奖的真谛。

她从容向百万群众发表演说；在军警的枪口和随时开枪的威胁声中，她面不改色慷慨赴集会；她以绝食至死为抗议，为狱中战友争权利。能够这样做的人，一定是自己首先克服了恐惧的人，昂山素季说：“对一个个人或者一个国家而言，最了不起的天赋是无畏——不是全然的血气之勇，而是打从心中没有恐惧。” “在爱中无恐惧”的伟大精神，正是昂山素季超越圣女贞德的地方，也是“非暴力主义者”超越“无产阶级革命战士” 的地方。

'用你的自由,以促进我们的自由'为缅甸人民的自由和和平,被软禁15年,手无寸铁,只是用自己的善意和智慧来战斗的绝美女子—昂山素季，！这位缅甸人民叫“母亲’的昂山素季，一个平和智慧坚定的女子,一个温婉被丈夫放任但深爱并无私坚持的妻子,一个给孩子大爱正义自信的母亲

与昂山素季的政治经历形成复线，是她与那位英国丈夫迈克·阿里斯之间凄美的爱情，在这个维度，昂山素季表现了作为人尤其是作为妻子作为母亲的“人性美”。基督徒迈克·阿里斯懂得使命对妻子的呼召，他甚至把一个丈夫对妻子的爱也全部贡献给了妻子的事业：他是民主运动的“印刷工”、是民主运动的宣传员、是妻子无法顾及的家庭支柱、是妻子最大的心理慰籍，他奔走于世界各地，呼吁政要制裁缅甸专制政权，还游说诺贝尔颁奖委员会，将1991年诺贝尔和平奖颁给了昂山素季。夫妻最后的相聚是在1995年底，可是此后他便不再获准进入缅甸。1999年3月，阿里斯因癌症在牛津逝世，生前他知道昂山素季一旦离开祖国，就再也不能回去，因此拒绝了与最爱之人的最后见面，用生命为妻子的事业做出了最后的贡献，信守了“我永远不会站在你和你的祖国之间”的诺言。昂山素季得知丈夫去世的消息，悲痛欲绝，她在日记中写道：“我的家庭的分离，是我争取一个自由的缅甸所必须付出的代价之一。”在与丈夫凄美的爱情故事中，昂山素季在“家庭”环节表现了一个女人最多的柔软，她觉得自己对不住丈夫，对不住孩子，她欠他们太多太多，甚至在丈夫弥留之际也无法去到他的身边。影片中，她的哭、她的思念、她的挂欠、她的孤独都是在“家庭”环节展现出来。但她有使命大于家庭，家庭需要她而人民更需要她，她只能是在牺牲家庭中拥抱国家。家庭这一复线与政治运动相交织，让我们看到神性光芒与人性光辉交相辉映。

昂山素季是我的政治偶像！她是打不到的铁娘子，一位敢于为梦想奔波的母亲、爱人。一个牛津学者的美丽夫人，2个孩子的母亲，叩问;是什么让她走上了这条不归路呢？是人类崇高的理想。对于昂山素季，我们都应该表达深深的敬意。

昂山素季，不谈其父对中国远征军的对抗，但为女儿，女人，妻子，母亲都谈不上称职，并不是不爱，只是为拥有自由民主的人民，缅甸人民会像爱他的父亲一样爱她！是为了民族自由和平而奋斗的勇士。

昂山素季真是一个伟大的女人。实在忍不住的泪泪：昂山素季第一次公开演讲；大儿子代替母亲发表诺贝尔和平奖获奖感言时两个时空的合奏；得知丈夫的癌症后俩人都故作坚强的跨国电话；丈夫死之前亦不能见最后一面，一个人蜷缩在地板上哭成泪人。昂山素季不仅是个经历曲折的政治人物，也是个好妻子好母亲。不评论政治这种复杂的事，光从电影而言，人物塑造得很真实，让我几度欲落泪；同时也算是让我了解了缅甸这个陌生的国家。

缅甸是个亚洲小国，但却因产生了一位伟大的女性昂山素季，而受到世界不断关注。她就是昂山素季。她没有权力，没有金钱，没有官衔，却是亚洲最有力量、最有美丽的政治领袖和精神领袖。她因我们而失去了自由，这位本来可以在西方过著优越生活的学者。她因我们而处于饥饿之中，这位弱小、文雅而美丽的女性。

还记得一个画面：1989年4月5日，当她和她的同伴一起进行在一个城镇的街上时，一队士兵挡在了她的面前，威胁着如果她们再往前走，就要开枪，昂山素季要求她的支持者们站到边上，独自一人毫无畏惧的挺上前云，面向黑洞洞的枪口，以一个柔弱之躯对峙一群手按扳机的军人。在相持的最后一刻，负责指挥的少校命令士兵不要开火。对于这种勇气，她曾说：“实现民主不要仅仅依靠别人的勇气与无畏。你们中的每一个人都必须作出牺牲，去成为一个无畏的有勇气的英雄。只有到那时候，我们才能够享受到真正的自由。”

应该相信，在当今这个文明成为强势的世界上，所有的专权者都活在恐惧中，他们知道丛林法则越来越玩不转了，都不愿走到萨达姆和卡扎菲那样的绝境。不过由于各自心怀侥幸，还在做困兽犹斗，以为会时来运转而已。可是昂山素季一类人物的存在，不容他们拖延，逼着他们尽快做出最后的选择！这就是昂山素季这类人物存在的巨大影响力！

在组织中，领导者和成员共同推动着团队向着既定的目标前进，从而构成一个有机的系统，领导者的个性特征和领导艺术，员工的主观能动性，领导者与员工之间的积极互动，组织战略与经营目标的制定以及实现的过程都与企业的领导者本身的领导能力直接相关！著名领导力训练专家谭小芳老师表示，领导力的核心是对他人产生的一种持续的影响力。

拿破仑·希尔曾经说过：“在别人的影响下生活着，就等于不属于自己，就等于被别人的意志给俘虏了，这样的人即使再优秀，也不会登上一把手的位置。”的确，影响力弱的人只会生活在他人的阴影下。一个有强大影响力的人，身边总是会有很多的朋友，因为他们总是不自觉地会受到他的吸引；一个有强大影响力的领导，做起事来总是感觉更轻松自如，下属也总是更愿意真心接受他的领导；一个有强大影响力的职员，不但更易被领导欣赏，轻松让领导接受自己的建议，而且也能更广泛地影响其他同事。

总之，在这个时代里，个人如果想在组织中拥有广泛的影响力，就要对领导力有深刻的认识和高度的自觉。虽然我仍然不能认同领导者可以培养出来的观点，但我相信领导力是能够得到提升的。面对这个瞬息万变、日益复杂的世界，谭小芳老师希望每一个领导者都可以重视领导影响力，提升领导影响力！总之，昂山素季是一个了不起的英雄！顶天立地！

第三篇：昂山素季电影观后感

《昂山素季》电影观后感

《昂山素季》电影观后感

昨晚看了一直期待的电影《昂山素季》，和一个留宿下来的朋友一起。

她是一个前兽医，理性而固执，看完电影之后，我们几乎是狠狠的争吵了一场。最后她说我观点狭隘，我怒吼：“在我狭隘的观点和我家狭隘的沙发之间，你选一个吧！”

唉，为一部电影吵成这样，今天早晨醒来，不免觉得好笑。

我们爆发的冲突点是： 我的不满在于：“为什么这变成一部歌颂伟大爱情的电影？我想看到的那些都没看到。”

她的观点在于：“如果你只看到了爱情和昂山素季，那么你误解了导演，电影是在让你关注缅甸这个国家，历史和政治，爱情只不过是一个线索而已。” 真的是这样吗？

电影不好看，往往就让我不满。

在一部叫做《昂山素季》的电影里，我想看到什么？ 我想看到一个真实，饱满，生动的人。

一个并非一开始已经是圣人的人，而是一个修行的过程。

我想看到她的生活平衡一夜之间被打破，她本是一个在牛津相夫教子的女人，却必须成为一个混乱国家的政治领袖，她如何重建这种平衡。我想看到她内心的信仰从何而来，如何在几十年中持续的滋养她。

我想知道她精神的绝境可曾出现，而信仰的光芒如何照亮了那些个漫漫长夜。我想看见她性格的不完美处，她的暴躁，易怒，她也应曾憎恨，恐惧，心存放弃，这些东西如何一点一点的改变，就像她的力量如何一点点改变了那些人民。这些人包括了爱戴她的人，憎恨军政府的人，也包括了体制内的人，包括了军人们和他们的亲人，我想，是不是也包括了囚禁她的丹瑞将军本人。据说丹瑞将军晚年也一直在参禅，我想，他在漫长的岁月中，应该一直在掂量昂山素季这个女人，试图去了解这个人。

这个世界上，最了解你的人，往往不是你的爱人，而是你的敌人。

他掂量着她，他们默默的对峙，在几十年内，一再改变对她的看法，也一再改变对她的方法，直到最后，默许了对她的释放，不管出于什么目的。

作为一个长期被软禁的政治人物，她的精神领袖的意义，高于她实际上的政治作为，也就是说，她的理念重于她的方案。电影中，她表现出的理念是坚持，非暴力，我还想看到更深层次的东西，比如爱。

她一直说，她不恨囚禁自己的军政府，因为她相信，修复式正义比报复式正义更重要。

她相信不地道的手段，难以达到地道的目的。

她相信原谅，但并不是遗忘。化解仇恨，而不是回避仇恨。她相信只要她开始恨，就是向军政府妥协。

人遭受不幸，不可能不恨，就像曹雪芹，我也想看到，她如何把心中的爱

恨都放平，最终达到那种感动人心的高贵和平静。

我想看到的，不仅仅是“昂山素季是谁”，还想看到，“她如何成为昂山素季。” 这是一个过程，是时间流程，也是生命的历程。在我看来，这才是电影。

电影不仅仅是塑造了一个人物，而且揭示了这个人物的蜕变历程，心灵层次。

一个精神领袖，是怎么改变民众的？ 这个确实很难写。

我和兽医都谈起《摩托车日记》这部电影，《摩托车日记》好看，也好写，因为切 格瓦拉是一个浓墨重彩的人物，而这部电影又是一部公路片，一直在路上，外部动作连绵不绝，景色丰富多变，人物也自然出入，引发和印证主人公内心的变化，所以电影生动，丰富，深刻。昂山素季难写，一个是她的外部动作少，一直被囚禁，一个是她一直呆在静室里，场景也难以更换，显得很凝滞。

还有一个，我想，阻碍导演的一个重要原因，就是昂山素季还活着，为活着的人物立传，需要更大的勇气，尤其是对一个你崇敬的人物。为尊者讳，为爱者讳，是我们的本能。

这些都可以理解，但是我还是觉得，艺术创作者最大的本能，是最多最真的好奇，对一个人物孜孜不倦的挖掘，以及对这个人物生长的世界，客观自然的看待，错落有致的展示。

就像刨出一棵植物，根须会带出很多泥土，那些泥土随它而来，和它在一起。（最近老想去偷花，不好意思比喻暴露了我的想法！）

很多年以前，我很喜欢一部压根没看过的电影，叫做《神父》。我从《环球银幕》杂志上读到关于这部电影的介绍，很震撼。

电影关于一个神父却发现自己是同性恋，他内心的冲突和痛苦不言而喻。最多的冲突都是灵魂内的冲突，使得”我所在的静室就是我的受难地。“ 他的心不自由，身在何处都不自由。而在昂山素季，如果她曾经被囚禁，那么，囚禁她的，不应该仅仅是外部的暴力。囚禁我们的，往往是我们自己。我们的恐惧，我们的愤怒，我们的恨。我想，她的心一旦获得了自由，那么身处何处，都是自由。她的受难地，应也是她的得救地。

是的，我满想在一部电影里看到这些，虽然兽医一直坚持，这都是我的执念，我的傲慢和偏见，一部电影就是它所展示的样子，不是我想要看到的样子。

最后我说一句，杨紫琼演得真好。

一生的风雨历练，江湖剑气，将老时凝练成一块宝重温润的玉石，手中无剑，心中有剑，以气化人，而不再是以技慑人。

我觉得很有意思，她是一个打女，却扮演一位坚信非暴力的女人。她把昂山素季那种大勇若怯演得很好，那种虚弱下的力量，始终带着人

世沧桑全都经历之后的平静自持。平静来自于不畏惧苦难，也因为，她也配得上她所经历的苦难。

(责任编辑：麦田守望者)

第四篇：昂山素季的诺贝尔和平奖致辞

昂山素季的诺贝尔和平奖致辞

国王和王后陛下，王子殿下，阁下们，挪威诺贝尔委员会卓越的委员们，亲爱的朋友们：

多年以前，有时候回想起 来，好象是多生多世以前，我在牛津同我的儿子亚历山大一起收听广播节目《荒岛唱片》。那是个非常著名的节目（我觉得它现在应该还在广播吧），邀请各行各业 的名人来谈谈，当你身处在荒岛时想携带一件什么东西，是哪八张唱片，是除了圣经和莎士比亚全集之外的哪本书，还是哪一件奢侈品？当节目结束的时候，亚历山 大和我都听得很开心。亚历山大问我是不是可能会上这个节目，我随口答道：“为什么不会呢？”因为他知道只有名人才可以上这个节目，就很真心的问我，如果我 被邀请的话，是因为什么理由呢。我想了一会然后答道：“可能是我会得诺贝尔文学奖吧。”然后我们都笑了。这个前景看起来美好，但确实不太可能。

（我现在记不起为什么我会说这么一个答案，可能是因为我那时候刚读了一本由诺贝尔文学奖得主写的书，或者是那天的名人正好是个著名作家。）

1989年，当我第一次被软禁时，我的亡夫迈克尔•阿里斯来 看我，他告诉我有个朋友约翰•菲尼斯提名我为诺贝尔奖候选人。那时候我也笑了。迈克尔忽然觉得很惊讶，然后他也明白为什么我会笑了。诺贝尔奖？这个愿望是 很美好，但确实不太可能。那当我真的获得诺贝尔和平奖之后是什么感觉呢？这个问题让我想了很多次，这确实是个合适的时机来审视，诺贝尔奖对我意味着什么，和平又意味着什么。就像我在访谈中多次说过 的，有天晚上我听收音机时，得知我获得了诺贝尔和平奖。这并不令人惊讶，因为在之前一周，其他好多广播都说我是最有希望获奖的人之一。当我准备这篇演讲 时，我努力地试图回忆当我得知获奖之后的第一反应是什么。我想，我不敢确定，大概是像：“哦，他们把奖给我了。”那种感觉并不很真实，因为那段时间我自己 都不像是个真实的存在了。

在我被软禁的期间，我常 常感觉自己不是真实世界的一部分了。房子就是我的世界，那些同样不自由的人们也有他们的世界，他们在监狱里可以相互陪伴，那些自由的人们也有他们的世界； 每个世界都像是个独立的星球，沿着各自的轨道在不同的孤独宇宙中默默运行。诺贝尔和平奖把我从孤立的世界拉回了和其他人一起的世界，让我重建起了现实感。当然这并不是突然发生的，而是花了几天，几个月，当各方对获奖的反应的新闻通过电波传到我这里时，我才开始理解诺贝尔奖的意义。它让我再次感到真实，把我 拉回更广阔的人类社区。更重要的是，诺贝尔奖让全世界都关注缅甸的民主和人权运动，我们不会被忘记。

法国人说，离别，就是一 部分的死亡。其实遗忘也是一部分的死亡。遗忘削弱了把我们凝聚成人类的纽带。我最近访问泰国时会见了缅甸的移民工人和难民，许多人哭泣道：“不要忘了我 们！”他们是说：“不要忘记我们的困苦处境，不要忘记做你能做的来帮助我们，不要忘记我们同样属于你的世界。”当诺贝尔奖委员会授予我这项奖项时，他们也 把那些被压迫和被孤立的缅甸看作世界的一部分，他们意识到人类的同一性。所以接受诺贝尔和平奖，就对我个人来说，使我对民主与人权的关切超越了国界。诺贝尔和平奖打开了我心中的一扇门。

缅甸的和平观可被看作 是，通过阻止那些妨碍和谐与益处的因素，而获得幸福感的提升。nyein-chan这个词字面上可被翻译为当火被扑灭后的清凉。痛苦与争斗之火在世界熊熊 蔓延。在我的祖国，北部的战争仍未停息，西部的群体暴力导致的纵火与谋杀在我出发的前几天仍在发生。新闻中对他人的暴行充满世界各地。饥饿、疾病、被迫离 家、失业、贫穷、不公、歧视、成见、愚顽，这些构成了我们每天的生活。哪里都有阴暗的力量在蚕食和平的基石。哪里都能找到对物质与人力资源的轻率浪费，而 这些是在世界上保有和谐与快乐所必需的。

第一次世界大战造成了对年轻人的极大消耗，和对我们星球上的正面力量的残酷损害。那个年代的诗篇对我有特殊的意义，因为当我首次读到那些诗时，我正处在和那些年轻人一样的年纪，但他们却不得不在生命之花刚刚盛开的时候就面临枯萎。一名在法国外籍军团中战斗的年轻美 国人，在他1916年的一次行动之前，像是预见到他的死亡一样写道：“在争夺的障碍前；”“在小山坡的伤疤前；”“在午夜起火的城镇中。”年轻人、爱和生 命，一起永远消失在毫无意义地占领行动中，只为了占领那些没有名字也不会被记住的地方。为了什么？快一个世纪过去了，我们仍然在寻找一个令人满意的答案。

如果暴力程度轻一些，而代以鲁莽与毫无远见地罔顾人类社会的未来，我们就可以脱罪吗？战争并不是和平唯一的坟墓。在任何痛苦被忽视的地方，冲突的种子都会在屈辱、苦难与激怒中被埋下。

在孤独中生活的有一个好 处，我有足够的时间来思考我所知与所接受的戒律的含义。作为一个佛教徒，我从小就知道“苦谛”的意义。几乎每天，当我身边的老人们，有时还有不那么老的人 们，遭受痛苦或不顺时，他们就会低声吟诵“苦谛，苦谛”。然而，只有当我在被软禁的那些年里，我才真正去研究六种大苦之相。它们是：生、老、病、死、爱别 离、怨憎会。我仔细地审视着六种大苦，不是从宗教经文的角度，而是从每日平常的生活中去审视。如果苦是生活中不可避免的一部分，我们就应该尽量在世俗活动 中尽量减轻它们。我仔细思考过关于母子的生产护理、关于给予老年人口足够的设施，关于全面的公共卫生服务，关于慈善照料与护理。我尤其升起了对后两种苦的 兴趣：爱别离和怨憎会。我们的佛陀在他自己的生活中经历了什么，使得他要将这两种苦从许多大苦中总结出来呢？我想起了囚犯、难民、移民工人和非法人口交易 的受害者，他们被从故土上连根拔起，离开家园，同家人和朋友分离，被迫在不欢迎他们的陌生人间艰难生活。

我们有幸生活在这样一个 时代，人们意识到社会福利与人道援助不仅是有利的，而且是必须的。我很有幸生活在这样一个时代，政治犯的命运受到各地人们的广泛关注，民主与人权已经广泛 地，甚至是普遍地被认同为一种与生俱来的权利。在我被软禁期间，我时常从《世界人权宣言》的序言中获取力量。我最喜爱的几段话是这样的：

……对人权的无视和侮蔑已发展为野蛮暴行，这些暴行玷污了人类的良心，而一个人人享有言论和信仰自由并免予恐惧和匮乏的世界的来临，已被宣布为普通人民的最高愿望，……为使人类不致迫不得已铤而走险对暴政和压迫进行反叛，有必要使人权受法治的保护……

如果有人问我，为什么要为缅甸的人权奋斗，上面两段话就是答案。如果有人问我，为什么要为缅甸的民主奋斗，那是因为我相信民主制度是人权的保证。

在过去一年里，已有迹象 表明，那些为民主和人权所作出的努力，已经开始在缅甸开花结果。朝民主化方向的一些积极的改变已经出现。如果我说我主张谨慎的乐观，不是因为我没有信心，而是我不愿意盲目地鼓励。如果缺乏对未来的信心，缺乏对民主制度和人权基石在我们社会中不仅必要而且可能的信念，我们前进的步伐不可能在被破坏这么多年以 后依然经久不衰。我们一些斗士被降职，一些人离开了我们，但是作为核心的奉献精神依然强大而坚定。当我回顾过去的许多年时，我惊讶于在最艰难的处境下还有 这样多坚定的奋斗者。他们对我们事业的信念不是源于盲目，而是基于对他们坚忍的力量和对人民志向的极度尊重所作出的清楚估计。

今天我能与你们在一起，正是源于近来在我国发生的变化。这些变化能够产生，是因为你们和其他所有热爱自由与公平的人们，让全球目光都来关注我们的处境。在继续谈论我的国家之前，请允许我先谈一谈我们的良心犯。在缅甸仍然有良心犯被关押。比较令人害怕的是，因为最著名的几个人已经得到释放，剩下的不出名的人将会被遗忘。我因为曾是 一名良心犯而站在这里。当你们看到我听我演讲的时候，请同样记住这个经常被重提的事实：只有一名良心犯仍嫌太多。在我的国家，那些尚未得到自由的，尚未沐 浴公正之光的人远远多于一人。请记住他们，为他们做一切可能的事，使他们尽早获得无条件释放。

缅甸是一个多民族，多信 仰的国家，它的未来只能建立在真正的团结精神上。自从我们1948年独立以来，整个国家从未迎来全面的和平。我们没能够建立起信任与理解来消除冲突的根 源。在90年代早期停火的时候，人们又升起了希望，直到2010年的几个月中停火又被打破。一个轻率的举动足以打破长期的停火状态。近几个月来政府和少数 族裔的谈判已经取得进展。我们希望停火协定可以带来由人民意愿所建立的稳定的政局和团结的精神。

我的政党，全国民主联盟，同我一道已经准备好在全国和解中扮演任何角色。只有当各方势力都表现出睿智的合作时，由总统吴登盛的政府推行的改革措施才能持久。这包括军队、少数族裔、各政党、媒体、国内社会组织、商业社团，还有最重要的人民大众。只有人民生活得到改善，改革才谈得上有效，国际社会需要在其中扮演重要角色。经济发展与人道主义援助，双边的共识和投资都需要互相协调，确保能够促进社会、政治和经济的均衡和可持续增长。我们国家的潜力是巨大的。它应当孕育和发展出一个不仅繁荣，而且更加和谐与民主的社会，使我们的人民能够在和平、安全与自由中生活。

我们这个世界的和平不可分割。只要有一个地方的消极力量占了上风，我们就都处在危险之中。或许有人会问消极力量能否被根除。答案很简单：“不能！”善恶原本就共存于人性中。然而人类同时也有增强积极力量的能力，将消极力量的影响降到最小。在我们的世界上，绝对的和平是做不到的。但这并不妨我们朝此目标进发。我们专注于目标，就像在沙漠中的旅行者一样，一直朝着指路星的方向前进，最终必能获救。即使绝对和平因为不存在于人间而无法实现，但为了和平的努力将会把个人与个人，国家 与国家团结起来，在信任与友谊的帮助下，将我们人类社会建设得更加安全与仁爱。

我用“仁爱”这个词是经过仔细推敲的，应该说仔细推敲了许多年。苦难中的快乐并不多见，我找到的最甜蜜和最宝贵的东西是我我所学到的仁爱的价值。我所感受到的每份仁爱，不论大小，都使我确信，仁爱我们的世界上永不嫌多。仁爱是用敏感的心去体察他人的需要，是用温暖的情去响应他人的期望。即使是最轻微的仁爱触碰也可以卸下心灵的负担。仁爱可以改变人们的生活。挪威在这方面已经做出了模范式的表率。它给流离失所的人们提供家园，给那些在自己国家得不到安全与自由的人们提供避难之所。

难民遍布世界各地。当我 最近探访泰国的MeaLa难民营时，我遇见了那些为尽可能让被收容者在困苦环境中生活得更加自由而每日奋斗的人们。他们谈到关切的事情时提到“捐助疲 劳”，或者也可以被翻译为“同情疲劳”。“捐助疲劳”也就是经费短缺。“同情疲劳”就不太能够准确描述关注减少的情况。他们互为因果。我们能够承担放任同情疲劳所产生的后果吗？如果不盲目而是关注他们的遭遇的话，是满足难民生活需求的成本更高呢，还是漠不关心造成的后果更严重呢？我呼吁世界各地的捐助者们满足这些四处寻觅的难民的需求，这些难民在庇护所的寻觅往往是徒劳的。

在MaeLa，我和泰国 负责达克省事务的官员进行了有价值的讨论，达克省中还有另外几座难民营。他们让我了解到另外一些和难民营有关的更严重的问题：暴力式的丛林法则，非法使用 药物，私酿烈酒，难以防控疟疾，结核，登革热和霍乱。政府当局的顾虑同难民的渴望一样合情合理。东道国在解决这些与职责所在的困难时，也应当得到外界的关 注和援助。

我们最终的目标是创造一 个没有被迫迁徙，没有无家可归和没有绝望的世界，一个每个角落都是真正的圣堂，每个居民都生活在自由与和平中的世界。每种想法，每一句话，每个动作都增强 了积极的力量，有益于和平。我们每一个人都有能力做出这样的贡献。让我们携起手来，试着创造一个可以安全地入睡，开心地醒来的世界。

在1991年10月14 日，诺贝尔委员会这样为它的陈述做总结：“挪威诺贝尔委员会将诺贝尔和平奖授予昂山素季，向这个女人不屈不挠的努力表示敬意，并向世界各地，致力于以和平方式为民主、人权和民族和解而奋斗的人们表达委员会的支持。”当我参与缅甸民主运动时，我从未觉得自己会得到什么奖或者什么荣誉。我们真正要争取的奖赏，是一个自由，安全和公平的社会，在那里，我们的人民能够意识到他们全部的潜能。获得这项荣誉，正是在于我们的努力。历史已经给予我们机会，使我们可以为我 们所相信的事业而奋斗。当诺贝尔委员会选择奖荣誉授予我时，我在自由选择的路上变得不再寂寞。为此我感谢委员会，感谢挪威人民和全世界支持与坚定我的信仰 和共同追求和平的人们。感谢你们。

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highness, Excellencies, Distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Dear Friends，Long years ago, sometimes it seems many lives ago, I was at Oxford listening to the radio programme Desert Island Discs with my young son Alexander.It was a well-known programme(for all I know it still continues)on which famous people from all walks of life were invited to talk about the eight discs, the one book beside the bible and the complete works of Shakespeare, and the one luxury item they would wish to have with them were they to be marooned on a desert island.At the end of the programme, which we had both enjoyed, Alexander asked me if I thought I might ever be invited to speak on Desert Island Discs.“Why not?” I responded lightly.Since he knew that in general only celebrities took part in the programme he proceeded to ask, with genuine interest, for what reason I thought I might be invited.I considered this for a moment and then answered: “Perhaps because I‟d have won the Nobel Prize for literature,” and we both laughed.The prospect seemed pleasant but hardly probable.(I cannot now remember why I gave that answer, perhaps because I had recently read a book by a Nobel Laureate or perhaps because the Desert Island celebrity of that day had been a famous writer.)

In 1989, when my late husband Michael Aris came to see me during my first term of house arrest, he told me that a friend, John Finnis, had nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize.This time also I laughed.For an instant Michael looked amazed, then he realized why I was amused.The Nobel Peace Prize? A pleasant prospect, but quite improbable!So how did I feel when I was actually awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace? The question has been put to me many times and this is surely the most appropriate occasion on which to examine what the Nobel Prize means to me and what peace means to me.As I have said repeatedly in many an interview, I heard the news that I had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on the radio one evening.It did not altogether come as a surprise because I had been mentioned as one of the frontrunners for the prize in a number of broadcasts during the previous week.While drafting this lecture, I have tried very hard to remember what my immediate reaction to the announcement of the award had been.I think, I can no longer be sure, it was something like: “Oh, so they‟ve decided to give it to me.” It did not seem quite real because in a sense I did not feel myself to be quite real at that time.Often during my days of house arrest it felt as though I were no longer a part of the real world.There was the house which was my world, there was the world of others who also were not free but who were together in prison as a community, and there was the world of the free;each was a different planet pursuing its own separate course in an indifferent universe.What the Nobel Peace Prize did was to draw me once again into the world of other human beings outside the isolated area in which I lived, to restore a sense of reality to me.This did not happen instantly, of course, but as the days and months went by and news of reactions to the award came over the airwaves, I began to understand the significance of the Nobel Prize.It had made me real once again;it had drawn me back into the wider human community.And what was more important, the Nobel Prize had drawn the attention of the world to the struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma.We were not going to be forgotten.To be forgotten.The French say that to part is to die a little.To be forgotten too is to die a little.It is to lose some of the links that anchor us to the rest of humanity.When I met Burmese migrant workers and refugees during my recent visit to Thailand, many cried out: “Don‟t forget us!” They meant: “don‟t forget our plight, don‟t forget to do what you can to help us, don‟t forget we also belong to your world.” When the Nobel Committee awarded the Peace Prize to me they were recognizing that the oppressed and the isolated in Burma were also a part of the world, they were recognizing the oneness of humanity.So for me receiving the Nobel Peace Prize means personally extending my concerns for democracy and human rights beyond national borders.The Nobel Peace Prize opened up a door in my heart.The Burmese concept of peace can be explained as the happiness arising from the cessation of factors that militate against the harmonious and the wholesome.The word nyein-chan translates literally as the beneficial coolness that comes when a fire is extinguished.Fires of suffering and strife are raging around the world.In my own country, hostilities have not ceased in the far north;to the west, communal violence resulting in arson and murder were taking place just several days before I started out on the journey that has brought me here today.News of atrocities in other reaches of the earth abound.Reports of hunger, disease, displacement, joblessness, poverty, injustice, discrimination, prejudice, bigotry;these are our daily fare.Everywhere there are negative forces eating away at the foundations of peace.Everywhere can be found thoughtless dissipation of material and human resources that are necessary for the conservation of harmony and happiness in our world.The First World War represented a terrifying waste of youth and potential, a cruel squandering of the positive forces of our planet.The poetry of that era has a special significance for me because I first read it at a time when I was the same age as many of those young men who had to face the prospect of withering before they had barely blossomed.A young American fighting with the French Foreign Legion wrote before he was killed in action in 1916 that he would meet his death: “at some disputed barricade;” “on some scarred slope of battered hill;” “at midnight in some flaming town.” Youth and love and life perishing forever in senseless attempts to capture nameless, unremembered places.And for what? Nearly a century on, we have yet to find a satisfactory answer.Are we not still guilty, if to a less violent degree, of recklessness, of improvidence with regard to our future and our humanity? War is not the only arena where peace is done to death.Wherever suffering is ignored, there will be the seeds of conflict, for suffering degrades and embitters and enrages.A positive aspect of living in isolation was that I had ample time in which to ruminate over the meaning of words and precepts that I had known and accepted all my life.As a Buddhist, I had heard about dukha, generally translated as suffering, since I was a small child.Almost on a daily basis elderly, and sometimes not so elderly, people around me would murmur “dukha, dukha” when they suffered from aches and pains or when they met with some small, annoying mishaps.However, it was only during my years of house arrest that I got around to investigating the nature of the six great dukha.These are: to be conceived, to age, to sicken, to die, to be parted from those one loves, to be forced to live in propinquity with those one does not love.I examined each of the six great sufferings, not in a religious context but in the context of our ordinary, everyday lives.If suffering were an unavoidable part of our existence, we should try to alleviate it as far as possible in practical, earthly ways.I mulled over the effectiveness of ante-and post-natal programmes and mother and childcare;of adequate facilities for the aging population;of comprehensive health services;of compassionate nursing and hospices.I was particularly intrigued by the last two kinds of suffering: to be parted from those one loves and to be forced to live in propinquity with those one does not love.What experiences might our Lord Buddha have undergone in his own life that he had included these two states among the great sufferings? I thought of prisoners and refugees, of migrant workers and victims of human trafficking, of that great mass of the uprooted of the earth who have been torn away from their homes, parted from families and friends, forced to live out their lives among strangers who are not always welcoming.We are fortunate to be living in an age when social welfare and humanitarian assistance are recognized not only as desirable but necessary.I am fortunate to be living in an age when the fate of prisoners of conscience anywhere has become the concern of peoples everywhere, an age when democracy and human rights are widely, even if not universally, accepted as the birthright of all.How often during my years under house arrest have I drawn strength from my favourite passages in the preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

…….disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspirations of the common people，…… it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law...If I am asked why I am fighting for human rights in Burma the above passages will provide the answer.If I am asked why I am fighting for democracy in Burma, it is because I believe that democratic institutions and practices are necessary for the guarantee of human rights.Over the past year there have been signs that the endeavours of those who believe in democracy and human rights are beginning to bear fruit in Burma.There have been changes in a positive direction;steps towards democratization have been taken.If I advocate cautious optimism it is not because I do not have faith in the future but because I do not want to encourage blind faith.Without faith in the future, without the conviction that democratic values and fundamental human rights are not only necessary but possible for our society, our movement could not have been sustained throughout the destroying years.Some of our warriors fell at their post, some deserted us, but a dedicated core remained strong and committed.At times when I think of the years that have passed, I am amazed that so many remained staunch under the most trying circumstances.Their faith in our cause is not blind;it is based on a clear-eyed assessment of their own powers of endurance and a profound respect for the aspirations of our people.It is because of recent changes in my country that I am with you today;and these changes have come about because of you and other lovers of freedom and justice who contributed towards a global awareness of our situation.Before continuing to speak of my country, may I speak out for our prisoners of conscience.There still remain such prisoners in Burma.It is to be feared that because the best known detainees have been released, the remainder, the unknown ones, will be forgotten.I am standing here because I was once a prisoner of conscience.As you look at me and listen to me, please remember the often repeated truth that one prisoner of conscience is one too many.Those who have not yet been freed, those who have not yet been given access to the benefits of justice in my country number much more than one.Please remember them and do whatever is possible to effect their earliest, unconditional release.Burma is a country of many ethnic nationalities and faith in its future can be founded only on a true spirit of union.Since we achieved independence in 1948, there never has been a time when we could claim the whole country was at peace.We have not been able to develop the trust and understanding necessary to remove causes of conflict.Hopes were raised by ceasefires that were maintained from the early 1990s until 2010 when these broke down over the course of a few months.One unconsidered move can be enough to remove long-standing ceasefires.In recent months, negotiations between the government and ethnic nationality forces have been making progress.We hope that ceasefire agreements will lead to political settlements founded on the aspirations of the peoples, and the spirit of union.My party, the National League for Democracy, and I stand ready and willing to play any role in the process of national reconciliation.The reform measures that were put into motion by President U Thein Sein‟s government can be sustained only with the intelligent cooperation of all internal forces: the military, our ethnic nationalities, political parties, the media, civil society organizations, the business community and, most important of all, the general public.We can say that reform is effective only if the lives of the people are improved and in this regard, the international community has a vital role to play.Development and humanitarian aid, bi-lateral agreements and investments should be coordinated and calibrated to ensure that these will promote social, political and economic growth that is balanced and sustainable.The potential of our country is enormous.This should be nurtured and developed to create not just a more prosperous but also a more harmonious, democratic society where our people can live in peace, security and freedom.The peace of our world is indivisible.As long as negative forces are getting the better of positive forces anywhere, we are all at risk.It may be questioned whether all negative forces could ever be removed.The simple answer is: “No!” It is in human nature to contain both the positive and the negative.However, it is also within human capability to work to reinforce the positive and to minimize or neutralize the negative.Absolute peace in our world is an unattainable goal.But it is one towards which we must continue to journey, our eyes fixed on it as a traveller in a desert fixes his eyes on the one guiding star that will lead him to salvation.Even if we do not achieve perfect peace on earth, because perfect peace is not of this earth, common endeavours to gain peace will unite individuals and nations in trust and friendship and help to make our human community safer and kinder.I used the word „kinder‟ after careful deliberation;I might say the careful deliberation of many years.Of the sweets of adversity, and let me say that these are not numerous, I have found the sweetest, the most precious of all, is the lesson I learnt on the value of kindness.Every kindness I received, small or big, convinced me that there could never be enough of it in our world.To be kind is to respond with sensitivity and human warmth to the hopes and needs of others.Even the briefest touch of kindness can lighten a heavy heart.Kindness can change the lives of people.Norway has shown exemplary kindness in providing a home for the displaced of the earth, offering sanctuary to those who have been cut loose from the moorings of security and freedom in their native lands.There are refugees in all parts of the world.When I was at the Maela refugee camp in Thailand recently, I met dedicated people who were striving daily to make the lives of the inmates as free from hardship as possible.They spoke of their concern over „donor fatigue,‟ which could also translate as „compassion fatigue.‟ „Donor fatigue‟ expresses itself precisely in the reduction of funding.„Compassion fatigue‟ expresses itself less obviously in the reduction of concern.One is the consequence of the other.Can we afford to indulge in compassion fatigue? Is the cost of meeting the needs of refugees greater than the cost that would be consequent on turning an indifferent, if not a blind, eye on their suffering? I appeal to donors the world over to fulfill the needs of these people who are in search, often it must seem to them a vain search, of refuge.At Maela, I had valuable discussions with Thai officials responsible for the administration of Tak province where this and several other camps are situated.They acquainted me with some of the more serious problems related to refugee camps: violation of forestry laws, illegal drug use, home brewed spirits, the problems of controlling malaria, tuberculosis, dengue fever and cholera.The concerns of the administration are as legitimate as the concerns of the refugees.Host countries also deserve consideration and practical help in coping with the difficulties related to their responsibilities.Ultimately our aim should be to create a world free from the displaced, the homeless and the hopeless, a world of which each and every corner is a true sanctuary where the inhabitants will have the freedom and the capacity to live in peace.Every thought, every word, and every action that adds to the positive and the wholesome is a contribution to peace.Each and every one of us is capable of making such a contribution.Let us join hands to try to create a peaceful world where we can sleep in security and wake in happiness.The Nobel Committee concluded its statement of 14 October 1991 with the words: “In awarding the Nobel Peace Prize...to Aung San Suu Kyi, the Norwegian Nobel Committee wishes to honour this woman for her unflagging efforts and to show its support for the many people throughout the world who are striving to attain democracy, human rights and ethnic conciliation by peaceful means.” When I joined the democracy movement in Burma it never occurred to me that I might ever be the recipient of any prize or honour.The prize we were working for was a free, secure and just society where our people might be able to realize their full potential.The honour lay in our endeavour.History had given us the opportunity to give of our best for a cause in which we believed.When the Nobel Committee chose to honour me, the road I had chosen of my own free will became a less lonely path to follow.For this I thank the Committee, the people of Norway and peoples all over the world whose support has strengthened my faith in the common quest for peace.Thank you.

第五篇：昂山素季：除了爱,也无风雨也无晴（推荐）

昂山素季：除了爱，也无风雨也无晴

2012年，软禁期满一年可以自由活动的素季在奥斯陆终于迎来了迟到21年的诺贝尔和平奖，发表了此篇演讲

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highness, Excellencies, Distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Dear Friends，尊敬的国王和王后陛下，尊敬的皇室家族和各位阁下，杰出的挪威诺贝尔委员会委员们，各位亲爱的朋友们：

Long years ago, sometimes it seems many lives ago, I was at Oxford listening to the radio programme Desert Island Discs with my young son Alexander.It was a well-known programme(for all I know it still continues)on which famous people from all walks of life were invited to talk about the eight discs, the one book beside the bible and the complete works of Shakespeare, and the one luxury item they would wish to have with them were they to be marooned on a desert island.At the end of the programme, which we had both enjoyed, Alexander asked me if I thought I might ever be invited to speak on Desert Island Discs.‚Why not‛ I responded lightly.Since he knew that in general only celebrities took part in the programme he proceeded to ask, with genuine interest, for what reason I thought I might be invited.I considered this for a moment and then answered ‚Perhaps because I’d have won the Nobel Prize for literature,‛ and we both laughed.The prospect seemed pleasant but hardly probable.回忆起多年前，恍若隔世，我和我的小儿子亚历山大正在牛津收听广播节目‚荒岛唱片‛。那是一档知名的广播节目（据我所知它依旧存在），邀请各行各业的名人来谈谈，当他们被放逐到荒岛上后，希望能携带的哪八张唱片？除了《圣经》和莎士比亚著作以外的想带哪本书和哪件奢侈品？节目快结束时，我们都听得非常开心，亚历山大问我想不想被邀请参加‚荒岛唱片‛。我随口答道：‚为什么不？‛ 因为他知道，上节目的通常都是名人，他就继续真心实意地问我觉得自己能被邀请的理由。我想了想，说：‚也许是因为我得了诺贝尔文学奖吧。‛ 然后我们都哈哈大笑了起来。因为这份憧憬看似美好，却几乎渺无希望。

(I cannot now remember why I gave that answer, perhaps because I had recently read a book by a Nobel Laureate or perhaps because the Desert Island celebrity of that day had been a famous writer.)

（现在，我不记得当时为何要那样回答，也许因为刚好读了一本诺贝尔获奖者的作品，又或许因为那天 ‚荒岛唱片‛ 邀请的名人是位有名的作家。）

In 1989, when my late husband Michael Aris came to see me during my first term of house arrest, he told me that a friend, John Finnis, had nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize.This time also I laughed.For an instant Michael looked amazed, then he realized why I was amused.The Nobel Peace Prize A pleasant prospect, but quite improbable!So how did I feel when I was actually awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace The question has been put to me many times and this is surely the most appropriate occasion on which to examine what the Nobel Prize means to me and what peace means to me.1989年，当我第一次被软禁时，我的亡夫迈克•阿里斯前来探望我。迈克告诉我有个朋友约翰•芬尼斯提名我为诺贝尔和平奖候选人。那时，我又笑了。有一瞬间迈克看起来很惊诧，接着他就意识到为什么我会被逗笑了。诺贝尔和平奖？又是一份美好的憧憬，但几乎渺无希望！所以，当我真的获得诺贝尔和平奖时，我究竟是什么感觉？我被多次问及这个问题，而此时此刻，正是一个再合适不过的契机，来审视诺贝尔奖对我意味着什么，和平对我意味着什么。

As I have said repeatedly in many an interview, I heard the news that I had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on the radio one evening.It did not altogether come as a surprise because I had been mentioned as one of the frontrunnersfor the prize in a number of broadcasts during the previous week.While drafting this lecture, I have tried very hard to remember what my immediate reaction to the announcement of the award had been.I think, I can no longer be sure, it was something like ‚Oh, so they’ve decided to give it to me.‛ It did not seem quite real because in a sense I did not feel myself to be quite real at that time.就像我在访谈中多次说过的，一天晚上，我在广播中得知自己被授予诺贝尔和平奖。其实我并不是很惊讶，因为此前一周，许多电视广播都说我是最有希望得奖的人之一。当我起草这篇演讲稿时，我绞尽脑汁地回想我得知获奖后的第一反应是什么。我想，我也不敢确定，大概是这样：‚哦，所以他们决定把奖给我了。‛ 那种感觉不太真实，因为那段时间，在某种程度上，我都怀疑自己是不是真实地存在。

Often during my days of house arrest it felt as though I were no longer a part of the real world.There was the house which was my world, there was the world of others who also were not free but who were together in prison as a community, and there was the world of the free;each was a different planet pursuing its own separate course in an indifferent universe.What the Nobel Peace Prize did was to draw me once again into the world of other human beings outside the isolated area in which I lived, to restore a sense of reality to me.This did not happen instantly, of course, but as the days and months went by and news of reactions to the award came over the airwaves, I began to understand the significance of the Nobel Prize.It had made me real once again;it had drawn me back into the wider human community.And what was more important, the Nobel Prize had drawn the attention of the world to the struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma.We were not going to be forgotten.我被软禁期间，我常常觉得自己不再是这个真实世界的一部分。房子即是我的全部世界，其他不自由的人们也有自己的世界，他们相伴在监狱中，组成自己的社区，而自由的人也有自己的世界；每个世界都像是个独立的星球，在这个冷漠的宇宙中沿着各自的轨道默默运转。诺贝尔和平奖把我从孤立的世界中重新拉回到和其他人一起的世界，赋予我真实感。当然，这不是一瞬间的事情，而是几天来几个月来，关于得奖的新闻遍布电波，我开始明白诺贝尔和平奖的重要性。它让我回归真实世界，它把我拉回更广阔的人类世界。更重要的是，诺贝尔奖让全世界的人们都关注缅甸的民主和人权斗争。我们不会被遗忘。

To be forgotten.The French say that to part is to die a little.To be forgotten too is to die a little.It is to lose some of the links that anchor us to the rest of humanity.When I met Burmese migrant workers and

refugees during my recent visit to Thailand, many cried out ‚Don’t forget us!‛ They meant ‚don’t forget our plight, don’t forget to do what you can to help us, don’t forget we also belong to your world.‛ When the Nobel Committee awarded the Peace Prize to me they were recognizing that the oppressed and the isolated in Burma were also a part of the world, they were recognizing the oneness of humanity.So for me receiving the Nobel Peace Prize means personally extending my concerns for democracy and human rights beyond national borders.The Nobel Peace Prize opened up a door in my heart.被遗忘。法国人说离别会让人感到有些心死。其实被遗忘也是如此。它让我们失去联系人类社会的纽带。最近我走访泰国，与缅甸移民工和难民见面时，许多人哭喊着：‚不要忘了我们！‛他们的意思是：‚不要忘记我们的苦难。别忘了要做力所能及的事来帮助我们。不要忘记我们同样属于你们的世界。‛ 当诺贝尔委员会授予我和平奖时，他们意识到在缅甸受压迫的、被孤立的人民也是世界的一部分，他们意识到人类的同一性。因此，对我个人来说，获得诺贝尔和平奖意味着我对民主和人权的关怀超越了国界。诺贝尔和平奖为我的心开启了一扇门。

The Burmeseconcept of peace can be explained as the happiness arising from the cessation of factors that militate against the harmonious and the wholesome.The word nyein-chan translates literally as the beneficial coolness that comes when a fire is extinguished.Fires of suffering and strife are raging around the world.In my own country, hostilities have not ceased in the far north;to the west, communal violence resulting in arson and murder were taking place just several days before I started out on the journey that has brought me here today.News of atrocities in other reaches of the earth abound.Reports of hunger, disease, displacement, joblessness, poverty, injustice, discrimination, prejudice, bigotry;these are our daily fare.Everywhere there are negative forces eating away at the foundations of peace.Everywhere can be found thoughtless dissipation of material and human resources that are necessary for the conservation of harmony and happiness in our world.缅甸人民心目中的和平，可以解释为妨碍和谐和健全的因素不复存在而产生的幸福感。‛Nyein-chan‛字面上翻译为火被扑灭后的清凉。痛苦和斗争之火在世界熊熊蔓延。在我的祖国，遥远北方的战争仍未停息；就在我准备来这儿的几天前，西部的公共暴力事件导致了纵火和谋杀。暴行的新闻遍布全球。关于饥饿、疾病、被迫离家、失业、贫穷、不公、歧视、偏见、成见的报道充斥着我们的日常生活。到处都有负面的力量在吞噬和平的根基。到处都能找到对物质和人类资源的随意损耗，而这些恰恰是维持世界和谐与幸福的必需。

The First World War represented a terrifying waste of youth and potential, a cruel squanderingof the positive forces of our planet.The poetry of that era has a special significance for me because I first read it at a time when I was the same age as many of those young men who had to face the prospect of withering before they had barely blossomed.A young American fighting with the French Foreign Legion wrote before he was killed in action in 1916 that he would meet his death ‚at some disputed barricade;‛ ‚on some scarred slope of battered hill;‛ ‚at midnight in some flaming town.‛ Youth and love and life perishing forever in senseless attempts to capture nameless, unremembered places.And for what Nearly a century on, we have yet to find a satisfactory answer.第一次世界大战是对青春和潜能的巨大浪费，是对地球上正面能量的残忍挥霍。这个时期的诗歌对我有很特别 的意义，因为在我第一次读到它们的时候，我和那些在战场上厮杀的年轻人差不多大的年纪，他们的生命之花还没有绽放就那么枯萎凋谢了。1916年在法国外籍军团开战前，一位美国青年写下了这样的文字，预见死亡也许会在 ‚在争夺的路障旁；在伤痕累累的山坡上；在午夜大火燃烧的城镇里‛ 降临。这位年轻人不久就在战场上阵亡。青春，爱情，生命，就这样永远的消失在一次次无谓无名的攻城略地中。这些牺牲到底是为了什么？已经一个世纪过去了，我们也还是没有找到一个满意的答案。

Are we not still guilty,if to a less violent degree,of recklessness, of improvidence with regard to our future and our humanity War is not the only arena where peace is done to death.Wherever suffering is ignored, there will be the seeds of conflict, for suffering degrades and embittersand enrages.如此的鲁莽轻率，如此的目光短浅，难道我们不会对未来和人类社会心怀愧疚吗？战争并不是唯一绞杀和平的竞技场，只要是有苦难被漠视的地方，就会撒下冲突的种子。那些苦难，让人们互相贬低、怨恨和愤怒。

A positive aspect of living in isolation was that I had ample time in which to ruminate over the meaning of words and precepts that I had known and accepted all my life.As a Buddhist, I had heard about dukha, generally translated as suffering, since I was a small child.Almost on a daily basis elderly, and sometimes not so elderly, people around me would murmur ‚dukha, dukha‛ when they suffered from aches and pains or when they met with some small, annoying mishaps.However, it was only during my years of house arrest that I got around to investigating the nature of the six great dukha.These are to be conceived, to age, to sicken, to die, to be parted from those one loves, to be forced to live in propinquitywith those one does not love.I examined each of the six great sufferings, not in a religious context but in the context of our ordinary, everyday lives.If suffering were an unavoidable part of our existence, we should try to alleviate it as far as possible in practical, earthly ways.I mulled over the effectiveness of ante-and post-natal programmes and mother and childcare;of adequate facilities for the aging population;of comprehensive health services;of compassionate nursing and hospices.I was particularly intrigued by the last two kinds of suffering to be parted from those one loves and to be forced to live in propinquity with those one does not love.What experiences might our Lord Buddha have undergone in his own life that he had included these two states among the great sufferings I thought of prisoners and refugees, of migrant workers and victims of human trafficking, of that great mass of the uprooted of the earth who have been torn away from their homes, parted from families and friends, forced to live out their lives among strangers who are not always welcoming.如果说被拘禁在家有什么好处的话，那就是我有了充裕的时间来反思我一生中所了解和接受的词汇和观点的意义。我一个佛教徒，从小时候开始我就听说过dukha（译为‚苦‛）的概念。几乎每天，我身边都会有这样的老人或是长者，在他们遭受病痛或是遇到琐碎烦人的不幸时，他们都会低声唠叨‚dukha, dukha‛。然而，我是直到拘禁在家的这些年才开始真正领会六种苦难的涵义，它们是：生老病死，以及分离和与不爱的人在一起。抛开宗教的背景，我将六种苦难臵于现实生活的环境下一一审视。如果苦难是我们生存不可避免的一部分，那么我们应该通过世俗现实的方式，尽力减轻我们的痛苦。我反复思考过关于母子产前产后护理的有效性、关于给予老年人口充足的设施、关于完善的医疗卫生服务、关于慈善护理和临终关怀。我对最后两种苦难尤其感兴趣：骨肉分离和与不爱的人生活在一起。我们的佛祖究竟在生活中经历了什么，才从苦难中得出这两种状态呢？我想过囚犯和难民、移民工和人口贩卖的受害者、那些被迫离开家园、从故土被连根拔起的人们，他们与家人和朋友分离，不得不在冷淡的陌

生人群中求生。

We are fortunate to be living in an age when social welfare and humanitarian assistance are recognized not only as desirable but necessary.I am fortunate to be living in an age when the fate of prisoners of conscience anywhere has become the concern of peoples everywhere, an age when democracy and human rights are widely, even if not universally, accepted as the birthright of all.How often during my years under house arrest have I drawn strength from my favourite passages in the preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

我们有幸生活在这样一个时代，人们意识到社会救济和人道主义援助不仅仅是有利的，还是必须的。我有幸生活在这样一个时代，政治犯的命运得到各地人民的广泛关注，民主和人权即使没有扩散到全世界，但也被广泛认可为与生俱来的权利。在被软禁期间，有多少次我都从我最喜欢的文章段落中从汲取力量，它来自《世界人权宣言》：

…….disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspirations of the common people，……鉴于对人权的无视和侮蔑已发展为野蛮暴行，这些暴行玷污了人类的良心，而一个人人享有言论和信仰自由并免予恐惧和匮乏的世界的来临，已被宣布为普通人民的最高愿望；

……it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law...鉴于为使人类不致迫不得已铤而走险对暴政和压迫进行反叛，有必要使人权受法治的保护；

If I am asked why I am fighting for human rights in Burma the above passages will provide the answer.If I am asked why I am fighting for democracy in Burma, it is because I believe that democratic institutions and practices are necessary for the guarantee of human rights.如果你问我为何在缅甸争取人权，以上段落就是我的答案。如果你问我为何在缅甸争取民主，那是因为我相信民主制度和实践是人权的保障。

Over the past year there have been signs that the endeavours of those who believe in democracy and human rights are beginning to bear fruit in Burma.There have been changes in a positive direction;steps towards democratization have been taken.If I advocate cautious optimism it is not because I do not have faith in the future but because I do not want to encourage blind faith.Without faith in the future, without the conviction that democratic values and fundamental human rights are not only necessary but possible for our society, our movement could not have been sustained throughout the destroying years.Some of our warriors fell at their post, some deserted us, but a dedicated core remained strong and committed.At times when I think of the years that have passed, I am amazed that so many remained staunch under the most trying circumstances.Their faith in our cause is not blind;it is based on a clear-eyed assessment of their own powers of endurance and a profound respect for

the aspirations of our people.在过去的一年里，有种种迹象表明，那些为民主和人权的努力，已经开始在缅甸开花结果。它们正朝着积极的方向变化；民主化的措施已经开始实施。如果我提倡要谨慎地乐观，并不是因为我对未来没信心，而是因为我不想鼓励盲目的乐观。如果对未来没有信心，对民主价值和基本人权在我们的社会的必要性甚至可能性失去信念，我们的行动就不可能在被一次又一次摧毁之后仍然存在。我们的一些斗士被降职、一些离弃了我们，但是奉献精神作为核心仍然强大而坚定。有时，当我回忆往昔，想到在艰难困苦的环境下，仍有许多人坚守信念，我感动惊奇不已。他们对我们事业的信念不是源于盲目，都是基于对自身力量的清晰认识、对人民愿望的极度尊重。

It is because of recent changes in my country that I am with you today;and these changes have come about because of you and other lovers of freedom and justice who contributed towards a global awareness of our situation.Before continuing to speak of my country, may I speak out for our prisoners of conscience.There still remain such prisoners in Burma.It is to be feared that because the best known detainees have been released, the remainder, the unknown ones, will be forgotten.I am standing here because I was once a prisoner of conscience.As you look at me and listen to me, please remember the often repeated truth that one prisoner of conscience is one too many.Those who have not yet been freed, those who have not yet been given access to the benefits of justice in my country number much more than one.Please remember them and do whatever is possible to effect their earliest, unconditional release.正是由于我的国家最近改变了，所以今天，我才能和你们在一起。而出现这些变化，是因为有你们和其他热爱自由和正义的人士，不管身处何地，都牵挂着我们的处境。继续谈论我的国家之前，我想为政治犯说几句话。缅甸仍然有一些这样的犯人。令人担忧的是，由于最出名的几名犯人已经被释放，所以那些剩下的、不知名的人可能会被遗忘。我站在这儿，正是因为我也曾是个政治犯。当你们看着我，听我的演讲时，请记得一个一直被重复的事实：一个政治犯就是一个累赘。那些仍被囚禁的、仍不能享受正义果实的人，在我的国家，远远不止一个。请牢记他们，全力以赴，尽早使他们得到无条件的释放。

Burma is a country of many ethnic nationalities and faith in its future can be founded only on a true spirit of union.Since we achieved independence in 1948, there never has been a time when we could claim the whole country was at peace.We have not been able to develop the trust and understanding necessary to remove causes of conflict.Hopes were raised by ceasefires that were maintained from the early 1990s until 2010 when these broke down over the course of a few months.One unconsidered move can be enough to remove long-standing ceasefires.In recent months, negotiations between the government and ethnic nationality forces have been making progress.We hope that ceasefire agreements will lead to political settlements founded on the aspirations of the peoples, and the spirit of union.缅甸是个多民族、多信仰的国家，只有团结一致，才能有未来。自从1948年我们实现独立以来，我们从不敢宣称我们实现了全国和平。我们还没有建立必要的信任和理解，所以冲突纷争依然生生不息。20世纪90年代早期到2010年，战火停止，我们看到了希望。然而，2010年的几个月，这个局面被打破。一个轻率的举动就足以打破长期的停火状态。最近几个月，政府和民族军的谈判取得进展。我们希望，停火协议能够带来政治稳定，满足人民 的期望，实现团结一致的愿望。

My party, the National League for Democracy, and I stand ready and willing to play any role in the process of national reconciliation.The reform measures that were put into motion by President U Thein Sein’s government can be sustained only with the intelligent cooperation of all internal forces the military, our ethnic nationalities, political parties, the media, civil society organizations, the business community and, most important of all, the general public.We can say that reform is effective only if the lives of the people are improved and in this regard, the international community has a vital role to play.Development and humanitarian aid, bi-lateral agreements and investments should be coordinated and calibrated to ensure that these will promote social, political and economic growth that is balanced and sustainable.The potential of our country is enormous.This should be nurtured and developed to create not just a more prosperous but also a more harmonious, democratic society where our people can live in peace, security and freedom.我和我的政党还有全国民主联盟，已做好准备在全国和解的进程中扮演任何角色。吴登盛政府已经开始实施改革，这些改革只有集合内部各方力量的智慧才能稳步进行：军队、少数民族、政党、媒体、公民社会团体、商业界、最重要的还有人民群众。要使改革行之有效，必须提高人民的生活水平，而在这一方面，国际社会起到非常关键的作用。发展和人道主义援助、双边协议、资金投入三方面必须协调一致，能够保证促进平衡可持续的社会进步、政治稳定、经济发展。我们国家潜力无限。要呵护发展它，创造出不仅仅是更富裕，而是更和谐、更民主的社会，人们能够幸福安康、自由自在地生活。

The peace of our world is indivisible.As long as negative forces are getting the better of positive forces anywhere, we are all at risk.It may be questioned whether all negative forces could ever be removed.The simple answer is ‚No!‛ It is in human nature to contain both the positive and the negative.However, it is also within human capabilityto work to reinforce the positive and to minimize or neutralize the negative.Absolute peace in our world is an unattainable goal.But it is one towards which we must continue to journey, our eyes fixed on it as a traveller in a desert fixes his eyes on the one guiding star that will lead him to salvation.Even if we do not achieve perfect peace on earth, because perfect peace is not of this earth, common endeavours to gain peace will unite individuals and nations in trust and friendship and help to make our human community safer and kinder.我们这个世界的和平是不可分割的。在世界上任何角落，只要负面力量比正面力量强大，我们仍处在危险中。有人也许会质疑是否能消灭所有负面力量。答案很简单：‚不能！‛人性使然，世界上同时存在着正面和负面力量。但是，人类也同样力所能及，能够增强正面力量，尽力减弱或中立负面力量。绝对的世界和平是不可企及的目标。但是，我们必须向着这个目标前进，眼睛盯着它，就像沙漠中的旅行者看着指路星，最终能得到解救一样。即使我们不能实现世界的完全和平，因为完全和平根本不存在，但为争取和平而齐心协力，将会团结个人和国家，使他们彼此信任、搭起友谊的桥梁，使人类社会更加安全、人们心怀更多的善意。

I used the word ‘kinder’ after careful deliberation;I might say the careful deliberation of many years.Of the sweets of adversity, and let me say that these are not numerous, I have found the sweetest, the most precious of all, is the lesson I learnt on the value of kindness.Every kindness I received，small or big, convinced me that there could never be enough of it in our world.To be kind is to respond with sensitivity and human warmth to the hopes and needs of others.Even the briefest touch of kindness can lighten a heavy heart.Kindness can change the lives of people.Norway has shown exemplary kindness in providing a home for the displaced of the earth, offering sanctuary to those who have been cut loose from the moorings of security and freedom in their native lands.我深思熟虑后，用了‚善意‛这个词；应该说我深思熟虑了好几年了。苦难中的甜蜜并不多见，我找到的最甜蜜、最珍贵的，就是善意的价值教会我的。我收获的每一分‚善意‛，不管小还是大，让我相信，世界上拥有越多的善意越好。心怀善意，就是对他人的希望和需要送去理解与温暖。即便是最短暂的善良也能点亮一颗失落的心。善意能改变人们的生活。挪威是善意的楷模，它为地球上无家可归的人提供了住处，为那些在祖国得不到安全保障和自由的人提供庇护所。

There are refugees in all parts of the world.When I was at the Maela refugee camp in Thailand recently, I met dedicated people who were striving daily to make the lives of the inmates as free from hardship as possible.They spoke of their concern over ‘donor fatigue,’ which could also translate as ‘compassion fatigue.’ ‘Donor fatigue’ expresses itself precisely in the reduction of funding.‘Compassion fatigue’ expresses itself less obviously in the reduction of concern.One is the consequence of the other.Can we afford to indulge in compassion fatigue Is the cost of meeting the needs of refugees greater than the cost that would be consequenton turning an indifferent, if not a blind, eye on their suffering I appeal to donors the world over to fulfill the needs of these people who are in search, often it must seem to them a vain search, of refuge.世界各地都有难民，当我最近探访泰国的Maela难民营时，我见到了不少富有奉献精神的人，他们每天都尽可能努力把落难者从困苦中解救出来。他们谈到对‚捐赠疲劳‛或‚同情疲劳‛的担忧。‚捐赠疲劳‛就是资金减少。‚同情疲劳‛就是关心减少。他们互为因果。我们能承担得起对‚同情疲劳‛的放纵吗？难道满足难民的需要比漠视，甚至是视而不见他们的苦难造成的后果代价大吗？我呼吁世界上的捐助者来满足这些难民的需求，他们正在徒劳无助地寻求避难所。

At Maela, I had valuable discussions with Thai officials responsible for the administration of Tak province where this and several other camps are situated.They acquainted me with some of the more serious problems related to refugee camps violation of forestry laws, illegal drug use, home brewed spirits, the problems of controlling malaria, tuberculosis, dengue fever and cholera.The concerns of the administration are as legitimate as the concerns of the refugees.Host countries also deserve consideration and practical help in coping with the difficulties related to their responsibilities.在Maela，我与负责达克省行政的泰国官员进行了重要的交谈，达克省还有几个难民营。他们告诉我几个与难民营有关的更严重问题：触犯林业法律、使用非法药物、家庭酿造烈酒、疟疾、肺结核、登革热、霍乱这些病的防控问题。政府当局的担忧同难民的担忧一样合情合理。当东道主国家担起责任却遇到困难时，同样需要得到理解与实际的帮助。

Ultimately our aim should be to create a world free from the displaced, the homeless and the hopeless, a world of which each and every corner is a true sanctuary where the inhabitants will have

the freedom and the capacity to live in peace.Every thought, every word, and every action that adds to the positive and the wholesome is a contribution to peace.Each and every one of us is capable of making such a contribution.Let us join hands to try to create a peaceful world where we can sleep in security and wake in happiness.我们的最终目标应当是创造一个没有流离失所、没有无家可归、没有绝望的世界，创造一个每一个角落都是个真正的庇护所，那儿的居民自由自在和平地生活。为积极健康世界而努力的每一个思想、每一个词语、每一个行动都是对和平的贡献。我们中每一个人，都可以做出这样的贡献。让我们手牵着手，努力创造一个和平的世界，让我们能够安心地睡觉，幸福地醒来。

The Nobel Committee concluded its statement of 14 October 1991 with the words ‚In awarding the Nobel Peace Prize...to Aung San Suu Kyi, the Norwegian Nobel Committee wishes to honour this woman for her unflagging efforts and to show its support for the many people throughout the world who are striving to attain democracy, human rights and ethnic conciliation by peaceful means.‛ When I joined the democracy movement in Burma it never occurred to me that I might ever be the recipient of any prize or honour.The prize we were working for was a free, secure and just society where our people might be able to realize their full potential.The honour lay in our endeavour.History had given us the opportunity to give of our best for a cause in which we believed.When the Nobel Committee chose to honour me, the road I had chosen of my own free will became a less lonely path to follow.For this I thank the Committee, the people of Norway and peoples all over the world whose support has strengthened my faith in the common quest for peace.Thank you.诺贝尔委员会1991年10月14日是这样为它的陈述做总结：‚挪威诺贝尔委员会授予昂山素季诺贝尔和平奖，向这位女性坚持不懈的努力表达敬意。同时，我们向全世界和平争取民主、人权、民族和解的人们表示支持。‛ 当我参与缅甸的民主运动时，我从来没想过我能有荣幸获得任何奖赏或荣誉。我们追寻的奖赏是一个自由、安全、公平的社会，人们能够发挥各自的潜能。这份荣誉在于我们的努力。历史赐予我们这个机会，我相信是对我们这个事业的最好赏赐。当诺贝尔委员会选择授予我这份荣誉时，我选择的道路不在孤单。为此，我感谢委员会、挪威人民、和全世界支持我、给予我力量与信念的和平人士。感谢你们。