历史上的两位罗斯福总统

第一篇：历史上的两位罗斯福总统

美国历史上的两位罗斯福总统

美国历史上曾经有过两位罗斯福总统，一位是西奥多·罗斯福，一位是富兰克林·罗斯福。

西奥多·罗斯福Theodore Roosevelt（1858年-1919年）曾任海军副部长，1900年当选副总统。1901年总统威廉·麦金莱(William McKinley)被无政府主义者刺杀身亡，他继任成为美国总统，时年42岁,1904年连任，他的独特个性和改革主义政策，使他成为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一。他在第一任期保留了前总统的内阁和基本施政方针，1904年连任后，他的政治倾向开始偏左。

1、调解煤矿罢工，将煤矿工人的工作时间缩短了一小时，并且让工人得到加薪，稳定了社会秩序。

2、公平交易，他要求国会立法，对托拉斯的经营活动给予合理的限制并发起44个针对大企业的法律诉讼，被人称为“托拉斯驯兽师”。

3、产业规范化，于1906年使国会通过了《赫本法案》，加强对铁路运输和垮州贸易的监管和规范。

4、环境保护，罗斯福是第一位对环境保护有长远考虑的总统，在其任内设立了第一个国家鸟类保护区，也是野生动物庇护系统的雏形。1905年，他敦促国会成立美国林业服务局，管理国有森林和土地。

5、外交政策，他曾因成功地调停了日俄战争而获得1906年的诺贝尔和平奖，他是第一个获得此奖项的美国人。而外交上最显赫的成就是开凿巴拿马运河，1903年，罗斯福出于对巴拿马运河利益的考虑，支持巴拿马独立。1903年11月3日，巴拿马共和国诞生，不久美国与其缔约，以一千万美元的代价拥有巴拿马运河的开发和使用权。1904年运河工程开工，1914年竣工。巴拿马运河将纽约与旧金山之间的水路航程缩短了8000英里（约1万4千公里），而且能够使美国海军舰队在太平洋和大西洋之间的调动更加快捷，具有重要的军事战略意义。因为其突出的成就，1927年，罗斯福与乔治·华盛顿、托马斯·杰弗逊、亚伯拉罕·林肯并列雕刻在拉什莫尔山的美国总统纪念公园。

富兰克林·罗斯福Franklin D.Roosevelt(1882—1945)西奥多·罗斯福的侄子，被称为小罗斯福,。在1933年—1945年担任了四届美国总统。他因领导第二次世界大战取得胜利，被称为“赢得战争的总统”。

罗斯福首次就任总统之初，美国正值经济大萧条时期，罗斯福入主白宫后提出了旨在实现国家复兴和对外睦邻友好的施政方针。对内推行以救济、改革和复兴为主要内容的“罗斯福新政”，加强政府对经济领域的干预，大力发展公共事业来刺激经济。1933年3月9日至6月16日，美国国会应罗斯福总统的要求先后通过《紧急银行法》、《联邦紧急救济法》、《农业调整法》、《工业复兴法》、《田纳西河流域管理法》等。新政的实施缓解了经济危机，促进了美国经济的恢复，开创了国家干预经济的新模式。对外1933年，罗斯福政府承认苏联并与之建立外交关系。

二战爆发之后，1941年3月，在罗斯福总统努力下，国会通过了租借法案（总统有权将武器装备租借给与美国安全有关的国家），（60%供给英国，32%供给苏联）。租借法案的通过，使美国处于非交战状态，是美国积极干预反法西斯战争的重要里程碑。

1941年6月，苏德战争爆发之后，罗斯福宣布美国将援助苏联。8月，罗斯福和邱吉尔举行会谈并发表“大西洋宪章”。

1941年12月7日，日本偷袭珍珠港，太平洋战争爆发。美国向日本、德国和意大利宣战，正式参加第二次世界大战 1942年元旦，在罗斯福的倡导下，美英苏中等26个国家的代表在华盛顿签署《联合国家宣言》，国际反法西斯同盟正式形成。在罗斯福总统的领导下，美国最终取得了二战的胜利，1944年罗斯福第四次当选总统，1945年参加了雅尔塔会议，两个月后（4月12日）逝世。在他去世后25天，德国无条件投降，3个月后，日本无条件投降。

历史学家和政治学家们一致认为，富兰克林·罗斯福与华盛顿和林肯是美国历史上最伟大的三位总统。

第二篇：罗斯福总统的讲话

罗斯福总统的讲话 The doer of Deeds

It is not the critic who counts,not the man who points out how the strong man stumbles,the doer of deeds could have done them better.The credit belongs to the man who is actually in the arens,whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood;who stives valiantly;who errs,and comes short again and again;because there is not effort without error and shortcoming;but who does actually strive to do the deeds;who knows the great enthusiasms,the great devotions;who spends himself in a worthy cause,who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievement and who at the worst,if he fails,at least fails whiledaring greatly,so that his place shall never be with those cold and timid souls who know neither victory nor defeat.真正令人尊敬的并非那些评论家和那些指出强者是如何跌倒，实干家本该做得更好的人。荣誉属于那些亲临竞技场，满脸污泥，汗水和鲜血的人。他们不懈努力，他们曾犯过过错，并一再失败。因为付出即意味着犯错和失败。他们满怀激情地努力做事，执着不懈，将生命奉献于崇高的事业。他们为经过艰辛努力最终取得的伟大成就而自豪，如果失败，他们夜败的荣耀。因而，这样的人永远不应与那些不知道胜利，也从未失败过的冷淡而胆怯的灵魂相提并论。

第三篇：罗斯福总统竞选演讲稿

罗斯福总统竞选演讲稿

如果还有人对美国是否凡事都有可能存疑，还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们所处的时代是否依然鲜活，还有人质疑我们的民-主制度的力量，那么今晚，这些问题都有了答案。

这是设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队给出的答案；是等了三四个小时的选民所给出的答案，其中许多人都是有生以来第一次投票，因为他们认定这一次肯定会不一样，认为自己的声音会是这次大选有别于以往之所在。

这是所有美国人民共同给出的答案--无论老少贫富，无论是民-主党还是共和党，无论是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亚裔、原住民，是同性恋者还是异性恋者、残疾人还是健全人--我们从来不是“红州”和“蓝州”的对立阵营，我们是美利坚合众国这个整体，永远都是。

长久以来，很多人一再受到告诫，要对我们所能取得的成绩 极尽讽刺、担忧和怀疑之能事，但这个答案让这些人伸出手来把握历史，再次让它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。

已经过去了这么长时间，但今晚，由于我们在今天、在这场大选中、在这个具有决定性的时刻所做的，美国已经迎来了变革。

我刚刚接到了麦凯恩参议员极具风度的致电。他在这场大选中经过了长时间的努力奋斗，而他为自己所深爱 的这个国家奋斗的时间更长、过程更艰辛。他为美国做出了我们大多数人难以想像的牺牲，我们的生活 也因这位勇敢无私的领袖所做出的贡献而变得更美好。我向他和佩林州长所取得的成绩表示祝贺，我也期待着与他们一起在未来的岁月中为复兴这个国家的希望而共同努力。

我要感谢我在这次旅程中的伙伴--已当选美国副总统的拜登。他全心参与竞选活动，为普通民众代言，他们是他在斯克兰顿从小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉华的火车上遇到的男男女女。

如果没有一个人的坚决支持，我今晚就不会站在这里，她是我过去16年来最好的朋友、是我们一家人的中坚和我一生的挚爱，更是我们国家的下一位第一夫人：米歇尔·奥巴马（Michelle Obama）。萨莎（Sasha）和玛丽亚（Malia），我太爱你们两个了，你们已经得到了一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入驻白宫。虽然我的外祖母已经不在了，但我知道她与我的亲人肯定都在看着我，因为他们，我才能拥有今天的成就。今晚，我想念他们，我知道自己欠他们的无可计量。

我的竞选经理大卫·普劳夫（David plouffe）、首席策略师大卫·艾克斯罗德（David Axelrod）以及政治史上最好的竞选团队--是你们成就了今天，我永远感激你们为实现今天的成就所做出的牺牲。

但最重要的是，我永远不会忘记这场胜利真正的归属--它属于你们。

我从来不是最有希望的候选人。一开始，我们没有太多资金，也没有得到太多人的支持。我们的竞选活动并非诞生于华盛顿的高门华第之内，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查尔斯顿这些地方的普通民众家中。

我们的竞选活动能有今天的规模，是因为辛勤工作的人们从自己的微薄积蓄中拿出钱来，捐出一笔又一笔5美元、10美元、20美元。而竞选活动的声势越来越大则是源自那些年轻人，他们拒绝接受认为他们这代人冷漠的荒诞说法；他们离开家、离开亲人，从事报酬微雹极其辛苦的工作；同时也源自那些已经不算年轻的人们，他们冒着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门进行竞选宣传；更源自数百万的美国民众，他们自动自发地组织起来，证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。

我知道你们的所做所为并不只是为了赢得大选，我也知道你们做这一切并不是为了我。你们这样做是因为你们明白摆在面前的任务有多艰巨。因为即便我们今晚欢呼庆祝，我们也知道明天将面临我们一生之中最为艰巨的挑战--两场战争、一个面临危险的星球，还有百年来最严重的金融危机。今晚站在此地，我们知道伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中还有勇敢的美国士兵醒来，甘冒生命危险保护着我们。会有在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠的父母，担心如何偿还按揭月供、付医药费或是存够钱送孩子上大学。我们亟待开发新能源、创造新的工作机会；我们需要修建新学校，还要应对众多威胁、修复与许多国家的关系。

前方的道路会十分漫长艰辛。我们可能无法在一年甚至一届任期之内实现上述目标，但我从未像今晚这样满怀希望，相信我们会实现。我向你们承诺--我们作为一个整体将会达成目标。

我们会遭遇挫折和不成功的开端。对于我作为总统所做的每项决定和政策，会有许多人持有异议，我们也知道政府并不能解决所有问题。但我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。最重要的是，我会请求你们参与重建这个国家，以美国221年来从未改变的唯一方式--一砖一瓦、胼手胝足。

21个月前那个寒冬所开始的一切不应该在今天这个秋夜结束。今天的选举胜利并不是我们所寻求的改变--这只是我们进行改变的机会。而且如果我们仍然按照旧有方式行事，我们所寻求的改变不可能出现。没有你们，也不可能有这种改变。

因此，让我们发扬新的爱国精神，树立新的服务意识和责任感，让我们每个人下定决心全情投入、更加努力地工作，并彼此关爱。让我们铭记这场金融危机带来的教训：我们不可能在金融以外的领域备受煎熬的同时拥有繁荣兴旺的华尔街--在这个国家，我们患难与共。

让我们抵制重走老路的诱-惑，避免重新回到令美国政治长期深受毒害的党派纷争和由此引发的遗憾和不成熟表现。让我们牢记，正是伊利诺伊州的一名男子首次将共和党的大旗扛到了白宫。共和党是建立在自强自立、个人自由以及全民团结的价值观上，这也是我们所有人都珍视的价值。虽然民-主党今天晚上赢得了巨大的胜利，但我们是以谦卑的态度和弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧的决心赢得这场胜利的。林肯在向远比我们眼下分歧更大的国家发表讲话时说，我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激-情可能褪去，但是这不会割断我们感情上的联系。对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，或许我没有赢得你们的选票，但是我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，而且我也将是你们的总统。

那些彻夜关注美国大选的海外人士，从国会到皇宫，以及在这个世界被遗忘的角落里挤在收音机旁的人们，我们的经历虽然各有不同，但是我们的命运是相通的，新的美国领袖诞生了。那些想要颠覆这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。那些追求和平和安全 的人们，我们支持你们。那些所有怀疑美国能否继续照亮世界发展前景的人们，今天晚上我们再次证明，我们国家真正的力量并非来自我们武器的威力或财富的规模，而是来自我们理想的持久力量：民-主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。

第四篇：罗斯福总统的演讲

英文原版一个遗臭万年的日子罗斯福

Yesterday, Dec.7, 1941the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in

conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese

government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.Very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Headlines-WarJapan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forceswe will gain the inevitable triumph-so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec.7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

第五篇：罗斯福总统演讲The Four Freedoms

Mr.president, Mr.Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union.I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs.And, fortunately, only one of these--the four-year war between the States--ever threatened our national unity.Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents.We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition--clear, definite opposition--to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past.Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914--ninety-nine years--no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere.And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength;it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles.We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction.We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world--assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents.If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors.And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere--yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature--and, incidentally, untrue--for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion--or even good business.Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task.And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program.However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars' worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons--a loan to be repaid in dollars.I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program.And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom.We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression.Such aid--Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And when the dictators--if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression.The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt.No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet.The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency--almost as serious as war itself--demands.Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups.A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending.The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple.They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civil liberties for all.The enjoyment--The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world.The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement.As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes.In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today.No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way--everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor--anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium.It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception--the moral order.A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch.The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them.Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory.