对罗斯福总统就职演讲的批评话语分析

第一篇：对罗斯福总统就职演讲的批评话语分析

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对罗斯福总统就职演讲的批评话语分析 作者：白意良

来源：《现代交际》2012年第06期

［摘要］批评话语分析作为一种较新的语言研究方法，常常用于分析政治语篇。本文将以系统功能语法为基础，批评话语分析为框架，从词汇、及物性及情态三个方面对罗斯福总统第一次就职演讲进行分析，将语篇分析理论与当时美国所面临的重大经济、社会问题相结合，综合考量罗斯福总统的就职演讲中语言特色和不同之处，找出其广受欢迎、大获成功的原因。［关键词］批评话语分析 词汇 物性 情态

［中图分类号］H052 ［文献标识码］A ［文章编号］1009-5349（2012）06－0039－02引言

批评话语分析（Critical Discourse Analysis）作为一种较新的语言研究方法最早由N.Fowler等人在《语言和控制》（Language and Control）一书中提出。批评话语分析也被称为批评语言学或批评语篇分析，是一门多学科的研究，涉及了心理学、语言学、社会学、传媒学等多个学科。其理论基础是韩礼德的系统功能语言学，起源于西方马克思主义，旨在透过语言表面的形式，从多个维度揭示话语、权力及意识形态之间的关系。第二次世界大战前，一些批评话语分析的原则已经在法兰克福学派的相关理论中得到体现。

自诞生之日起，批评话语分析就展现了强大的生命力，上世纪末在欧洲国家得到大力的推广和发展。随着几位主流语言学家Fairclough，Wodak，van Dijk和Fowler对该领域学术研究的不断深入，越来越多的专家、学者投入到研究和实践的队伍中，相关学术著作不断增多，国际性合作项目不断出现，逐步形成了一股世界性的研究热潮。随着1991年阿姆斯特丹批评话语分析专题研讨会的召开、《语言与权力》（Fairclough 1989）和《语言、权力与意识形态》（Wodak 1989）等几本重要著作的出版，标志着批评话语分析开始形成一个系统的网络逐步走向成熟。近几年来，国内很多研究者也对该学术领域产生了浓厚的兴趣。辛斌、戴炜华、叶起昌、纪玉华等学者对批评话语分析在国内的引进、传播和发展作出了突出贡献。

一、分析框架

辛斌（2005：24）指出目前批评话语分析还未构成一套完整的方法论，因此只能在方法上采取拿来主义。批评话语分析旨在揭示话语、权力及意识形态三者之间的关系。语篇，尤其政治语篇是多维度的和多功能的，因此对于语篇的分析不仅仅要研究语言本身，更为重要的是需着眼于话语的实践过程及其发生的社会语境分析。批评语言学认为语言是一个多功能的系统，因此Halliday的系统功能语言学自然就成为了它的理论依据和方法来源。

二、语料分析

富兰克林•罗斯福，美国历史上最伟大的总统之一，于1933年以绝对优势击败前任胡佛，成为美国第32届总统。罗斯福在1933年3月4日发表的演讲《我们唯一害怕的就是害怕本身》则成为了经典，下文作者将以这篇演讲为语料，以系统功能语法中的三大纯理功能为理论依据，从词汇、及物性和情态系统三个方面进行分析。

（一）词汇

语言是一种人类对世界体验的反映，其中涉及的词汇包含物质、关系、概念的系统和信息传递的过程。词汇是人们用来表达世界的重要工具，而在政治语篇尤其是总统发表的演说中，词汇充当着演讲者向受众传递信息的工具，同时演讲中蕴含的观点和意识形态也会通过演讲者所选择的词汇体现出来。罗斯福在第一次就职演讲中通过选择不同的词汇鲜明地亮出了自己的观点，实现了自己的政治目的。

罗斯福运用多种具有不同感情色彩的词语以适应不同语境、不同政治需求。例如，使用terror、retreat、dark、difficulties、curtailment、withered leaves等具有消极感情色彩的词汇，揭示整个国家面临的严重问题；当作者严词谴责那些贪婪的商人、无能的政客和部分自私幼稚的美国人没有为自己的国家作出应有的贡献时，选用了stubbornness、incompetence、failure、unscrupulous、indicted等词语。与之相反，当谈及人民的信心、民众的支持以及国家的未来时，罗斯福频繁使用candor、decision、firm、belief、support、revive、prosper等具有积极感情色彩的词汇。总之，演讲者会根据不同的语言环境和特定的政治意图选择使用不同词汇和表达方式。

（二）及物性分析

在传统语法中，及物性是一种能够根据是否接续宾语而区分动词间差别的研究工具。若一个动词后可以接宾语，那么它就是及物动词，反之就是非及物动词。然而在系统功能语法中，及物性系统却是一个语意系统，旨在把人类经验世界中的感官和行为分成容易操作的一组过程，并表明各种过程的参与者和环境成分。及物系统中主要有六种过程：物质过程、心理过程、关系过程、言语过程和存在过程。作者根据罗斯福此篇演讲的特点，将分别对语篇中出现的三种主要过程进行及物性分析。物质过程、心理过程、关系过程在此篇演讲中出现的次数和所占比例统计如下：

我们不难看出，物质过程占用的篇幅最大，其次是心理过程和关系过程，三种过程加起来占所有过程的88.7%。

1.物质过程。物质过程（material process）是表示做某件事的过程，涉及两个参与者：动作者（actor）和目标（goal），通常借助动词来表现。下面将选取两句加以分析：“We must act and act quickly”和“I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time”当罗斯福谈到新一届政府即将采取的措施以及自己坚定不移的信念和决心时，使用物质过程，增强了演讲的煽动力和感染力，突出了政治语篇的威严和庄重。此外，两个过程中的动作者分别选用了we和

I。前者因为罗斯福需要号召全体美国人民行动起来，共同对抗危机；后者由于他必须以坚决、铁腕的形象示人。

2.心理过程。心理过程（mental process）是感觉、反应和认知的过程，例如想象、思考、感受等等。其中涉及两个参与者：一是人类或拟人化的感觉者（sensor），另一个是被感知、思考或看见的对象（phenomenon），即心理活动的客体。作者多次使用心理过程，例如“…we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population”，“we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other”等。众所周知，1933年的美国深陷经济危机，经济萧条，民生凋敝，罗斯福继任美国总统后的首要任务就是出台有力政策，复兴美国经济。而要想使这些措施得以顺利推行，他需要把自己对此次危机的认知表达出来，以期得到美国人民的认同及支持。在及物系统的6种主要过程中，心理过程恰恰迎合了演讲者的此种需求，因此占用了较多的篇幅。

3.关系过程。关系过程（relational process）是指反映事物之间处于何种关系的过程，可分为归属性（attributive）关系过程和识别性（identifying）关系过程，前者对事物进行描述，以载体（carrier）和属性（attribute）为参与者；而后者则对事物进行限定，以识别者

（identified）和被识别者（identifier）为参与者。当罗斯福谈及当时的形势时，对美国糟糕的金融、贸易等经济状况直言不讳，因此归属性关系过程是最佳的选择。例如：“…the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade…the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.”而当为了消除大萧条给美国人带来对未来前景的巨大恐惧和不安时，罗斯福说出了那句名言：“the only thing we have to fear is fear itself”。通过使用关系过程可以增强界定和评价的客观性，有助于使美国人民相信，只有战胜恐惧才能摆脱危机。

（三）情态系统

情态系统可以借助人称代词、时态、情态动词、情态形容词、情态副词等来表达人际功能。由于篇幅所限，作者仅对其中的几项进行分析。

1.人称代词。人称代词能够反映人们之间的社会地位、亲疏程度及权力关系。英语中“we”“our”“us”可根据是否包含听话者分为外排性（exclusive）和内包性（inclusive）。前者将听话者排除在外，易使听者产生厌恶和反感。例如：“We all hate you”；后者则意在拉近与对方的距离，例如：“Let us read it together”。为了赢得更多美国人的支持，罗斯福大量地使用内包性第一人称复数代词“we”和“our”，囊括了所有的美国人，旨在使大家团结起来，休戚与共，果断、迅速地采取各种行动，挽救危机中的美国。而对大萧条的始作俑者，自私、固执地掌握人类物品交换的统治者，作者使用了人称代词“they”和“their”，表达了对其卑劣行径的憎恶和不满。

2.时态。英语中的时态可以表达除时间概念以外的很多功能，尤其现在时的运用在批评语篇分析中具有很高的研究价值，它能够表示始终存续的状态、一般性的真理、习惯性的动作和行为等。

罗斯福第一次就职演讲几乎通篇使用现在时，如：“Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money;it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.”为了使人们能够重新振作起来，罗斯福道出了幸福不仅来源于拥有钱财，更来自有所成就后的快感这一真理。他鼓励美国人民改变原有的道德观念，增强荣誉感和责任心，辛勤劳动，自强不息；同时还告诫人们不要过于沉溺于追求物质财富。

3.情态动词。情态动词本身有词义，表示说话人的预期或情态，但词义不完全并且无法单独作为谓语动词使用，通常只能与动词原形一同组成谓语动词。语料中主要情态动词出现频率如下：

此篇演讲中，使用频度最高的情态动词是“can”，在文中共出现13次。在政治演讲中的肯定句里使用“can”表示有能力或有机会完成某事。当罗斯福发表第一次就职演讲时，正处于非常时期的美国爆发了人类有史以来的最大一次经济危机，遇到了前所未有的政治、经济难题。作为美国的新任总统，罗斯福必须为他的国家和人民打气，使他们相信自己的国家能够通过推行一系列政策和措施，消除危机带来的负面影响。“must”语气最强，在文中共出现9次，一方面突出了总统罗斯福作为美国元首的权威地位，另一方面表明了罗斯福要与美国人民同舟共济、共同战胜危机的决心。

三、结语

本文通过罗斯福的第一次就职演讲浅析批评话语分析的理论基础、分析框架及其应用，发现演讲者可以通过使用特殊的词汇、及物性系统和情态等工具达到自己的目的：感染和说服民众，使民众在经过精心设计的强大语言攻势下，与总统的思维达成一致。总之批评话语分析为语篇分析提供了新的分析工具和视角，能够将政治话语中的意识形态与语言间的隐性关系展现给读者，使其知晓语篇作者如何利用语言策略及技巧达到自己的目的。

【参考文献】

[1]Halliday,M.A.K.An Introduction to Functional Grammar[M].Beijing：Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press,1994.[2]Fowler,R.Hodge B.Kress G.& Trew,T.Language and Control[C].London:Routledge and Kegan Paul,1979.[3]Vail Dijk,T.A.Critical discourse analysis[A].Tannen.(ed.)Handbook of Discourse Analysis

[C].Oxford:Blackwell,1998．

[4]辛斌.批评语言学：理论与应用[M].上海:上海外语教育出版社,2005.[5]辛斌.批评性语篇分析方法论[J].外国语,2002.[6]辛斌.批评性语篇分析：问题与讨论[J].外国语,2004.[7]杨玉晨.语篇分析：理论与实践[M].长春:东北师范大学出版社,2004.

第二篇：罗斯福就职演讲

罗斯福全名：富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt)(1882—1945)18岁时考入哈佛大学，攻读政治，历史和新闻专业，又在哥伦比亚大学攻读法律。后来从政，先后任过纽约州参议员和州长。中年时，他因患 脊髓灰质炎(Poliomyelitis、Polio)，双腿瘫痪，只能以轮椅代步。他任美国总统期间，实行新政，维护了美国资本主义制度，领导美国参加世界人民反法西斯战争，并取得胜利。

President Hoover, Mr Chief Justice, my friends: this is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the presidency, I will address them with a candour and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is pre-eminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itselfnarrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of Americabroad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity;with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication-in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.

第三篇：罗斯福就职演讲

罗斯福就职演讲

胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们： 今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子．我肯定，同胞们都期待我在 就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话．现在 正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻．我们不必畏首畏尾，不 老老实实面对我国今天的情况．这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复 兴和繁荣起来．因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是 害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需 的种种努力化为泡影．凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得 到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件．我相信，在目前危 急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持． 我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难．感谢上帝，这些困难只 是物质方面的．价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了； 各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业 枯萎的落叶到处可见； 农场主的产品找不到销路； 千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流． 更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛 的劳动换取微薄的报酬．只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实． 但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资．我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害．我 们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可 感到欣慰．大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增．富足的情景近在 咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去．这主要是因 为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经 认定失败了，并撒手不管了．贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径．将受到舆论法 庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃． 是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法．面对信贷的失 败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱．没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导 的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心．他们只知自我 追求者们的处世规则．他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的． 如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃．我们要以千古不变的 真理来重建这座庙宇． 衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价 值的程度． 幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努 力时
的激情．务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即
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逝的利润．如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍 奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的． 认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个 人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行 界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行 为．难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责．而 没有这些，就不可能有信心． 但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念．这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动 起来． 我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作．只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决．这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关 头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源 的工程． 我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范 围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用． 明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的 完成．避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务 的完成． 联邦、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，州、有助于任务的完成． 将 现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成．对所有 公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任 务的完成．许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈．我们必须行动，立即行动． 最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来； 一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足 而健康的货币供应． 以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针．我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细 实施方案，并且，我要向 18 个州请求立即的援助． 通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出． 我 们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的 建立．我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行．虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经 济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的 完成． 指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义． 我首先考虑的 是坚持美国这一整体

体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老 而永恒的证明的体现． 这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路．
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在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策．做一个决心自重，因此 而尊重邻国的国家．做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家． 如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的 问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献．我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些 原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力．我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原 则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能．我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来．这是神圣的义 务，非战乱，不停止． 有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对 我们普遍问题的强攻．这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府 中是可行的．我们的宪法如此简单，实在．它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重 点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是 最有适应性的政治体制．它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所 带来的压力． 而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任 务．但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫 起来． 让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着 寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得 到的问心无愧的满足．我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安． 我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来．合众国人民并没有失败．他们在困难中 表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动．他们要求有领导的纪律和方 向．他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具．我接受这份厚赠．

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福．愿上帝保信我们大家和每一 个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我．

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第四篇：罗斯福总统的演讲

英文原版一个遗臭万年的日子罗斯福

Yesterday, Dec.7, 1941the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in

conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese

government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.Very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Headlines-WarJapan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forceswe will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec.7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

第五篇：富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲

PresidentHoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:

This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americansexpectthat on my inductioninto the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision whichthe present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor needwe shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure,as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief thatthe only thing we have to fear is fear itself nameless,unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts toconvert retreatinto advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigorhas met with that understanding and support of the people themselves whichis essential to victory.And I am convinced that you will againgive that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thankGod, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels.taxes have risen.our abilityto pay has fallen.government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income.themeans of exchange are frozenin the currents of trade.the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side.farmers find no markets for their produce.and the savings ofmany years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizensface the grim problem of existence, and an equally greatnumber toil with little return.Only afoolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague oflocusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have stillmuch to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty andhuman efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of itlanguishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,through their own stubbornness and their ownincompetence, have admitted their failure, and haveabdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of publicopinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True,they have tried.But their efforts havebeen cast in the pattern of an outworntradition.Faced by failure of credit, they haveproposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by whichto induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfullyfor restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of selfseekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.Wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in theextent to which we apply social values more noble thanmere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money.it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescentprofits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but tominister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in handwith the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to bevalued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit.and there mustbe an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too oftenhas given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for itthrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, andon unselfish performance.withoutthem it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is toput people to work.This is nounsolvable problem if we face itwisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by theGovernment itself, treating the task as we would treatthe emergency of a war, but at thesame time, through this employment, accomplishing great greatlyneeded projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our greatnatural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to providea better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventingrealistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our smallhomes and ourfarms.It can be helped by insistence thatthe Federal, the State, and the local governmentsact forthwith on the demand thattheir cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by theunifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,uneconomical, unequal.It can behelped by national planning for and supervisionof all forms of transportation and ofcommunications and other utilities thathave a definitely public character.There are manyways in which it can be helped, but it cannever be helped by merely talking aboutit.We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require twosafeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking andcredits and investments.There must be anend to speculation with other people's money.Andthere must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congress inspecial session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shallseek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house inorder and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, thoughvastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary tothe establishment of a sound national economy.Ifavor, as a practical policy, the putting of firstthings first.I shall spare no effort torestore world trade by international economic readjustment.but the emergency athome cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thoughtthat guides these specific means of national recovery is notnationally narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a firstconsideration, upon the interdependenceof the various elements in and parts of the United States of America arecognition of the old and permanently importantmanifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the wayto recovery.It is the immediate way.Itis the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nationto the policy of the good neighbor: theneighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights ofothers.the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreementsin and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before,our interdependence on each other.that we can not merely take, but we must give as well.that if we are to goforward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice forthe good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made,no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline,because it makes possible a leadership which aims atthe larger good.This, I propose to offer,pledging that the larger purposes will bind uponus, bind upon us all as a sacred obligationwith a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which wehave inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is sosimple, so practicalthat it is possible always tomeet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss ofessential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superblyenduring political mechanism the modern worldhas ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislativeauthority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meetthe unprecedented task before us.But it may be that anunprecedented demand and need for undelayed actionmay call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty torecommend the measures that a strickennation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measuresas the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within myconstitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall failto take one of these two courses, in the eventthat the national emergency is still critical, I shallnot evade the clear course of duty that will thenconfront me.I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisisbroad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power thatwould be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befitthe time.I can do no less.We face the arduous days thatlie before us in the warm courage of nationalunity.with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moralvalues.with the clean satisfactionthat comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the assurance ofa rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the the future of essential democracy.The people of the United Stateshave not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate thatthey want direct, vigorousaction.They have asked for discipline and directionunder leadership.They have made me thepresent instrument of their wishes.Inthe spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication Inthis dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.