名人演讲:打破沉寂(汇编)

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第一篇:名人演讲:打破沉寂

我们都知道,马丁·路德·金是美国的民权运动领袖,他为黑人谋求平等,甚至献出了自己的生命,被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时,马丁·路德·金也是一名卓越的反战斗士,他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利,而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁·路德·金看成一个黑人运动领袖,那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识——马 ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?br>

本演讲发表于1967年4月4日,是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲,集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂(Riverside Church)。

我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂,是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会,则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感,当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣:“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”

I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice.I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam.The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.”

演讲全文:A Time to Break Silence by Martin Luther King, Jr.I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice.I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam.The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.” And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one.Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war.Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty;but we must move on.And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak.We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak.And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.perhaps a new spirit is rising among us.If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path.At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: “Why are you speaking about the war, Dr.King?” “Why are you joining the voices of dissent?” “peace and civil rights don't mix,” they say.“Aren't you hurting the cause of your people,” they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling.Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church--the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate--leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation.This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front.It is not addressed to China or to Russia.Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam.Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem.While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America.A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor--both black and white--through the poverty program.There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings.Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home.It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population.We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem.And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools.And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago.I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years--especially the last three summers.As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems.I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action.But they ask--and rightly so--what about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted.Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today--my own government.For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.For those who ask the question, “Aren't you a civil rights leader?” and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer.In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: “To save the soul of America.” We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear.In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:

O, yes,I say it plain,America never was America to me,And yet I swear this oath--

America will be!

Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war.If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam.It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over.So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic];and I cannot forget that the Nobel prize for peace was also a commission--a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for “the brotherhood of man.” This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ.To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war.Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men--for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?

And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God.Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions.We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls “enemy,” for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula.I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now.I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.They must see Americans as strange liberators.The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954*--in 1945 *rather*--after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China.They were led by Ho Chi Minh.Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them.Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony.Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China--for whom the Vietnamese have no great love--but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists.For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence.For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam.Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs.Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not.We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will.Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement.But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier Diem.The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North.The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused.When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support.All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform.Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy.They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met.They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.So they go, primarily women and children and the aged.They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops.They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury.So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children.They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals.They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food.They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village.We have destroyed their land and their crops.We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church.We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon.We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness.*Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call “fortified hamlets.” The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these.Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise.These, too, are our brothers.perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call “VC” or “communists”? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of “aggression from the North” as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions.Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence.Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta.And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants.They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded.Their questions are frighteningly relevant.Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves.For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.So, too, with Hanoi.In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust.To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now.In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies.It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva.After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again.When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops.They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made.Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North.He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy.perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called “enemy,” I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else.For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy.We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved.Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.Somehow this madness must cease.We must stop now.I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam.I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted.I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam.I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken.I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours;the initiative to stop it must be ours.This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam.Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:

Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct.The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies.It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat.The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism(unquote).If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam.If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play.The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve.It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people.The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways.In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.*I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.Five: *Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front.Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done.We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary.Meanwhile...meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment.We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam.We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.*As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection.I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one.Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* These are the times for real choices and not false ones.We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly.Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam.I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing “clergy and laymen concerned” committees for the next generation.They will be concerned about Guatemala and peru.They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia.They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa.We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution.During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S.military advisors in Venezuela.This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala.It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F.Kennedy come back to haunt us.Five years ago he said, “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments.I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values.We must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society.When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies.On the one hand, we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act.One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway.True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar.It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth.With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, “This is not just.” It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, “This is not just.” The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, “This way of settling differences is not just.” This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love.A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values.There is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war.There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.*This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism.War is not the answer.Communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons.Let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations.* These are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness.*We must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice.We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.*

These are revolutionary times.All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born.The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before.The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light.We in the West must support these revolutions.It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries.This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit.Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated.Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism.With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when “every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain.”

A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional.Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind.This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man.When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response.I am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh.I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life.Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality.This Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John: “Let us love one another, for love is God.And every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God.He that loveth not knoweth not God, for God is love.” “If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us.” Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation.The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate.And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.As Arnold Toynbee says: “Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil.Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word”(unquote).We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today.We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now.In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.procrastination is still the thief of time.Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity.The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood--it ebbs.We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on.Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, “Too late.” There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect.Omar Khayyam is right: “The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on.”

We still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation.We must move past indecision to action.We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors.If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.Now let us begin.Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world.This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response.Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message--of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.As that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:

Once to every man and nation comes a moment to decide,In the strife of Truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side;

Some great cause, God's new Messiah offering each the bloom or blight,And the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light.Though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong

Though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong

Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown

Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over America and all over the world, when justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

第二篇:名人演讲:打破沉寂

名人演讲:打破沉寂

我们都知道,马丁·路德·金是美国的民权运动领袖,他为黑人谋求平等,甚至献出了自己的生命,被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时,马丁·路德·金也是一名卓越的反战斗士,他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利,而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁·路德·金看成一个黑人运动领袖,那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识——马 ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?br>

本演讲发表于1967年4月4日,是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲,集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂(Riverside Church)。

我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂,是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会,则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感,当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣:“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”

I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice.I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam.The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.” 海量资料分享

演讲全文:A Time to Break Silence by Martin Luther King, Jr.I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice.I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam.The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.” And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one.Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war.Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world.Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty;but we must move on.And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak.We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak.And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond 海量资料分享

the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history.Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us.If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path.At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: “Why are you speaking about the war, Dr.King?” “Why are you joining the voices of dissent?” “Peace and civil rights don't mix,” they say.“Aren't you hurting the cause of your people,” they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling.Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church--the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate--leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation.This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front.It is not addressed to China or to Russia.Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam.海量资料分享

Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem.While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America.A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle.It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor--both black and white--through the poverty program.There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings.Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube.So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at 海量资料分享

home.It was sending their son

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第三篇:名人演讲

Chapter1 就任与离职

巴拉克·奥巴马:就职演讲

巴拉克·奥巴马:胜选演讲

乔治·W·布什:就职演讲

乔治·W·布什:告别演讲

威廉·克林顿:就职演讲

罗纳德·里根:就职演讲

约翰·F·肯尼迪:就职演讲

富兰克林·罗斯福:就职演讲

托尼·布莱尔:辞职演讲

温斯顿·丘吉尔:就职演讲

Chapter2 战争与和平

乔治·W·布什:发动伊拉克战争时的讲话 理查德·尼克松:沉默的大多数

阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦:原子能时代的和平哈里·杜鲁门:日本二战投降时的讲话

富兰克林·罗斯福:珍珠港事件后要求对日宣战

Chapter3 政治与外交

乔治·W·布什:9·11全国电视讲话

科菲·安南:千年致辞

查尔斯王子:在香港主权交接仪式上的演讲 罗纳德·里根:在中国人民大会堂的讲话 托马斯·杰斐逊:独立宣言

Chapter4 社会与民主

迈克尔·杰克逊:拯救儿童

希拉里·克林顿:妇女的权利也是人权

纳尔逊·曼德拉:出狱演说

马丁·路德·金:我有一个梦想

帕特里克·亨利:不自由,毋宁死

Chapter5 文化与教育

比尔·盖茨:在哈佛大学毕业典礼上的演讲

史蒂夫·乔布斯:在斯坦福大学毕业典礼上的演讲

乔治·W·布什:在清华大学的演讲

沃伦·巴菲特:在佛罗里达大学商学院的演讲

威廉·克林顿:在北京大学的演讲

Chapter6 影视与体育

凯特·温斯莱特、西恩·潘:奥斯卡最佳女主角、男主角获奖感言 雅克·罗格:北京29届奥运会开幕式和闭幕式上的讲话

安妮公主、托尼·布莱尔首相:伦敦申办2012年奥运会陈述报告 杨澜:北京申办2008年奥运会陈述报告

迈克尔·乔丹:退役演说

Chapter7 褒奖与荣誉

保罗·克鲁格曼:获诺贝尔经济学奖受奖演说

多丽丝·莱辛:未获诺贝尔文学奖演说

科菲·安南:获诺贝尔和平奖受奖演说

欧内斯特·海明威:获诺贝尔文学奖受奖演说

威廉·福克纳:获诺贝尔文学奖受奖演说

Chapter8 科技与经济

比尔·盖茨:达沃斯世界经济论坛讲话

比尔·盖茨:亚洲博鳌论坛讲话

路易斯·郭士纳(IBM前董事长兼CEO):CeBIT’98开幕式讲话 小约翰·洛克菲勒:家族的信条

安德鲁·卡耐基:成功之道

Chapter9 奋斗与激励

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟:责任、荣誉、国家 德怀特·艾森豪威尔:反攻动员令

巴顿上将:对第三集团军的演说

亚伯拉罕·林肯:葛底斯堡演说

Chapter10 缅怀与纪念

查尔斯·斯宾塞伯爵:在戴安娜王妃葬礼上的悼词 罗纳德·里根:“挑战者号”惨剧致辞

弗里德里希·恩格斯:在马克思墓前的讲话 罗伯特·F·肯尼迪:纪念马丁·路德·金之死 乔治·格雷厄姆·维斯特:狗的赞歌

第四篇:名人演讲

BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS

Winston Churchill May 13, 1940

On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.I have already completed the most important part of this task.A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events.Other key positions were filled yesterday.I am submitting a further list to the King tonight.I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer.I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today.At the end of today’s proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be.Business for that will be notified to M.P.’s at the earliest opportunity.I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government.The resolution: “That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of

the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.” To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself.But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history.We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean.The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind.We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air.War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime.That is our policy.You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory.Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.Let that be realized.No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.I take up my task in buoyancy and hope.I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, “Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.”

“熱血、汗水和眼淚”

溫斯頓·邱吉爾 1940年5月13日

上星期五晚上,我奉陛下之命,組織新的一屆政府。

按國會和國民的意願,新政府顯然應該考慮建立在盡可能廣泛的基礎上,應該相容所有的黨派。

我已經完成了這項任務的最主要的部分。戰時內閣已由五人組成,包括工黨、反對黨和自由黨,這體現了舉國團結一致。

由於事態的極端緊急和嚴峻,新閣政府須於一天之內組成,其他的關鍵崗位也於昨日安排就緒。今晚還要向國王呈報一份名單。我希望明天就能完成幾位主要大臣的任命。

其餘大臣們的任命照例得晚一些。我相信,在國會下一次召開時,任命將告完成,臻于完善。

為公眾利益著想,我建議議長今天就召開國會。今天的議程結束時,建議休會到5月21日,並準備在必要時提前開會。有關事項當會及早通知各位議員。

現在我請求國會作出決議,批准我所採取的各項步驟,啟示記錄在案,並且聲明信任新政府。決議如下:

“本國會歡迎新政府的組成,她體現了舉國一致的堅定不移的決心:對德作戰,直到最後勝利。”

組織如此規模和如此複雜的政府原本是一項重大的任務。但是我們正處於歷史上罕見的一場大戰的初始階段。我們在其他許多地點作戰--在挪威,在荷蘭,我們還必須在地中海做好準備。空戰正在繼續,而且在本土也必須做好許多準備工作。

值此危急關頭,我想,即使我今天向國會的報告過於簡略,也當能見諒。我還希望所有在這

次改組中受到影響的朋友、同僚和舊日的同僚們對必要的禮儀方面的任何不周之處能毫不介意。

我向國會表明,一如我向入閣的大臣們所表明的,我所能奉獻的唯有熱血、辛勞、眼淚和汗水我們所面臨的將是一場極其嚴酷的考驗,將是曠日持久的鬥爭和苦難。

若問我們的政策是什么?我的回答是:在陸上、海上、空中作戰。盡我們的全力,盡上帝賦予我們的全部力量去作戰,對人類黑暗、可悲的罪惡史上空前兇殘的暴政作戰。這就是我們的政策。

若問我們的目標是什么?我可以用一個詞來回答,那就是勝利。不惜一切代價,去奪取勝利--不懼一切恐怖,去奪取勝利--不論前路如何漫長、如何艱苦,去奪取勝利。因為沒有勝利就不能生存。

我們務必認識到,沒有勝利就不復有大英帝國,沒有勝利就不復有大英帝國所象徵的一切,沒有勝利就不復有多少世紀以來的強烈要求和衝動:人類應當向自己的目標邁進。

我精神振奮、滿懷信心地承擔起我的任務。我確信,大家聯合起來,我們的事業就不會遭到挫敗。

在此時此刻的危急關頭,我覺得我有權要求各方面的支援。我要說:“來吧,讓我們群策群力,並肩前進!”

宋美齡1943年在美國參議院的演講 The committee appointed by Vice president, preceded by the Secretary of the Senate(Edwin A.Halsey), and the Sergeant at Arms(Wall Doxey), and consisting of Mr.Barkley, Mr.McNary, Mr.Connally, Mr.Capper, And Mrs.Caraway, entered the Chamber at the main door and escorted Mme.Chiang Kai-shek to a seat at the desk immediately in front of the Vice President.(Mme.Chiang Kai-shek was greeted with prolonged applause, Senators and guests of the Senate rising.)The VICE PRESIDENT.Senators, distinguished guests, Mme.Chiang Kai-shek, wife of the Generalissimo of the armies of China, will now address you.[Applause] ADDRESS BY MME.CHIANG KAI-SHEK Mr.President, Members of the Senate of the United States, ladies and gentlemen, I am overwhelmed by the warmth and spontaneity of the welcome of the American people, of whom you are the representatives.I did not know that I was to speak to you today at the Senate except to say, ※How do you do? I am so very glad to see you,§ and to bring the greetings to my people to the people of America.However, just before coming here, the Vice President told me that he would like to have me say a few words to you.I am not a very good extemporaneous speaker;in fact, I am no speaker at all;but I am not so very much discouraged, because a few days ago I was at Hyde Park, and went to the President*s library.Something I saw there encouraged me, and made me feel that perhaps you will not expect overmuch of me in speaking to you extemporaneously.What do you think I saw there? I saw many things.But the one thing which interested me most of all was that in a glass case there was the first draft of tone of the President*s speeches, a second draft, and on and on up to the sixth draft.Yesterday I happened to mention this fact to the

President, and told him that I was extremely glad that he had to write so many drafts when he is such a well-known and acknowledgedly fine speaker.His reply to me was that sometimes he writes 12 drafts of a speech.So, my remarks here today, being extemporaneous, I am sure you will make allowances for me.The traditional friendship between your country and mine has a history of 160 years.I feel, and I believe that I am now the only one who feels this way, that there are a great many similarities between your people and mine, and that these similarities are the basis of our friendship.I should like to tell you a little story which will illustrate this belief.When General Doolittle and his men went to bomb Tokyo, on their return some of your boys had to bail out in the interior of China.One of them later told me that he had to mail out of his ship.And that when he landed on Chinese soil and saw the populace running toward him, he just waved his arm and shouted the only Chinese word he knew, ※Mei-kuo, Mei-kuo,§ which means ※America,§ [Applause.] Literally translated from the Chinese it means ※Beautiful country.§ This boy said that our people laughed and almost hugged him, and greeted him like a long lost brother.He further told me that the thought that he had come home when he saw our people;and that was the first time he had ever been to China.[Applause.]

I came to your country as a little girl.I know your people.I have lived with them.I spent the formative years of my life amongst your people.I speak your language, not only the language of your hearts, but also your tongue.So coming here today I feel that I am also coming home.[Applause.] I believe, however, that it is not only I who am coming home;I feel that if the Chinese people could speak to you in your own tongue, or if you could understand our tongue, they would tell you that basically and fundamentally we are fighting for the same cause [great applause];that we have identity of ideals* that the ※four freedoms,§ which your President proclaimed to the world, resound throughout our vast land as the gong of freedom, the gong of freedom of the United Nations, and the death knell of the aggressors.[Applause.] I assure you that our people are willing and eager to cooperate with you in the realization of these ideals, because we want to see to it that they do not echo as empty phrases, but become realities for ourselves, for your children, for our children*s children, and for all mankind.[Applause.] How are we going to realize these ideals? I think I shall tell you a little story which just came to my mind.As you know, China is a very old nation.We have a history of 5,000 years.When we were obliged to evacuate Hankow and go into the hinterland to carry on and continue our resistance against aggression, the Generalissimo and I passed one of our fronts, the Changsha front.One day we went in to the Heng-yang Mountains, where there are traces of a famous pavilion called ※Rub-the-mirror§ pavilion, which perhaps interest you to hear the story of that pavilion.Two thousand years ago near that spot was

an old Buddhist temple.One of the young monks went there , and all day long he sat cross-legged, with his hands clasped before him in and attitude of prayer, and murmured ※Amita-Buddha!Amita-Buddha!

Amita-Buddha!§ He murmured and chanted day after day, because he hoped that he would acquire grace.The Father Prior of that temple took a piece of brick and rubbed it against a stone hour after hour, day after day, and week after week.The little acolyte, being very young, sometimes cast his eyes around to see what the old Father Prior was doing.The old Father Prior just kept on this work of rubbing the brick against the stone.So one day the young acolyte said to him, ※Father Prior, what are you doing day after day rubbing this brick of stone?§ The Father Prior replied, ※I am trying to make a mirror out of this brick.§ The young acolyte said, ※But it is impossible to make a mirror out of a brick, Father Prior.§ ※Yes,§ said the Father Prior, ※and it is just as impossible for you to acquire grace by doing nothing except murmur &Amita-Buddha* all day long, day in and day out.§ [Applause.]

So my friends, I feel that it is necessary for us not only to have ideals and to proclaim that we have them, it is necessary that we act to implement them.[Applause.] And so to you, gentlemen of the Senate, and to you ladies and gentleman in the galleries, I say that without the active help of all of us, our leaders cannot implement these ideals.It*s up to you and to me to take to heart the lesson of ※Rub-the-Mirror§ pavilion.I thank you.[Great applause, Senators and their guests rising.]

Following her address, Mme.Chiang Kai-shek and the distinguished visitors accompanying her and the others guests of the Senate were escorted from the Chamber.新經濟的五大悖論

David H.Komanshy(中文名:郭銘基),美林集團董事長兼首席執行官。1939年4月27日出生。畢業于邁阿密大學的會計專業。參加過哈佛大學的高級主管人員研修班。郭銘基具有驚人的演講才華,加上其資深的金融行業閱曆,被稱為美國金融界的代言人。

美林集團具有100多年的歷史,是全世界最大的全球性綜合投資銀行,主要為各類企業、政府機構以及個人投資者提供投資、融資、諮詢及財務顧問等服務。在美國《幸福》雜誌全球500強的證券投資業公司中排名第一。

本文是郭銘基先生賓夕法尼亞大學沃頓商學院的演講。沃頓商學院是全球MBA排名第一的商學院。

“Five Paradoxes of the New Economy” Wharton School of Business Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

I'm happy to be here at Wharton, traditionally a wonderful source of Merrill Lynch talent.But I'm not here on a recruiting trip.My purpose today is much broader.I'm here to talk about what I call the Five Paradoxes of the New Economy.First, I'll talk about the underlying forces behind the new economybrokerage and investment bankinga watershed event for this industry.Outdated barriers had always prevented us from offering our clients a federally insured bank account.Today we have not one but two banks, and can offer clients the full range of financial servicesto create a new company, instead of buying one.It also required a sizable global footprint.Still, scale is only part of the story.Paradox 2: In a World of Endless Choices, Reputation Matters

In the bottomless well of websites, consumers are looking for familiar names they know and trust.I think that's why no one has been able to knock Amazon from the top spot in online retailing.They are one of the only household names online.If you don't think brand matters, think about

this: It's been said that if you dismantled the Coca-Cola Company and left the managers with only the brand name, they could rebuild the entire company in under five years.On the other hand, if you left them with all their assets but took away the brand, in five years they'd be gone altogether.In the new economy, more than ever, a global brand name and a trusted reputation are indispensable.Yet in our business, it's not all about being well known.It's about how well you know your clients.Paradox 3: Age Doesn't Matterthese companies led the first wave of the New Economy.They changed the rules.They introduced new ways of thinking.They created new models for buying and selling.Ten years ago, they didn't even exist.But they didn't succeed simply because they were new.Nor should we assume, with so many dot-coms crashing, that companies are now going to succeed simply because they are established.Age doesn't matter.In the years ahead, what will matter is not only the ability to create change, but to build on it.That means not just worrying about what's next.It means having a broader vision of your entire industry, and the resources and management skills to execute it.That's why the next wave of the New Economy really won't distinguish between old and new companies, or even tech companies and manufacturers.What will matter is your ability to understand the implications of all the new things springing up around us.Let me give you some examples of how Merrill is riding that next wave.As I mentioned earlier, we're using e-commerce to change the business model for capital markets and investment banking.Recently, we joined with six other of the largest investment banks to create The Markets.com, a portal for commingled equity research, news, and market data.We also pioneered, along with other securities firms, a new trading platform for fixed income securities called BondBook.These consortia and commingled sites are perhaps the industry's most seismic shift to date.In each of these instances, the technology is impressive.But more critical is the way we're using technology to create value as the industry shifts.This requires building

relationships we previously never would have considered.Relationships, as I've suggested, can't be created by technology.They demand human capital, which brings me to my final paradox.Paradox 5: In the New Economy, the Most Satisfying Job Experiences Can Be Found in Traditional Places

Despite all the hype about the

unconventional workplace, the best place for a rewarding careeris probably going to be one of the large, global firms that some were once writing off as “behind the curve.” It's easy for me to say, of course.I started at a large financial house and 32 years later became CEO.But I believe that some of the young New Economy firms focused on attracting talent through short-term perks, rather than long-term value.You've all read about them: name your own job, 23-year-old CEOs, wear shorts to worka greater sense of professional satisfaction that is harder to come across at a struggling young start-up.Don't get me wrong.Workplace features of the new economy have been good for all of us.An improved focus on diversity, a more casual workplace, greater flexibility and faster decision-making.We're proud to have received more than our share of awards for progressive policies for telecommuting, disabled workers and working mothers, just to name a few.The diversity of our talent pool is second to none, and we work hard to create a culture that places no limits on individual achievement.But we know the most successful companies are those that offer other advantages, too, including a workplace that is both financially and intellectually rewarding.The paradoxes of the New Economy I've outlined today tell me that, at the end of the most prosperous and creative decade in American history, Merrill Lynch is better positioned than ever to be the preeminent financial management and advisory company in the world.How do we define preeminence? In five simple ways:

Client focus second to none.The leader in our chosen markets.The best managed company.The best shareholder return.During the past year, our stock price has delivered the highest return among all our major competitors.And, of course, the best place to work.Client focus second to none;the leader in chosen markets;best managed company;best shareholder return, and the best place

to work.Some might read that list and accuse us of sticking to Old World values.My response: guilty as charged.During the height of the tech boom, I think the business community and the press tended to forget what made a great company over the long term.I'd like to think that at Merrill, we never lost sight of these enduring values.Don't take my word for it.Look around.What you will find is that, in the final paradox of the New Economy, the freshest thinking is going on in places you may never have imagined.So, in conclusion, let me verbalize what should be very apparent to each of you.Dreams and aspirations have never gone out of style.My suggestion to you is, come dream with us.美國總統布希清華大學演講

President Bush Speaks at Tsinghua University

Tsinghua University

Beijing, People's Republic of China 10:35 A.M.(Local)

PRESIDENT BUSH: Vice President Hu, thank you very much for your kind and generous remarks.Thank you for welcoming me and my wife, Laura, here.(Applause.)I see she's keeping pretty good company, with the Secretary of State, Colin Powell.It's good to see you, Mr.Secretary.(Applause.)And I see my National Security Advisor, Ms.Condoleezza Rice, who at one time was the provost at Stanford University.So she's comfortable on university campuses such as this.Thank you for being here, Condi.(Applause.)I'm so grateful for the hospitality, and honored for the reception at one of China's, and the world's, great universities.This university was founded, interestingly enough, with the support of my country, to further ties between our two nations.I know how important this place is to your Vice President.He not only received his degree here, but more importantly, he met his gracious wife here.(Laughter.)

I want to thank the students for giving me the chance to meet with you, the chance to talk a little bit about my country and answer some of your questions.The standards and reputation of this university are known around the world, and I know what an achievement it is to be here.So, congratulations.(Applause.)I don't know if you know this or not, but my wife and I have two daughters who are in college, just like you.One goes to the University of Texas.One goes to Yale.They're twins.And we are proud of our daughters, just like I'm sure your parents are proud of you.My visit to China comes on an important anniversary, as the Vice President

mentioned.Thirty years ago this week, an American President arrived in China on a trip designed to end decades of estrangement and confront centuries of

suspicion.President Richard Nixon showed the world that two vastly different

governments could meet on the grounds of common interest, in the spirit of mutual respect.As they left the airport that day, Premier Zhou Enlai said this to President Nixon: “Your handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world--25 years of no communication.”

During the 30 years since, America and China have exchanged many handshakes of friendship and commerce.And as we have had more contact with each other, the citizens of both countries have gradually learned more about each other.And that's important.Once America knew China only by its history as a great and enduring civilization.Today, we see a China that is still defined by noble traditions of family, scholarship, and honor.And we see a China that is becoming one of the most dynamic and creative societies in the world--as demonstrated by the knowledge and potential right here in this room.China is on a rising path, and America welcomes the emergence of a strong and peaceful and prosperous China.(Applause.)

As America learns more about China, I am concerned that the Chinese people do not always see a clear picture of my

country.This happens for many reasons, and some of them of our own making.Our movies and television shows often do not portray the values of the real America I know.Our successful businesses show a strength of American commerce, but our spirit, community spirit, and contributions to each other are not always visible as monetary success.Some of the erroneous pictures of America are painted by others.My friend, the Ambassador to China, tells me some Chinese textbooks talk of Americans of “bullying the weak and repressing the poor.” Another Chinese textbook, published just last year, teaches that special agents of the FBI are used to “repress the working people.” Now, neither of these is true--and while the words may be leftovers from a previous era, they are misleading and they're harmful.In fact, Americans feel a special responsibility for the weak and the poor.Our government spends billions of dollars to provide health care and food and housing for those who cannot help themselves--and even more important, many of our citizens contribute their own money and time to help those in need.American compassion also stretches way beyond our borders.We're the number one provider of humanitarian aid to people in need throughout the world.And as for the men and women of the FBI and law enforcement, they're working people;they, themselves, are working people who devote their lives to fighting crime and corruption.My country certainly has its share of problems, no question about that.And we

have our faults.Like most nations we're on a long journey toward achieving our own ideals of equality and justice.Yet there's a reason our nation shines as a beacon of hope and opportunity, a reason many throughout the world dream of coming to America.It's because we're a free nation, where men and women have the opportunity to achieve their dreams.No matter your background or your circumstance of birth, in America you can get a good education, you can start your own business, you can raise a family, you can worship freely, and help elect the leaders of your community and your country.You can support the policies of our government, or you're free to openly disagree with them.Those who fear freedom sometimes argue it could lead to chaos, but it does not, because freedom means more than every man for himself.Liberty gives our citizens many rights, yet expects them to exercise important responsibilities.Our liberty is given direction and purpose by moral character, shaped in strong families, strong communities, and strong religious institutions, and overseen by a strong and fair legal system.My country's greatest symbol to the world is the Statue of Liberty, and it was designed by special care.I don't know if you've ever seen the Statue of Liberty, but if you look closely, she's holding not one object, but two.In one hand is the familiar torch we call the “light of liberty.” And in the other hand is a book of law.We're a nation of laws.Our courts are honest and they are independent.The President--me--I can't tell the courts how to rule, and neither can any other member of the executive or legislative branch of government.Under our law, everyone stands equal.No one is above the law, and no one is beneath it.All political power in America is limited and it is temporary, and only given by the free vote of the people.We have a Constitution, now two centuries old, which limits and balances the power of the three branches of our government, the judicial branch, the legislative branch, and the executive branch, of which I'm a part.Many of the values that guide our life in America are first shaped in our families, just as they are in your country.American moms and dads love their children and work hard and sacrifice for them, because we believe life can always be better for the next generation.In our families, we find love and learn responsibility and character.And many Americans voluntarily devote part of their lives to serving other people.An amazing number--nearly half of all adults in America--volunteer time every week to make their communities better by mentoring children, or by visiting the sick, or caring for the elderly, or helping with thousands of other needs and causes.This is one of the great strengths of my country.People take responsibility for helping others, without being told, motivated by their good hearts and often by their faith.America is a nation guided by

faith.Someone once called us “a nation with the soul of a church.” This may interest you--95 percent of Americans say they believe in God, and I'm one of them.When I met President Jiang Zemin in Shanghai a few months ago, I had the honor of sharing with him how faith changed my life and how faith contributes to the life of my country.Faith points to a moral law beyond man's law, and calls us to duties higher than material gain.Freedom of religion is not something to be feared, it's to be welcomed, because faith gives us a moral core and teaches us to hold ourselves to high standards, to love and to serve others, and to live responsible lives.If you travel across America--and I hope you do some day if you haven't been there--you will find people of many different ethic backgrounds and many different

faiths.We're a varied nation.We're home to 2.3 million Americans of Chinese ancestry, who can be found working in the offices of our corporations, or in the Cabinet of the President of the United States, or skating for the America Olympic

team.Every immigrant, by taking an oath of allegiance to our country, becomes just as just as American as the President.America shows that a society can be vast and it can be varied, yet still one country, commanding the allegiance and love of its people.And all these qualities of America were widely on display on a single day,September the 11th, the day when terrorists, murderers, attacked my nation.American policemen and firefighters, by the hundreds, ran into burning towers in desperation to save their fellow citizens.Volunteers came from everywhere to help with rescue efforts.Americans donated blood and gave money to help the families of victims.America had prayer services all over our country, and people raised flags to show their pride and unity.And you need to know, none of this was ordered by the government;it happened spontaneously, by the initiative of free people.Life in America shows that liberty, paired with law is not to be feared.In a free society, diversity is not disorder.Debate is not strife.And dissent is not revolution.A free society trusts its citizens to seek greatness in themselves and their country.It was my honor to visit China in 1975--some of you weren't even born then.It shows how old I am.(Laughter.)And a lot has changed in your country since then.China has made amazing progress--in openness and enterprise and economic freedom.And this progress previews China'a great potential.China has joined the World Trade Organization, and as you live up to its obligations, they inevitably will bring changes to China's legal system.A modern China will have a consistent rule of law to govern commerce and secure the rights of its people.The new China your generation is building will need the profound wisdom of your traditions.The lure of materialism

challenges our society--challenges society in our country, and in many successful countries.Your ancient ethic of personal and family responsibility will serve you well.Behind China's economic success today are talented, brilliant and energetic people.In the near future, those same men and women will play a full and active role in your government.This university is not simply turning out specialists, it is preparing citizens.And citizens are not spectators in the affairs of their country.They are participants in its future.Change is coming.China is already having secret ballot and competitive elections at the local level.Nearly 20 years ago, a great Chinese leader, Deng Xiaoping, said this--I want you to hear his words.He said that China would eventually expand democratic elections all the way to the national level.I look forward to that day.Tens of millions of Chinese today are relearning Buddhist, Taoist, and local religious traditions, or practicing Christianity, Islam, and other faiths.Regardless of where or how these believers worship, they're no threat to public order;in fact, they make good citizens.For centuries, this country has had a tradition of religious tolerance.My prayer is that all persecution will end, so that all in China are free to gather and worship as they wish.All these changes will lead to a stronger, more confident China--a China that can astonish and enrich the world, a China that your generation will help create.This is one of the most exciting times in the history of your country, a time when even the grandest hopes seem within your reach.My nation offers you our respect and our friendship.Six years from now, athletes from America and around the world will come to your country for the Olympic games.And I'm confident they will find a China that is becoming a da guo, a leading nation, at peace with its people and at peace with the world.Thank you for letting me come.(Applause.)ON HIS SEVENTIETH BIRTHDAY

George Bernard Shaw July 26, 1926

Of late years the public have been trying to tackle me in every way they possibly can, and failing to make anything of it they have turned to treating me Bs a great man.This is a dreadful fate to over-take anybody.There has been a distinct attempt to do it again now, and for that reason I absolutely decline to say anything about the celebration of my seventieth birthday.But when the Labor Party, my old friends the Labor Party, invited me here I knew that l should be all right.Now, however, we have built up a constitutional Party.We have built it up on a socialistic basis.My friend, Mr.Sidney Webb, Mr.Macdonald and myself said definitely at the beginning that what we had

got to do was to make the Socialist Party a constitutional party to which any respectable God-fearing man could belong without the slightest compromise of his respectability.We got rid of all those traditional that is why Governments in the present day are more afraid of us than they were of any of the Radical people.Our position is a perfectly simple one and we have the great advantage of understanding our position.We oppose socialism to capitalism.According to the capitalists, there will be a guara11tee to the world that every man in tile country would get a job.They didn't contend it would be a well-paid job, because if it was well paid a man would save up enough one week to stop working the next week, and they were determined to keep a man working the whole time on a bare subsistence wageafter making sure he has paid for them first.They are giving capitalists subsidies and making all sorts of regulations that are breaking up their own system.All the time they are doing it, and we are telling them it is breaking up, they don't

understand.We say in criticism of capitalism: Your system has never kept its promises for one single day since it was promulgated.Our production is ridiculous.We are producing eighty horsepower motor cars when many more houses should be built.We are producing most extravagant luxuries while children starve.You have stood production on its head.Instead of beginning with the things the nation needs most, you are beginning at just the opposite end.We say distribution has become so glaringly ridiculous that there are only two people out of the 47,000,000 people in this country who approve of the present system of distribution-one is the Duke of Northumberland and the other is Lord Banbury.We are opposed to that theory.Socialism, which is perfectly clear and unmistakable, says the thing you have got to take care of is your distribution.We have to begin with that, and private property, if it stands in the way of good distribution, has got to go.A man who holds public property must hold it on the pub1ic condition on which, for instance, I carry my walking stick.I am not al1owed to do what I like with it.I must not knock you on the head with it.We say that if distribution goes wrong, everything else goes wrong-religion, morals-government.And we say, therefore(this is the whole meaning of our socialism}, we must begin with distribution and take all the necessary steps.I think we are keeping it in our minds because our business is to take care of the distribution of wealth in the worId1 and I tell you, as I have told you be fore, that I don't think there are two men, or perhaps one man, in our 47,000,000 who approves of the existing distribution of wealth.I will go even further and say that you will not find a single person in the whole of the civilized world who agrees with the existing system of the distribution of wealth.It has been reduced to a blank absurdity.I think the day will come when we will be able to make the distinction between us and the capitalists.We must get certain leading ideas before the people.We should announce that we are not going in for what was the old-fashioned idea of redistribution, but the redistribution of income.Let it always be a question of income.I have been very happy here to night.I entirely understand the distinction made by our Chairman to night when he said you hold me in social esteem and a certain amount of personal affection.I am not a sentimental man, but l am not 1nsensible to all that.I know the value of all tl1at, and it gives me, now that 1 have come to the age of seventy(it will not occur again and I am saying it for the first time), a great fee1ing of pleasure that l can say what a good many people can't say.在七十壽辰宴會上的講話 喬治·蕭伯納

1926年7月26日

近幾年來,公眾輿論想方設法對我發難,在一無所獲之後,又轉而把我捧為偉人。不管誰碰上這種事都是可怕的災難。現在,顯然又有人想故伎重演。因此,對於慶祝我70壽辰的活動,我完全拒絕發表任何意見。不過,當我的工党老朋友們請我到這裏來時,我知道不會有麻煩。

不管怎樣,我們現在已經建立了一個立憲黨,我們已經把它建立在社會主義的基礎之上。我和我的朋友西德尼·韋布先生及麥克唐納先生一開始就明確說過,我們必須做的就是把社會黨變成一個擁護憲法的黨,使任何可敬的、虔誠的人都能在個人尊嚴絲毫不受侵犯的情況下加入這個黨。我們革除了陳規陋習,這就是為什麼比起任何持激進觀點的人來,政府目前更怕我們。

我們的立場是非常簡單明確的,我們的極大優勢在於理解自己的立場。我們用社會主義來反對資本主義。

按照資本家的觀點,完全可以保證這個國家人人都能得到一份職業。他們不主張那份職業工資很高,因為如果工資很高,一個星期就可以攢下足夠的錢,下個星期就不必工作了。他們決心以僅能糊口的工資使人們始終不停地工作,而他們自己則分享著一份資本增益。

他們說,資本主義不僅為工人提供了上述保證,而且,由於確保鉅額財富掌握在一個人數很少的階級手中,這些人不論願意與否都會把錢積攢下來,並且不得不用於投資。這就是資本主義,而我們的政府卻總是妨礙資本主義。政府既不為一個人提供工作,又不讓他挨

餓,而是在肯定他已經為得到救濟而先付過錢

之後,給他一點救濟金。政府給資本家補助金,卻又制訂出各種破壞自己的制度的規定。政府一直在幹這樣的事。我們告訴政府這是破壞,政府卻不懂。

我們在批評資本主義時說:你們的制度自公佈以來,從未有哪一天信守過自己的諾言。我們的生產是荒唐的。需要建造更多的房屋時,我們卻在生產80馬力的汽車。孩子們正在挨餓時,我們卻在生產最豪華的奢侈品。你們把生產顛倒了。你們不先生產國民最需要的東西,卻反其道而行之。我們說分配已經變得絕頂荒謬,以致在我國四千七百萬人口中,只有兩個人贊成現行的分配制度--一個是諾森伯蘭公爵,另一個是班伯裏勳爵。

我們反對那種理論。明白無誤的社會主義理論指出,你們必須注意的問題是你們的分配我們必須由此著手,而如果私有財產妨礙公正的分配,就必須予以廢除。

掌握公共財產的人必須受到社會的制約,比如,我帶著手杖也要受社會制約。我不能拿著它隨心所欲。我不能拿它敲諸位的腦袋。我們說如果分配出了問題,一切都會出問題,包括宗教、道德、政府等等。因此,我們說(這是我們的社會主義的全部意義),我們必須從分配著手,採取一切必要的步驟。

我想我們都能銘記這一點,因為我們的任務就是要注意世界是財富的分配問題。我剛才對你們說過,現在還要對你們說,我認為在我國四千七百萬人口中,不會有兩個人,也許不會有一個人贊成現行的財富分配制度。我甚至要進一步說,你們在整個文明世界也找不出一個贊同現行財富分配制度的人。這種分配制度分配制度已經墮落為極其荒謬的東西了。

我認為,總有一天我們將能夠把自己同資

本主義者區別開來。我們必須把某些指導思想公佈於眾。我們必須宣佈,我們所為之努力的不是陳舊的再分配觀念,而是收入再分配。我們要讓再分配始終成為一個收入問題。

今晚我在這裏感到非常高興。我們今晚的主席說,你們認為我享有社會的尊敬,並頗受你們個人的喜愛。我完全理解這番褒獎。我不是一個容易動感情的人,但是這一切感動了我。我知道這一切的價值,在我年屆70的時候(人生70歲只有一次,因此我這樣說也是最後一次了),它使我能說出許許多多人不能說的話,這使我感到極大的快樂。

Bill Gates' Keynote Speech

Good morning.It's a great pleasure to be here.Today is a major milestone for Microsoft as our first Developers Conference here in China.The key partnerships we build with software developers around the world are central not only to the success of Windows but also to realize the great possibilities that PC technology provides.It's through applications of every variety that businesses will be using the personal computer as the tool of the Information Age.Microsoft has a vision for where the PC is going.And that vision says that PCs will become a central element of how companies share information inside the company.The name of that vision is, the so called Digital Nervous System(DNS), allowing companies to reduce paper work and make better decisions.The Digital Nervous System means that not only do you have the PCs

that are connected together, and not only do you have standard elements like electronic mail but also you've really thought carefully about what information is important, and so all of the processes-order taking, sales planning, personnel management, project management-all of those have been set up to take full advantage of the capabilities of the computer.Now, another major vision that Microsoft has is that writing the programs, writing the applications for these machines needs to get very easy and we need to be able to do it, so we can write programs that run across the entire Internet which is millions of machines.So this is a new approach to programming that draws on what was done previously.DNS says that developers should be able to focus on their particular task and not have to learn a lot about management of the machine resources.Great chips and systems developed by our partners who are here with us

sponsoring this event, make this all possible.And there's an incredible opportunity for developers.The applications that are written today will sell to an even larger base of machines out in the market.There is a lot that we're doing to increase the work of developers-make sure they understand where the PC is going and how tools can help them and we're even helping them now, with more and more marketing type of activities making sure they get out in with the customers.And this is something that we are just

going to increase year after year, after year.And so the overall DNS message is one about helping developers seize that opportunity by bringing together the different architectures, making things automatic and allowing this to be done in a great evolutionary fashion.And so I think it's a fantastic time to be a developer and we appreciate your being here and look forward to the opportunity to work with you more.Thank you CE

比爾·蓋茨主題演講

早上好。非常高興與大家共聚一堂。今天,在這裏舉行微軟中國第一屆開發人員大會,是微軟公司的一個重要里程碑。我們與全球軟體發展人員建立的夥伴關係不僅是微軟視窗取得成功的關鍵,而且使個人電腦技術提供的各種潛在價值成為現實。通過程式在各個領域的應用,個人電腦將成為企業在資訊時代的一個工具。

微軟對個人電腦的未來走向有一個設想。根據該設想,個人電腦將成為公司內部資訊共用的核心。這一設想的名稱就是數位神經系統(DNS),它能使公司減少書面文書工作,制定更好的決策。數位神經系統的作用不僅把個人電腦連接起來,也不僅是你將擁有類似電子郵件這樣的標準配置,而且意味著你能夠認真地考慮什麼是重要的資訊。這樣的話,諸如訂單處理、銷售計劃、人員管理以及專案管理等,所有這些過程都已經建立起來,可以全面利用電腦的功能。

微軟的另一個主要設想是把編寫應用程式這項工作變得很容易,這樣程式就可以在連接數以百萬計電腦的互聯網上運行。和以前的編

程不同,這是一個新的做法,有了DNS,開發人員可以集中精力從事其特定的任務,而且不需要學習很多機器資源管理的知識。

這一活動的主辦者之一是我們的合作夥伴,他們開發的系統再加上優異的晶片將使所有這一切成為可能。這是開發人員一次的極好機會。今天編寫的應用程式將賣給市場上更多的電腦使用者。我們正在做許多事情以增加開發人員的工作能力,確保他們理解個人電腦的走向,讓他們知道目前的工具能為他們提供什麼樣的幫助,以及讓他們參加越來越多的促銷類型的活動,使他們與顧客保持良好的關係。

這就是我們年復一年所增加的東西。發展整個DNS的目的就是通過結合不同的體系結構、實現任務自動化以及允許以一種發展的方式完成這一工作,幫助開發人員抓住機會。因此我認為,這是一個開發人員可以大展才華的時代,感謝你們的光臨並希望有機會與你們進行更多的合作。

謝謝!CE

I Have a Dream

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the 1)Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous 2)decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been 3)seared in the flames of 4)withering injustice.It came as a joyous

daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the 5)manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still 6)languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize the shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to 7)fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the 8)inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note 9)insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are “insufficient funds” in the great 10)vaults of opportunity of this nation.So

we've come to cash this check-a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American Dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of 11)its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners, will they be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream, that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state 12)sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an 13)oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream, that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character, I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of 14)interposition and 15)nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low;the rough places will be made plain;and the 16)crooked places will be made straight;and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all 17)flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.So let freedom ring from the 18)prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the 19)curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that, let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside.Let freedom ring and when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every 20)hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, free at last, thank God almighty, we are free at last.” CE

我有一個夢想

今天,我很高興能夠參加這次我國有史以來為爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會。

一百年前,一位美國偉人簽署了《解放黑奴宣言》,現在我們就站在他紀念像投下的影子

裏。這項重要法令的頒佈,就像是高大的燈塔,給千千萬萬在非正義的烈焰中煎熬的黑奴帶來了希望,它猶如結束囚室中漫漫長夜的一束歡樂的曙光。

然而,一百年後的今天,黑人依然沒有獲得自由。一百年後的今天,黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚於種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。一百年後的今天,黑人依然生活在物質富裕的汪洋大海中的貧困孤島之上。一百年後的今天,黑人依然在美國社會的陰暗角落裏艱難掙扎,在自己的國土上受到放逐。所以,我們今天到這裏來,把這駭人聽聞的事實公諸於眾。

從某種意義上說,我們來到我們的首都是為了兌現一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫《憲法》和《獨立宣言》時,就簽署了一張每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票保證所有人-不論白人還是黑人-都享有不可剝奪的生存權、自由權和追求幸福的權利。

顯然,就有色公民而言,美國並沒有兌付這張期票。美國不但沒有承擔這項神聖的義務,反而開給黑人一張空頭支票-一張蓋著“資金不足”印戳被退回的支票。

但我們不相信正義的銀行已經破產,我們不相信這個國家龐大的機會寶庫會發生資金不足的情況。因此,我們來要求兌現這張支票-一張見票即付,能為我們兌現自由財富和正義保障的支票。

朋友們,今天我要告訴你們:儘管當前和將

來還會有許多困難挫折,我仍然懷有一個夢想。這是一個深深紮根於美國夢中的夢想。我夢想有一天這個國家能夠站立起來,實現其立國信條的真諦:“我們認為這些真理不言而喻:所有的人生來就是平等的。”

我夢想有一天,在佐治亞州的紅色山岡上,昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐,共敘兄弟情誼。我夢想有一天,甚至連密西西比州這樣一個因充斥著不公和壓迫而酷熱難當的荒漠之洲,也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。

我夢想有一天,我的四個孩子將在一個不是以他們的膚色,而是以他們的品格優劣來評價他們的國度裏生活。今天我有一個夢想。

我夢想有一天,儘管阿拉巴馬州種族主義者猖獗,儘管該州州長現在仍然滿口異議,拒絕執行聯邦法令,但有朝一日,那裏的黑人兒童將能與白人兒童情同骨肉,攜手並進。我今天有一個夢想。

我夢想有一天,深谷彌合,高山夷平,崎嶇化坦途,曲徑變通衢,上帝的光輝顯現,讓所有人類一齊瞻仰。這就是我們的希望。

那麼,讓自由之聲響徹新罕布希州的巍巍山巔!讓自由之聲響徹紐約的崇山峻嶺!讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼雄峰!讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪覆蓋的洛基山脈!讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰!不僅如此,還要讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石嶺!讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的瞭望山!讓自由之聲響徹密西西比的每個丘陵,每座角落!當我們讓自由之聲響起來,讓自由之聲響徹每一個大小村莊,每一個州和每一個城市,我們將能夠加速那一天的到來。到那時,上帝的所有兒女,黑人和白人,猶太人和非猶太人,耶穌教徒和天主教徒,都將攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌:“終於自由啦!終於自由啦!感謝全能的上帝,我們終於自由啦!” 21

第五篇:名人演讲

正视缺点

尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们:

大家好!

今天我要演讲的主题是:正视缺点。今天我要演讲的名言是:无论你跑多远,有些恶魔你总摆脱不了。这句话是尼古拉斯·凯奇在《恶灵骑士》中所扮演的强尼·布雷茨所说的。在别人看来,这似乎很荒唐:拿电影中的台词来当做自己的座右铭,但你听了我后面的演讲之后,就会明白这其中的道理了。

无论你跑多远,有些恶魔你总摆脱不了。这句话的含义是:无论你怎样躲避、用什么方法躲避,都无法躲开自己自身的缺点或不足。细细品味这句话,你会发现其实这句话告诉我们:我们要是想进步,就必须正视自己的缺点并及时的改正它。如果我们只会不断的躲避自身的缺点,我们就将只能原地踏步而不会有一丁点儿进步。

就拿我的政治说吧,在刚接触这门科目的时候,我觉得这门科目十分的无聊,于是便变着法子去躲避政治这门科,可结果呢?只是使我的政治成绩越来越差。后来我读到了这句名言后,我猛然醒悟过来:我必须重视政治。再加上我妈妈的指导,我对政治认真了起来,我的政治成绩也慢慢提高了。

希望大家听了我的演讲后,能正视自己的缺点并积极改正,使我们13班更上一层楼!我的演讲完了,谢谢大家!

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