尼克松总统英文演讲稿

第一篇：尼克松总统英文演讲稿

晚上好!亲爱的同胞们：

Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.今晚，我想与各位探讨一个问题，这是所有美国人和全球无数人所深切关注的一个问题——越南战争。

I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy.The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.我认为，在关于越南战争一事上，大家的观点出现了严重分歧的一个重要原因在于：很多美国民众对我们的政府所宣扬的政策已失去了信心。当前情况下，除非美国人民真正认清政策本质，否则不能也不应该被要求去支持涉及战争与和平等重大问题的政策。

Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.所以，今晚，我想借此机会回答一些问题，一些萦绕在你们许多人脑海中的问题。

How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?

How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?

What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and on the battlefront in Vietnam?

What choices do we have if we are to end the war?

What are the prospects for peace?

Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on January 20: The war had been going on for four years.Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action.The training program for the South Vietnamese was beyond [behind] schedule.Five hundred and forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number.No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friends, as well as our enemies, abroad.In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged that I end the war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American forces.From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow.After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office.I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him--and come out as the peacemaker.Some put it to me quite bluntly: This was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election.I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace.The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war.The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?

Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: Why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet Union, launched a campaign to impose a

supporting a revolution.In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts to prevent a Communist takeover.Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers.Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong.And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.But the question facing us today is: Now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?

In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before.They then murdered more

camps.We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year.During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said，“We want to see a stable Government there,” carrying on the [a] struggle to maintain its national independence.“ We believe strongly in

to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia.So we’re going to stay there.”

President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude.A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends.Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of worlds conquest.This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace--in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere.Ultimately, this would cost more lives.It would not bring peace.It would bring more war.For these reasons I rejected the recommendation that I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces.I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war fought on many fronts.I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts.In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year.We have proposed a cease fire under international supervision.We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis.We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side.We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings.Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals.They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements.I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.That is why in addition to the

private avenue that might lead to a settlement.Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace.Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.Hanoi’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations.Since the Soviet Union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of State Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr.Kissinger, Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.None of these initiatives have to date produced results.In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break

’m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years.Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.I did this outside of the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.Let me read from that letter to you now:

I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war.But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace.I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam.The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war.You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam.Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face toward peace rather than toward conflict and war."

I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on August 30, three days before his death.It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken

being released to the press.In addition to the public meetings that I have referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.But the effect of all the public, private, and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on January 20th, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s become clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States.It is not the South Vietnamese Government.The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate--to negotiate seriously.I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth--the bad news as well as the good news--where the lives of our young men are involved.Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front.At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations.I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace--a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.It is in line with the major shift in U.S.foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine--a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.We Americans are a do-it-yourself people--we’re an impatient people.Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves.And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the

those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggression.Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, U.S.policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”

Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles as guidelines for future American policy toward Asia.First, the United States will keep all of its treaty commitments.Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments.But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.After I announced this policy, I found that the leaders of the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, South Korea, other nations which might be threatened by Communist aggression, welcomed this new direction in American foreign policy.The defense of freedom is everybody’s business--not just America’s business.And it is particularly the responsibility of the people whose freedom is threatened.In the previous Administration, we Americanized the war in Vietnam.In this Administration, we are Vietnamizing the search for peace.The policy of the previous Administration not only resulted in our assuming the primary responsibility for fighting the war, but even more significant did not adequately stress the goal of strengthening the South Vietnamese so that they could defend themselves when we left.The Vietnamization plan was launched following Secretary Laird’s visit to Vietnam in March.Under the plan, I ordered first a substantial increase in the training and equipment of South Vietnamese forces.In July, on my visit to Vietnam, I changed General Abrams’s orders, so that they were consistent with the objectives of our new policies.Under the new orders, the primary mission of our troops is to enable the South Vietnamese forces to assume the full responsibility for the security of South Vietnam.Our air operations have been reduced by over 20 per cent.And now we have begun to see the results of this long-overdue change in American policy in Vietnam.After five years of Americans going into Vietnam we are finally bringing American men home.By

Vietnam, including 20 percent of all of our combat forces.The South Vietnamese have continued to gain in strength.As a result, they've been able to take over combat responsibilities from our American troops.Two other significant developments have occurred since this Administration took office.Enemy infiltration, infiltration which is essential if they are to launch a major attack over the last three months, is less than 20 percent of what it was over the same period last year.And most important, United States casualties have declined during the last two months to the lowest point in three years.Let me now turn to our program for the future.We have adopted a plan which we have worked out in cooperation with the South Vietnamese for the complete withdrawal of all U.S.combat ground forces and their replacement by South Vietnamese forces on an orderly scheduled timetable.This withdrawal will be made from strength and not from weakness.As South Vietnamese forces become stronger, the rate of American withdrawal can become greater.I have not, and do not, intend to announce the timetable for our program, and there are obvious reasons for this decision which I’m sure you will understand.As I’ve indicated on several occasions, the rate of withdrawal will depend on developments on three fronts.One of these is

announcement of a fixed timetable for our withdrawal would completely remove any incentive for the enemy to negotiate an agreement.They would simply wait until our forces had withdrawn and then move in.The other two factors on which we will base our withdrawal decisions are the level of enemy activity and the progress of the training programs of the South Vietnamese forces.And I am glad to be able to report tonight progress on both of these fronts has been greater than we anticipated when we started the program in June for withdrawal.As a result, our timetable for withdrawal is more optimistic now than when we made our first estimates in June.Now this clearly demonstrates why it is not wise to be frozen in on a fixed timetable.We must retain the flexibility to base each withdrawal decision on the situation as it is at that time, rather than on estimates that are no longer valid.Along with this optimistic estimate, I must in all candor leave one note of caution.If the level of enemy activity significantly increases, we might have to adjust our timetable accordingly.However, I want the record to be completely clear on one point.At the time of the bombing halt just a year ago there was some confusion as to whether there was an understanding on the part of the enemy that

shelling of cities in South Vietnam.I want to be sure that there is no misunderstanding on the part of the enemy with regard to our withdrawal program.We have noted the reduced level of infiltration, the reduction of our casualties and are basing our withdrawal decisions partially on those factors.If the level of infiltration or our casualties increase while we are trying to scale down the fighting, it will be the result of a conscious decision by the enemy.Hanoi could make no greater mistake than to assume that an increase in violence will be to its advantage.If I conclude that increased enemy action jeopardizes our remaining forces in Vietnam, I shall not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation.This is not a threat.This is a statement of policy which as Commander-in-Chief of our armed forces I am making and meeting my responsibility for the protection of American fighting men wherever they may be.My fellow Americans, I am sure you can recognize from what I have said that we really only have two choices open to us if we want to end this war.I can order an immediate precipitate withdrawal of all Americans from Vietnam without regard to the effects of that action.Or we can persist in our search for a just peace through a negotiated

for Vietnamization, if necessary--a plan in which we will withdraw all of our forces from Vietnam on a schedule in accordance with our program as the South Vietnamese become strong enough to defend their own freedom.I have chosen this second course.It is not the easy way.It is the right way.It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace, not just in Vietnam but in the Pacific and in the world.In speaking of the consequences of a precipitous withdrawal, I mentioned that our allies would lose confidence in America.Far more dangerous, we would lose confidence in ourselves.Oh, the immediate reaction would be a sense of relief that our men were coming home.But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people.We have faced other crises in our history and we have become stronger by rejecting the easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges.Our greatness as a nation has been our capacity to do what has to be done when we knew our course was right.I recognize that some of my fellow citizens disagree with the plan for peace I have chosen.Honest and patriotic Americans have reached different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved.In San

“Lose in Vietnam, bring the boys home.” Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that any American has a right to reach that conclusion and to advocate that point of view.But as President of the United States, I would be untrue to my oath of office if I allowed the policy of this nation to be dictated by the minority who hold that point of view and who try to impose it on the nation by mounting demonstrations in the street.For almost 200 years, the policy of this nation has been made under our Constitution by those leaders in the Congress and the White House elected by all the people.If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society.And now, I would like to address a word, if I may, to the young people of this nation who are particularly concerned, and I understand why they are concerned, about this war.I respect your idealism.I share your concern for peace.I want peace as much as you do.There are powerful personal reasons I want to end this war.This week I will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives, and loved ones of men who have given their lives for America in Vietnam.It's very little satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the first week in

not have to write any of those letters.那么，现在，我想说几句话，如果可以的话，请允许我对生活在这个国家，并且对这次战争尤为关注的年轻人说几句，我也能够理解他们为什么会如此关注这场战争。我尊重你们的理想主义，我和你们一样关心和平，我和你们一样盼望和平。不仅如此，还有一些强烈的个人原因促使我想结束这场战争。这周我将签署83封信件。这些信件将寄给为了祖国在越南失去生命的战士们的母亲、父亲、妻子和他们所爱的人。让我感到稍微满意的是，这些信件仅仅只占我执政第一周所要签署信件的三分之一。

I want to end the war to save the lives of those brave young men in Vietnam.But I want to end it in a way which will increase the chance that their younger brothers and their sons will not have to fight in some future Vietnam some place in the world.And I want to end the war for another reason.I want to end it so that the energy and dedication of you, our young people, now too often directed into bitter hatred against those responsible for the war, can be turned to the great challenges of peace, a better life for all Americans, a better life for all people on this earth.I have chosen a plan for peace.I believe it will succeed.If it does not succeed, what the critics say now won’t matter.Or if it does succeed，’t matter.If it does not succeed, anything I say then won’t matter.I know it may not be fashionable to speak of patriotism or national destiny these days, but I feel it is appropriate to do so on this occasion.Two hundred years ago this nation was weak and poor.But even then, America was the hope of millions in the world.Today we have become the strongest and richest nation in the world, and the wheel of destiny has turned so that any hope the world has for the survival of peace and freedom will be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and the courage to meet the challenge of free-world leadership.Let historians not record that, when America was the most powerful nation in the world, we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism.So tonight, to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans, I ask for your support.I pledged in my campaign for the Presidency to end the war in a way that we could win the peace.I have initiated a plan of action which will enable me to keep that pledge.The more support I can have from the American people, the sooner that pledge can be

enemy is to negotiate at Paris.Let us be united for peace.Let us also be united against defeat.Because let us understand--North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States.Only Americans can do that.Fifty years ago, in this room, and at this very desk, President Woodrow Wilson spoke words which caught the imagination of a war-weary world.He said: “This is the war to end wars.” His dream for peace after World War I was shattered on the hard reality of great power politics.And Woodrow Wilson died a broken man.Tonight, I do not tell you that the war in Vietnam is the war to end wars, but I do say this: I have initiated a plan which will end this war in a way that will bring us closer to that great goal to which--to which Woodrow Wilson and every American President in our history has been dedicated--the goal of a just and lasting peace.As President I hold the responsibility for choosing the best path for that goal and then leading the nation along it.I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.Thank you and good night.

第二篇：尼克松总统1972年访华祝酒辞（精选）

总理阁下和今晚所有您尊贵的客人们：

我代表您所有的美国客人，感谢你们无比的热情，中国人民以这种热情闻名于世。我不仅要特别感谢那些准备了这场盛大晚宴的人，还要特别感谢那些演奏优美音乐的人。我从未在异乡听到美国音乐演奏得这么棒。

总理阁下，感谢您热情并有说服力的演讲。在这个特有的时刻，通过远程通信的奇迹，看到和听到我们讲话的人比整个世界历史上任何一个场合的人都要多。但是，我们所说的将不会被长久记住。我们所做的却能改变世界。

正如您在您的祝酒词中所说的，中华民族是一个伟大的民族，美利坚民族也是一个伟大的民族。如果着两个民族成为敌人，我们所共享的这个世界的未来一定是黑暗的。然而如果我们可以找到共同点一起合作，实现世界和平的机会就会无限地增加。

我希望在这周的会谈中，能本着坦诚的精神，让我们首先认识以下几点：在过去一段时间里我们曾是敌人。现在我们也存在巨大的分歧。促使我们一起合作的是超越分歧的共同利益。当我们讨论我们的分歧时，我们都不会在原则上妥协。虽然我们无法减少我们之间的分歧，但是我们可以尽力在分歧上搭建桥梁，这样我们就有可能越过分歧进行会谈。

让我们在接下来的五天一起开始一次长征，不是步伐一致，而是在不同道路上朝着同一个目标，这个目标是构建和平公正的世界。在这个世界中，所有人以同等的尊严站在一起；在这个世界中，每个国家，无论大小，都有权利决定他们自己的政体，不受外界干扰和控制。世界在看。世界在听。世界等着看我们将要做什么。世界是什么呢？个人角度而言，我想到我的大女儿，她的生日在今天。当我想到她，我想到了世界上所有的孩子，在亚洲的，在非洲的，在欧洲的，在美洲的，他们很多都出生在中华人民共和国成立之后。

我们将给我们的孩子留下什么遗产呢？因为仇恨在旧世界作怪，他们就注定要为之牺牲么？或者因为我们有远见去构建新世界，他们就注定要活下去么？

我们没有理由成为敌人。我们都不会抢占对方的领土；我们都不会企图统治对方；我们都不会企图伸手统治世界。

毛主席写过：“多少事，从来急；天地转，光阴追。一万年太久，只争朝夕！”

现在就是只争朝夕的时候。现在就是我们两个民族攀登那种可以建造崭新美好世界的壮举的高峰的时候。

本着这种精神，我请在座各位和我一起为毛主席，为周总理，为可以导致全世界人民友谊和和平的中美之间的友谊，举杯。

第三篇：美国第37任总统尼克松告别演说(全文)

美国第37任总统尼克松告别演说(全文)

时间：1974年8月9日 地点：白宫

各位内阁成员，各位白宫的职员，所有在场的朋友：

我想记录会表明，这只是一次自发的聚会。每当总统要发表演说时，都会有这样的场面。新闻媒体也会这样报道。我们不必担心这个问题，他们只要看到这个现场，自然就会这样报道。但是我们自己一定要很清楚，这确实是自发的聚会，相信我。

你们来到这里，同我们说再见。这种仪式在英语里没有特别好的名称，最好的说法是法语的au revoir（欢送会）。我们还会再相见的。我刚才已经接见过白宫的职员了，你们知道，他们天天都在白宫里提供服务，已经很多年了。我对他们的要求，同对你们的要求是一样的。我要求你们大家尽力，当然这本来就是你们的职责，为下一任总统服务，就像你们为我和为历任总统服务一样。你们中的很多人已经在这里工作多年，无比忠诚和具有奉献精神。你们要知道，这座楼之所以是一座伟大的楼，完全是因为那些和总统一起工作或者为总统工作的男男女女本身就同这幢楼一样伟大。

比如说，当我走过大厅的时候，我会想到这座楼，我会将它同另一些世界上我到过的伟大的楼做比较。它不是最大的楼，很多小国里有比它大得多的楼。它也不是最漂亮的楼。欧洲的许多楼，中国的许多楼，里面有价值连城的绘画，有许多我们这里没有的东西，再过1000年，我们这里也未必会有。

但是，它是世界上最好的楼。因为它里面有一些东西，有一些比人员的数量、比房间的数目、比空间的大小、比艺术品的多寡更重要的东西。

这座楼有一颗伟大的心。这颗心来自于那些为这座楼工作的人们。我相当遗憾，他们没有下来。我们在楼上同他们道别了。但是，他们的伟大是的的确确的。回想起来，我曾经做过很多次演讲，有些还是难度很高的演讲，当演讲结束以后，经过劳累的一天，我回到这座楼里，通常我的工作时间是很长的，我也许有些疲惫不堪，但是我总是能从他们身上感到鼓励，他们总是对我微笑着。

现在，轮到在场的各位了，我看看周围，我看到那么多的工作人员。我本应该来到你们的办公室，同你们一一握手。我非常喜欢同你们交谈，同你们讨论如何让世界正常运作。每个人都喜欢告诉总统该做什么，总统就像一个小男孩，要听好多次人们的指点。但是，现在我没有这么多时间了。不过，我要你们知道，你们中的每一个人，对这个政府来说，都是不可缺少的。我为这一届的内阁感到自豪。我为所有在这一届内阁中工作过的人们感到自豪。我为我们的顾问委员会感到自豪。我为白宫的工作人员感到自豪。正如我昨天晚上所说的，在政府运作中，我们毫无疑问做错了一些事情。在这种情况下，负责人必须承担责任，我绝对不会推卸掉我的责任。但是，我要说一件事，一件足以让我们感到自豪的事情：五年半了，在这一届政府中工作的所有人中，没有一个人离开的时候比他来的时候多带走了任何东西。没有一个人从公共开支中获得私利或者贪污。这充分表明了你们的品质。

对，我们确实犯了错误，但是没有个人利益在里面。你们实践了自己的信仰。有时候，结果是对的，有时候结果是错的。此时此刻，我仅仅希望我要是一个富有的人该多好——可惜我不是，我还必须找到一些办法去付清我的税款（听众的笑声）——如果我有钱，我会补偿你们，为了你们在这一届政府里工作时所做出的奉献。

但是，你们也从政府得到了另一些东西。我要你们去告诉你们的孩子，我希望这个国家的其他孩子也能听到——在政府中工作，有一些东西是比金钱远远更重要的。那是一个比个人的生命更宏大的事业。这个事业就是创造一个世界上最伟大的国家，一个世界的领袖，因为如果我们没有在世界上的领导地位，这个世界就会发生战争，可能还有饥荒，或者未来的更糟糕的事情。只有在我们的领导下，世界才会有和平，才会有富裕。

我们一直是慷慨的，在未来我们还将尽我们所能更加慷慨。但是最重要的事情是，我们必须是强大的，我们的心灵必须是强大的，我们的灵魂必须是强大的，我们的信念必须是强大的，我们奉献的意愿必须是强大的。你们一直以一种特别的方式，在做出牺牲，那就是在政府工作。

还有另一件事，我也要你们去告诉我们的孩子。你们知道，有些人会过来说：“我能跟自己的孩子说什么？”他们看着这一届政府，说这一届政府真是有点多灾多难。他们只看到了我们犯的错误。他们得到了一种印象，好像每个在这里的人都是为了私利而来政府工作的。这就是我为什么会说前面那段说话，我们这一届政府中没有这样的人，一个都没有。

我要这些人说，“世界上有很多好的职业。这个国家需要好的农民，好的商人，好的管子工，好的木匠。”我想起了我父亲。人们总是管他叫小老百姓。他自己并不这么想。你们知道他干过什么？一开始，他是一个电车司机，后来他是个农民，然后他自己有了一个种柠檬的大农场。那个农场是加州最差的种柠檬的农场。我向你们保证，他卖掉农场的时候，里面还没有被发现藏有石油。（听众的笑声）在那以后，他又开了一个杂货店。但是，他是一个伟大的人，因为他做好了自己的工作，不管发生什么，他干过的每一项职业无不精益求精。

关于我母亲，可能将来也不会有人为她写本书。不错，我想你们所有人都会用同样一句话，形容你们的母亲）——我的妈妈是个神圣的人。我回想她的一生，她有两个儿子死于肺结核，养大了其他四个。她在亚利桑那州照顾我的两个哥哥三年，看着他们接连死去。当他们死的时候，就像她自己死了一次一样。就是这样，没有一本书会写到她。但是，她是一个神圣的人。

好了，现在我们要看看未来了。昨天晚上的演讲中，我引用了西奥多罗斯福的一句话。正如你们所知的，我还是很喜欢读书的。我没有受过良好的教育，但我确实读了不少书。（听众的笑声）西奥多?罗斯福的那句话说得很不错。下面是另外一句话，是我昨天晚上在白宫里读书的时候发现的，那句话说的是一个年轻人。他是一个纽约的年轻的律师。他娶了一个漂亮的姑娘，他们有一个可爱的女儿。突然之间，妻子死了。下面就是他写的一段话。他写在日记里。

他写道：“她的脸和身体是那么美丽，她的灵魂更加美丽。她像一朵花那样来到人间，又像一朵花那样死去。她的生活总是处在阳光之中。她从来不会遇到巨大的悲伤。认识她的每一个人，没有不爱她的。她聪明，天性快乐，乐于助人，人人都喜欢她。作为少女，她端庄、纯洁又快乐；作为妻子，她深情、温和又幸福。当她刚成为母亲的时候，她的生活看上去才刚刚开始，未来还有无数美好的日子等待着她。但是突如其来，可怕的死亡就降临在她身上。我最亲爱的人死了，我生命中的光永久地熄灭了。”

这个年轻人就是西奥多?罗斯福。在他二十多岁的时候，他认为他的生活将永远地黑暗无光。但是，他没有消沉，继续向前走，后来成为了美国的总统。作为一个总统，他为他的国家服务，永远就像在竞技场上战斗，风云变幻，对手强大，有时他做了正确的事，有时他做了错误的事，但是他是一个真正的人。

现在，我即将离开，我想这是一个很好的例子，我们所有人都应该记住。有时，我们会觉得事情糟透了，比如你第一次的时候没有通过律师资格考试。我就是这样，但是我很幸运，我的意思是我的写作差极了，但是考官说：“我们让这个家伙通过算了。”（听众的笑声）当我们亲爱的人死去，我们会这样想，当我们输掉一次选举的时候，我们会这样想，当我们被击败的时候，我们会这样想。我们会想所有一切都完了。这正如西奥多?罗斯福所说的：“生命中的光永远地熄灭了。”

但是，这不是真的。它永远只是一个开始。年轻人一定要知道这一点，老年人也一定要知道这一点。我们必须永远都记得这一点，生命中的伟大时刻并不仅仅是那些成功的时刻，也包括那些考验你的时刻，打击你的时刻，你感到失望的时刻，你悲伤的时刻。因为只有当你身处最深的山谷，你才会知道在最高的山峰之上将是何等壮美。

所以，我要对你们这些在场的人说，我们就要走了，我们是带着骄傲离开的。我们为那些与我们站在一起的人们感到骄傲，他们为我们工作，为这个国家服务。我们要你们为自己所做过的事情感到骄傲。我们要你们继续在政府中服务，如果你们愿意的话。永远竭尽全力，永远不要失去勇气，永远不要成为心胸狭窄的人，永远要记得，可能有人会恨你，但是那些恨你的人不会赢，除非你也恨他们，那样的话，你就将毁了你自己。

我们走了，带着巨大的希望，我们的精神是高昂的，我们的态度是非常谦卑的，我们的心中是满怀感激的。我对你们每一个人所能说的就是，我们也许有不同的信仰，我们也许向不同的神灵祈祷，但是在某种意义上，我们的神是一样的。我要对你们每一个人说，我们不仅会永远地记得你们，永远地感激你们，我们还会将你们放到我们的心上，每一次祈祷的时候，我们都将想到你们。

第四篇：演讲稿之尼克松

演讲题目：理查德·尼克松

理查德·尼克松，出生于1913年9月。1946年，尼克松当选美国众议员，其政治观点保守，素有反共斗士之称，与参议员约瑟夫·雷芒德·麦卡锡齐名，是麦卡锡主义的拥护者和极力倡导者。他在1952年与1956年两度与德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔搭档参选并获得胜利，在1953年到1961年间，担任了两届副总统职务。1960年尼克松竞选总统，以微弱票差被约翰·肯尼迪击败，又在1962年竞选加利福尼亚州州长时落败而暂时离开国家权力中枢。1968年尼克松重返政坛，在当年的美国大选中顺利当选为美国总统。1971年，发起了举世闻名，影响美国刑事司法制度深远至今的“向毒品宣战（英语：War on Drugs）”。

尼克松生性多疑，在美国政坛有“难以捉摸的迪克”（Tricky Dick）绰号。尼克松在1959年7月莫斯科举行的美国国家展览会（American National Exhibition）开幕式上，与时任苏联部长会议主席的赫鲁晓夫之间展开过一场关于东西方意识形态和核战争的论战，史称“厨房辩论”。在任期内，将美国军队撤出了越南，逐渐结束了那场使国家陷入危机的战争。透过乒乓球活动尝试与中华人民共和国建立外交关系，并支持其进入联合国，史称“乒乓外交”，改善了中国大陆与美国的关系。尼克松于1972年2月访问中国大陆，是美国总统第一次访问一个与美国没有正式外交关系的国家，对中国大陆的7天访问被称为“改变世界的一周”。当时，尼克松率团访问了北京、杭州、上海三个城市，在北京与中共中央主席毛泽东会面，并在杭州西湖边的园林中与中国国务院总理周恩来草签了轰动世界的《中美联合公报》。中华人民共和国与美国两国关系正常化，美中苏三角外交的态势开始形成，在很长一段时间里成为决定国际形势发展的重要因素之一。

他平生有两大事迹而闻名全球。第一，尼克松访华，这是当时轰动世界的举动，他这个人确实有远见卓识的本领。在冷战时期的人们会认为美苏的对立是意识形态的对立，而尼克松却图谋与社会主义中国建立正常的外交关系，这一举动石破天惊。一波惊起万层浪，也为我国改革开放补充了一个重要的外部条件。这一点，我们在感谢邓小平的同时，也要称赞尼克松的聪明之举。所以我们的历史老师会一针见血的说，国际关系的决定关系是国家利益。

另外我还想说的是，尼克松访华肯定有国家领导人的接待？那么接待尼克松是谁呢？毛泽东。对于毛泽东的晚年问题，有诸多的非议。什么发动大跃进，人民公社化运动啊，还有最恨的是发动了文化大革命，这个老家伙是晚节不保啊，恐怕是得了老年痴呆，但这只是我中学时的想法，如果大家还这样想，说明大家的思想还很年轻。事实上，毛泽东文革时期得罪了最不应该得罪的群体：知识分子。我觉得要不是邓小平的正确看待毛泽东同志的功与过这句话，恐怕毛泽东的袁世凯形象就要写在历史教科书上了。大家应该相信教科书的力量，它能把黑变白，也能把白变黑。所以我希望大家对待某一事件，能有自己的意见和想法，千万不要随波逐流。

那么话题重新回到尼克松，他的另一著名事件就是水门事件，相信大家都对水门事件有所了解，在这里就不多说了。不过我是挺佩服那位把总统拉下马的女性。这里可以看出美国的太多，比如美国人的性格，不屈的精神。但是大家反过来想，尼克松第二任总统新上任没多久就被拉下来，他有那个勇气下来，这是中国领导人所不能及的。在中国，好像有为他人遮羞的义务，所以中国不会出现斯诺登，但这正是中国的价值观，没有对错。谢谢

第五篇：尼克松总统在访华答谢宴上的祝酒词

The Great Wall Is No Longer a Dividing Wall--Toast of President Nixon at a Banquet Honoring the Premier in Peking Great Hall of the People Feb.25, 1972

长城不再是一道隔离墙

——美国总统尼克松在访华答谢宴会上的祝酒词 北京 人民大会堂 1972年2月25日

It is a great privilege that while we are guests in your country to be able to welcome you and the Chinese who are present here as our guests this evening.能有机会在贵国做客期间欢迎阁下和今晚在座的诸位中国客人，我们感到十分荣幸。

On behalf of Mrs.Nixon and all of the members of our official party, I want to express my deep appreciation for the boundless and gracious hospitality which you have extended to us.请允许我代表我的夫人以及同行的全体成员，对你们给予我们无限盛情的款待，表示衷心的感谢。

As you know, it is the custom in our country that the members of the press have the right to speak for themselves and that no one in government can speak for them.But I am sure that all those from the American press who are here tonight will grant me the rare privilege of speaking for the press in extending their appreciation to you and your government for the many courtesies you have extended to them.大家知道，按照我国的习惯，我们的新闻界人士有权代表他们自己讲话，而政府官员是没有代表他们讲话的权利的。但我相信，今晚在座的全体美国新闻界人士都会授予我这一罕有的特权，代表他们感谢阁下和贵国政府给予他们的种种礼遇。

You have made it possible for the story of this historic visit to be read, seen, and heard by more people all over the world than on any previous occasion in history.你们已使全世界空前之多的人们得以读到、看到、听到这一历史性访问的情景。

Yesterday, along with hundreds of millions of viewers on television, we saw what is truly one of the wonders of the world, the Great Wall.As I walked along the Wall, I thought of the sacrifices that went into building it;I thought of what it showed about the determination of the Chinese people to retain their independence throughout their long history;I thought about the fact that the Wall tells us that China has a great history and that the people who built this wonder of the world also have a great future.昨天，我们同几亿电视观众一起参观了名副其实的世界奇迹之———中国长城。当我在城墙上漫步时，我感受到了在建筑这座城墙时所付出的巨大牺牲；我认为它显示了在悠久的人类历史上始终保持独立的中国人民的决心；我想到这样一个事实，那就是，长城告诉我们，中国有伟大的历史，建造这个世界奇迹的人民也会有伟大的未来。

The Great Wall is no longer a wall dividing China from the rest of the world, but it is a reminder of the fact that there are many walls still existing in the world which divide nations and peoples.长城已不再是一道把中国和世界其他地区隔开的城墙。但是，它使人们想起，世界上仍然存在许多把各个国家和人民隔开的城墙。

The Great Wall is also a reminder that for almost a generation there has been a wall between the People‟s Republic of China and the United States of America.长城还使人们想起，在几乎一代人的岁月里，中华人民共和国和美国之间存在着一道城墙。

In these past 4 days we have begun the long process of removing that wall between us.We began our talks recognizing that we have great differences, but we are determined that those differences not prevent us from living together in peace.四天以来，我们已经开始着手拆除横亘在我们之间的这座城墙。在开始会谈时我们就承认彼此之间存在着巨大的分歧，但是我们决心不让这些分歧阻碍我们和平相处。

You believe deeply in your system, and we believe just as deeply in our system.It is not our common beliefs that have brought us together here, but our common interests and our common hopes, the interest that each of us has to maintain our independence and the security of our peoples and the hope that each of us has to build a new world order in which nations and peoples with different systems and different values can live together in peace, respecting one another while disagreeing with one another, letting history rather than the battlefield be the judge of their different ideas.你们深信你们的制度，我们也同样深信我们的制度。我们在这里聚会，并不是由于我们有共同的信仰，而是由于我们有共同的利益和共同的希望，我们每一方都有这样的希望，就是建立一种新的世界秩序，具有不同制度和不同价值标准的国家和人民可以在其中和平相处，互有分歧但互相尊重，让历史而不是让战场对他们的不同思想做出判断。

Mr.Prime Minister, you have noted that the plane which brought us here, is named the Spirit of „76‟.Just this week, we have celebrated in America the birth of George Washington, the Father of our Country, who led America to independence in our Revolution and served as our first President.总理先生，你已注意到送我们到这里来的飞机名为“76年精神号”。就在这个星期，我们美国庆祝了国父乔治·华盛顿的诞辰，是他领导美国人民在革命中取得了独立，并担任了我们的第一届总统。

He bade farewell at the close of his term with these words to his countrymen: “Observe good faith and justice toward all nations.Cultivate peace and harmony with all.”

在他任期届满时，他用下面的话向他的同胞告别：“对一切国家恪守信用和正义。同所有人和平、和睦地相处。”

It is in that spirit, the spirit of „76‟, that I ask you to rise and join me in a toast to Chairman Mao, to Premier Chou, to the people of our two countries, and to the hope of our children that peace and harmony can be the legacy of our generation to theirs.就是本着这种精神——76精神，我请大家站起来同我一起举杯，为毛主席，为周总理，为两国人民，为我们子孙后代的希望，即我们这一代能给他们留下和平与和睦的遗产。干杯！