美国的故事续三(33)-《独立宣言》

第一篇：美国的故事续三(33)-《独立宣言》

美国的故事续三（33）－《独立宣言》

美国的故事（33）－《独立宣言》

1775年5月，第二次大陆会议（Second Continental Congrass）刚开始不久，会议主席培顿·伦道夫（Payton Randolph）被弗吉尼亚议会召回威廉斯堡（Williamsburg），因为那边有很多事等着他去处理。约翰·汉考克（John Hancock）接替他当了大陆会议主席。弗吉尼亚代表团空出个位子来，让谁去补这个缺呢？伦道夫向议会推荐了自己的小表弟。于是，1775年6月的一天，一个安安静静的弗吉尼亚人来到费城。32岁的他是大陆会议最年轻的代表之一。他身高1.9米，深栗色的头发有点偏红，人长得瘦瘦的，细细的，说话轻声细语，举止优雅高贵，自有一番与生俱来的倜傥风流。这位以“候补队员”身份上场的，就是《独立宣言》的作者、未来美国的第三位总统，托马斯·杰斐逊（Thomas Jefferson）。

年轻时的杰斐逊

杰斐逊也许是美国性格最复杂、言行最矛盾的“建国国父”（Founding Fathers）。他像华盛顿一样沉默寡言，却不像华盛顿那样光明磊落；他像本杰明·富兰克林（Benjaming Franklin）一样博学多才，却不像富兰克林那样幽默豁达；他像约翰·亚当斯（John Adams）一样机敏睿智，却不像亚当斯那样坦率真诚。他是政治家，也是阴谋家；他是君子，也是小人；他是最亲密的朋友，也是最危险的对手。亚当斯说：“他的心是一条河，深不见底，寂静无声。”有人爱他，有人恨他，有人崇拜他，有人讨厌他。但是，没有一个人能否认他的伟大。杰斐逊是美国历史上一抹最绚丽的色彩，他对自由的憧憬至今仍指引着全世界的人们追求光明。我们在欣赏他的辉煌之前，先认识一下这个内向、腼腆的年轻人吧。

托马斯·杰斐逊，1743年4月13日生于弗吉尼亚（Virginia）的阿尔伯马尔县（Albermarle County）。他的父亲，皮特·杰斐逊（Peter Jefferson），是个大种植园主、大奴隶主，拥有上万英亩土地（1英亩=6市亩）。母亲珍妮·伦道夫（Jane Randolph）来自弗吉尼亚最富裕、也最有政治影响力的伦道夫家族。托马斯在10个孩子中排行第三。

托马斯应该算是含着银汤匙出生的孩子。据说，他对人生的第一次“记忆”是两岁时被一个黑奴抱着走来走去。事实上，他一辈子都是在奴隶的“怀抱”中度过的。从早上一睁眼，奴隶们就给他穿衣，洗漱。在他生命中的每一个日子里，奴隶们给他做饭，清理房间，砍柴，生火，洗衣，烫衣，喂马，给他开门，关门，端茶，递水，也给他洗脚，按摩，擦皮鞋，他每走一步都有奴隶精心照料。很难想象，一个在这种环境里长大的公子哥，竟然在《独立宣言》中声称“人人生而平等”，他想过这句话对他和他的奴隶们意味着什么吗？然而，这就是杰斐逊，一个永远的矛盾、永远的谜。

小杰斐逊和他的好朋友达伯尼·卡尔（Dadney Carr）天天一起奔跑、游戏，在与大自然的亲密接触中，他们都爱上了自由的天空。两个男孩最喜欢到杰斐逊的父亲拥有的一座小山上去，眺望层层叠叠的森林和闪烁飘渺的河流，卡尔把那座山叫“汤姆的小山”。杰斐逊发誓，他长大后一定要在这山顶上建一所房子。他们相约，如果谁先死去，另外一个就要把他葬在这座山上。后来，杰斐逊真的在这座山顶上建起自己的世外桃源，给它取名“蒙特塞罗”（Monticello），是意大利语“小山”的意思。达伯尼·卡尔在三十岁那年暴病身亡。杰斐逊信守少年时的诺言，把卡尔埋葬在蒙特塞罗，一辈子守护着他。

杰斐逊的家：蒙特塞罗 皮特·杰斐逊很重视儿子的教育，他经常与孩子们一起读《圣经》，跟他们一起欣赏古希腊、古罗马的文学、哲学、和艺术。托马斯·杰斐逊有一点跟富兰克林特别像，就是对天底下所有的事都感兴趣，他在文学、哲学、历史、数学、科学、建筑、天文、气象、农业等所有这些领域都表现出过人的天赋。他会说拉丁、法、意、西、荷五种语言，对音乐情有独钟。他酷爱小提琴，即使在入主白宫、日理万机的时候，他每天都要拉上一两个小时，从未中断过。小提琴一直陪伴他走到生命的最后一天。杰斐逊的多才多艺为他赢得了无数的粉丝。1962年，约翰·肯尼迪（John Kennedy）总统在白宫宴请美国的诺贝尔奖得主们。他在致辞时说：“白宫的宴会厅从来没有聚集过这么多各方面的天才，唯一的例外也许是杰斐逊总统独自在这里用餐的时候。。”他的话引来一片温馨的笑声。

1759年，16岁的杰斐逊进入威廉与玛丽学院（College of William and Mary）。他刚到威廉斯堡（Williamsburg）时，被那里的繁华和热闹搞晕了，天天开派对，玩得不亦乐乎。第一个学年飞一样地溜走。杰斐逊放假回家后，回想起过去的这段时间，忽然发现自己什么都没学到。他懊悔莫及。再回到学校时，他成了个完全不同的人。他发疯一样地学习，先跟一位教授攻读了两年数学和哲学，又跟当时最有名的法学教授乔治·怀斯（George Wythe）学习法律。乔治·怀斯可不是随便收学生的。他开始时没把杰斐逊放在眼里，以为他不过是个混日子的，根本不想要他。可是，后来他发现这个纨绔子弟竟然是个严肃认真又悟性超群的学生，他不但收杰斐逊为徒，还把他带进了自己的社交小圈子。每个周末，怀斯都邀请杰斐逊去他家吃晚餐。在这里吃晚餐的，都是弗吉尼亚的大人物，包括总督，市长，议员，学者，社会名流，等等。他们谈论古典哲学，启蒙思想，文学艺术，政治经济，科技发展，时事潮流。杰斐逊经常在这些聚会上拉一段小提琴，与其他人交流对音乐的感受。这些聚会不仅让杰斐逊大长学问，更让他大长见识，为进入政界打下了坚实的基础。后来，杰斐逊回忆道：“我所有的知识都是从这张餐桌上学到的。”

1762年，杰斐逊以优异成绩从威廉与玛丽学院毕业，他获得了学校的最高荣誉奖。之后，他一面在一个律师事务所实习，一面继续跟怀斯学法律。5年后，他考取了律师资格，开始经营自己的法律业务。他的客户都是威廉斯堡有头有脸的人物。1769年，杰斐逊当选为弗吉尼亚殖民地议会（House of Burgess）议员。1772年1月1日，28岁的杰斐逊与23岁的玛莎·威尔斯、斯凯尔顿（Matha Wayles Skelton）结婚。玛莎是个年轻漂亮的寡妇，父亲也是个种植园主。玛莎弹得一手好钢琴，对音乐的热爱把他们连在一起。婚后，玛莎搬进蒙特塞罗。蒙特塞罗是个与世隔绝的所在。冬天，外面漫天大雪，里面暖气融融。杰斐逊拉着小提琴，玛莎弹着钢琴，他们像极了那对“琴箫合奏，笑傲江湖”的神仙侠侣。9个月后，在金色的秋天，他们的第一个孩子出世了。杰斐逊是个体贴的丈夫，慈爱的父亲，温柔的情人。此时此刻，他只有一个愿望，就是与玛莎常相厮守，共度此生。

秋色中的蒙特塞罗

美国革命的呐喊声和枪炮声打破了杰斐逊一家平静的生活。随着北美与英国的对抗不断升级，杰斐逊与帕特里克·亨利（Patrick Henry）、理查德·亨利·李（Richard Henry Lee）等弗吉尼亚议会中的激进派，在报纸、杂志上发表了一系列抨击英国暴政的文章，挑战英国议会的权威。1774年，杰斐逊出版了他的第一本书《英属北美人权概论》（A Summary View of the Rights of Britishi America）。这本书从法学角度否定了英国议会对北美的统治权，引起很大的轰动，成为“第一次大陆会”期间弗吉尼亚代表团的指导性文件。杰斐逊的文笔优雅流畅，逻辑清晰，字里行间流露出广博的学识。这个名不见经传的“小子辈”开始吸引各殖民地领袖的目光。

1775年6月，表哥培顿·伦道夫推荐杰斐逊代替自己去费城参加“第二次大陆会议”。杰斐逊不愿离开玛莎和孩子们，但责任感还是让他告别蒙特塞罗，踏上去费城的路。他做梦都没想到，自己的名字将被刻在一个新国家的出生证上，而且，他还是这份出生证的撰写人。

从性格上看，杰斐逊似乎不适合当政治家。他是个非常害羞的人，天生不爱说话，特别不擅长在大庭广众之中说话，一开口就脸红。而且，他的声音很弱，就算说话，别人也听不见。他严肃有余，幽默不足，或者说，基本上没有幽默感，难免让人觉得有点闷。他平静的外表下掩藏的是一颗执着的心，他那强烈的说服别人的欲望一点也不亚于以固执著称的华盛顿和亚当斯。但是，杰斐逊有个很大的优点，就是脾气好。他追求一种和睦的境界，别说打架了，就是吵嘴也没有过，因为他觉得争吵本身已经违背了内心的和谐。他温和的性情很容易促使大家达成妥协。他显然是个温文尔雅的绅士，最激烈的发泄方式就是照着他的马屁股上使劲抽两鞭子。所以，大家哪天看到杰斐逊跟他的马过不去，就知道他真的生气了。在大陆会议上，各殖民地的代表们天天吵架，嗓门一个比一个大。杰斐逊就坐在那里，一言不发，看着大家吵。

1776年1月起，托马斯·潘恩（Thomas Paine）的《常识》（Common Sense）引发殖民地争取独立的呼声。本来一直回避这个问题的大陆会议不得不面对日益彰显的民意。2月，大陆会议正式授权“国家海盗”们（Privateers）在海上拦截英国的商船和运输船；接着，禁止向英国出口任何货物。3月，大陆会议下令将所有的亲英分子和“保王党”人（Loyalists）解除武装。4月，大陆会议宣布北美的港口向所有的国家开放，英国除外。5月，大陆会议建议各殖民地开始制订自己的宪法，准备向独立国家过渡。正如约翰·亚当斯所说：“一部独立的宪法就是独立本身。”

1776年6月，弗吉尼亚议会授权在费城的代表团向大陆会议提出“独立”的议案。6月7日，理查德·亨利·李提出了下面的议案：

“这些联合起来的殖民地从此是，并且按其权利也应该是，自由和独立的国家，他们取消一切对英国王室效忠的义务，他们和大不列颠国家之间的一切政治关系从此全部断绝，而且必须断绝。”

此议一出，全场哗然。支持独立的新英格兰代表大声叫好，反对独立的南方和中大西洋殖民地代表强烈抗议，双方闹得不可开交，从早上一直吵到点灯时分也没个头绪。最后，头昏脑涨的大陆会议主席约翰·汉考克不得不宣布，把对这个议案的表决推迟到7月1号，以便代表团向各自的议会征求意见。同时，为了不浪费时间，他要求约翰·亚当斯组织一个5人委员会，起草《独立宣言》（Declaration of Independence），供大家讨论。

亚当斯组织的委员会除他自己外还包括宾夕法尼亚的本杰明·富兰克林，纽约的罗伯特·里文斯顿（Robert Livingston），康涅狄克的罗杰·谢尔曼（Roger Sherman），和弗吉尼亚的托马斯·杰斐逊。除了杰斐逊，其余几位都是资深政治家和知名政论家，他们的入选理所当然。可是，亚当斯为什么会选中年纪轻轻又几乎从来不说话的杰斐逊呢？

杰斐逊和亚当斯的性格可以说是冰火两重天，完全相反。两人虽然都是律师出身，但杰斐逊这律师当得跟亚当斯比起来可差远了。杰斐逊不爱说话，亚当斯要是不说话就会上吊，而且，他只要一开口，别人只有投降的份儿；杰斐逊不爱争吵，亚当斯觉得世界上最好的说话方式就是争吵，他的灵感和智慧都是吵出来的。亚当斯在大陆会议中绝对是领军人物，60％的开会时间都是听他一个人讲。大家都知道他能说会道，可是不知道他还有个别人没有的本事，就是识人之能。亚当斯这一辈子为美国举荐过三个人。有人说，即使他别的什么事都没干，就凭这三个人，他对美国的贡献就已经无人能比了。第一个，推荐华盛顿担任大陆军总司令；第二个，选中杰斐逊起草《独立宣言》；第三个，提名约翰·马歇尔（John Marshall）为最高法院首席大法官。华盛顿和杰斐逊就不必说了，马歇尔至今仍然是最有成就的首席大法官，没有他，美国的司法独立不知要走多少弯路。

杰斐逊在会议上的沉默没有逃过亚当斯的慧眼。他发现，虽然这个年轻人很少说话，但他说话时总能切中要害，见解深刻。而且，他工作也很勤奋，交给他的任务都完成得很出色。亚当斯读过杰斐逊写的文章和书，非常欣赏他的文笔和思想。他试着靠近杰斐逊，开玩笑地对他说：“我从来没听你连续说过三句话。”杰斐逊冷冷地回敬一句：“我没有说话的天才。”就在这样的接触和试探中，两人开始互相了解，也开始了他们长达50年爱恨交加的友谊。

亚当斯凭着对杰斐逊的直觉把他拉进5人小组。小组成员在讨论了宣言应该包括什么内容之后，亚当斯指名点姓要杰斐逊起草第一稿。杰斐逊立刻表示反对。他说，应该由富兰克林起草。70岁的富兰克林是大陆会议中年纪最大也最德高望重的成员，所有的人都非常尊敬他，他的文笔也是众所周知。但富兰克林那几天身体不好，没有精力在短短两三个星期内完稿。于是，杰斐逊对亚当斯说：“你自己怎么不写？”亚当斯说：“我没时间，我还有其他二十多个委员会的事要做。”杰斐逊还是不服气：“为什么偏偏是我呢？”亚当斯说：“原因有三。一，你是弗吉尼亚人，这种事应该由弗吉尼亚人挑头；二，我爱得罪人，要是大家知道是我写的，肯定会群起攻之。你正好和我相反。三，我看过你的文章，你的写作水平比我强十倍。”杰斐逊说：“你太谦虚了。”不管怎样，亚当斯定下的事，杰斐逊想驳也驳不了。毕竟，亚当斯比他大8岁，从年龄上和资历上说都是他的长辈。富兰克林也鼓励杰斐逊，表示对他有信心。富兰克林是杰斐逊的偶像，是他最崇敬的人。既然他都这么说，杰斐逊就义不容辞了。

杰斐逊把自己关在下榻的旅馆里，趴在自己设计的折叠书桌上，足不出户地写了三天。6月的费城又热又闷，蚊子在耳边嗡嗡地转。连伺候杰斐逊的奴隶都热得有点受不了了，可杰斐逊好像对周围的世界失去了感觉，他完全沉醉在超凡的境界中。

杰斐逊写《独立宣言》时用的折叠式书桌

本来，大陆会议不过是想发表一份“声明”，告诉英国“俺不想跟你过啦！咱分家吧！”谁也没想着这篇“声明”会有多么重大的意义，更没打算让它“流芳百世”。可是，这简简单单的一篇文章，到了杰斐逊手里就一点也不简单了，因为他站的角度不同。在他眼中，美国革命不是北美与英国之间的纷争，而是人类追求自由的第一次尝试。他要得到的是全世界的赞同。

《独立宣言》草稿

首先，为什么要发表这份“宣言”？他写道：“在有关人类事务的发展过程中，当一个民族必须解除其和另一个民族之间的政治联系，并在世界各国之间依照自然法则和上帝的意旨，接受独立和平等的地位时，出于对人类舆论的尊重，必须把他们不得不独立的原因予以宣布。”

那么，什么是独立的原因呢？或者说，什么是北美人为之奋斗的理想？美国革命显然不是一场穷人反富人的阶级斗争，也不是一场纯粹的民族解放运动。杰斐逊想要告诉全世界，告诉历史，告诉未来，北美人追求的，是“普世价值”，它远远超过了一个国家、一个民族的界限。下面这几句被誉为“英语世界中最著名的一段话”：

“我们认为下面这些真理是不言而喻的（Self-evident）：人人生而平等（All men are created equal），造物主赋予他们某些不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生命权（Life）、自由权（Liberty）和追求幸福的权利（Pursuit of Happyness）。”

这就是人们今天已经习以为常的“天赋人权”。当然，在杰斐逊的时代，这几句话有着完全不同的含义。首先，这个“人人”不包括黑奴，不包括女人，不包括印第安人，也不包括没有财产的白人男人。难道杰斐逊不明白现实世界到底是什么样的吗？他为什么不说“所有有产阶级的白人男人生而平等”？也许这个问题在他的心里问过很多遍，但他最终还是把不加任何定义的“人人”写在纸上，因为他写的，不是现实，是理想。

历史学家们认为，杰斐逊的“生命权、自由权、和追求幸福的权利”是从启蒙思想家约翰·洛克（John Locke）的“生命权、自由权、财产权（Property）”引伸而来，但“追求幸福的权利”比“财产权”境界高多了，它包括物质上的幸福和精神上的幸福。正是这“追求幸福的权利”激励着一代又一代移民远渡重洋，到新大陆寻找他们的梦想。事实上，没有任何一个词比“追求幸福”更能真切地表达杰斐逊想要表达的“美国心”（American Mind）。如今，这个“美国心”已经变成了无数人孜孜以求的“美国梦”（American Dream）。

什么样的政府才能保护人们的这些权利呢？杰斐逊写道：

“为了保障这些权利，人类才在他们之间建立政府，而政府之正当权力，是经被统治者的同意而产生的。当任何形式的政府对这些目标具破坏作用时，人民便有权力改变或废除它，以建立一个新的政府；其赖以奠基的原则，其组织权力的方式，务使人民认为唯有这样才最可能获得他们的安全和幸福。”

这是启蒙思想家们阐述了无数遍的“社会契约”论。“统治者的权力来自被统治者”，从“五月花号公约”（Mayflower Compact）开始，这个原则就是北美自治的根基。如今，英王的所做所为已经破坏了这个原则，所以我们“有权利，也有义务”推翻这个政府，并为“未来的安全建立新的保障”。接下来，杰斐逊列举了英王的27条“罪状”，说明不得不造反的苦衷。这些文字听上去像一个受了委屈的孩子絮絮叨叨地向路人哭诉父母对自己的不公。今天，这些理由都已成过眼云烟，我们也就不必细读了。但值得注意的是，在27条“罪状”中，有16条涉及司法程序和司法公正。这说明，在美国的“建国国父”们心中，法制占有头等重要的位置。

还有一点值得一提。在杰斐逊的原稿中，有一大段声讨奴隶制的文字。杰斐逊自己名下就有200多个奴隶，他一生都是奴隶制度的受益者。一个大奴隶主，毫不留情地谴责奴隶制，听上去有点滑稽。谁也不清楚他写那段话的动机是什么，不知道他哪根筋错了。人们只能说，他再一次无奈地“丈量”了一下理想与现实之间的距离。杰斐逊关于奴隶制的那段文字在大陆会议的讨论中被全部删除。所有的人都知道奴隶制是罪恶，但他们不知道怎样结束它。“建国国父”们决定把这个问题留给后人解决，他们的后人为此付出了60万个鲜活的生命。

杰斐逊完成初稿后拿给委员会看，大家提了些修改意见。比如，杰斐逊原文中是“我们认为下面这些真理是神圣和不可否认的”，富兰克林把“神圣和不可否认的”改为“不言而喻的”。亚当斯对杰斐逊的文稿非常满意，他说：“我将捍卫这里面的每一个字。”富兰克林听了觉得很宽慰，他知道，有亚当斯的口才护驾，这篇宣言才有通过的可能。

富兰克林（左）、亚当斯（中）、杰斐逊（右）讨论修改《独立宣言》

《独立宣言》写完了，但是，它真的能被所有的殖民地接受吗？那个似乎已经蕴育成形的新国家能顺利降生吗？请看下一个故事：生于7月4日。

美国的故事（34）－ 生于7月4日

1776年7月1日，大陆会议（Continental Congress）开始就弗吉尼亚代表理查德·亨利·李（Richard Henry Lee）在6月7日提出的“独立”议案投票表决。李的议案是这样的：

“这些联合起来的殖民地从此是，并且按其权利也应该是，自由和独立的国家，他们取消一切对英国王室效忠的义务，他们和大不列颠国家之间的一切政治关系从此全部断绝，而且必须断绝。”

对大多数代表来说，这个选择是痛苦的。从1607年英国在北美建立起第一个殖民地弗吉尼亚（Virginia），到1776年，已经170年了，7代人的时光。在这170年中，北美人享受着大英帝国宽松的统治带来的自由、和平、繁荣、和秩序，他们是英王最忠诚的臣民，为几千英里以外的“祖国”感到无比骄傲。那些乘坐“五月花”号（Mayflower）来到新大陆的清教徒们，可能做梦都没想到，有一天，他们的子孙将彻底背叛他们的“祖国”，建立一个完全属于自己的新国家。

一年前的7月，大陆会议为与英国妥协做了最后的努力。他们写了一份措辞卑微的《橄榄枝情愿书》（Olive Branch Petition），专门派宾西法尼亚的领主理查德·宾（Richard Penn）亲自送往伦敦。宾家族与英国王室的渊源不是一般的深，大家觉得英王看在宾的面子上怎么也该瞄一眼他们的请求。可是，乔治三世（George III）这回算是铁了心了，他拒绝接见理查德·宾，那份情愿书他连看都没看就扔进了垃圾桶。1775年8月，英王正式宣布北美殖民地为“叛乱”（Rebellion），并决定聘请德意志的雇佣军帮助平叛。乔治三世的声明实际上把和解之路堵死了，正如约翰·亚当斯所说：“在大陆会议还没能宣布独立之前，英王已经宣布北美独立了。”

约翰·亚当斯

新英格兰殖民地的代表们坚决支持独立，他们早就等得不耐烦了。出人意料的是，最激烈地反对独立的，不是看上去对革命毫无兴趣的南方，而是以宽容、开放著称的中大西洋殖民地，包括纽约（New York）、新泽西（New Jersey）、宾夕法尼亚（Pennsylvania）、特拉华（Delaware）、马里兰（Maryland）。在6月的争论中，中大西洋殖民地无一例外地反对独立，南方的南卡罗来纳（South Carolina）和佐治亚（Georgia）也表示反对。当时，这些殖民地的议会没有授权他们在大陆会议的代表投票表决“独立”议案，即使这些代表们赞成独立，他们也不能投票。几个星期之后，在革命派的努力下，越来越多的殖民地议会授权他们的代表投票赞成独立，但是，这还要看代表们的个人意愿。独立的议案真的能通过吗？

支持独立的一方以马萨诸塞的约翰·亚当斯为首，反对独立的一方以宾夕法尼亚的约翰·狄根森（John Dickinson）为首。大陆会议的会场有时候看上去就像亚当斯单挑狄根森的战场，他们唇枪舌剑，火药味十足，没冲上去扭断对方的脖子就算不错了。两人都是律师出身，而且是很成功的大律师，他们吵架是个什么效果可想而知。他们的形象也是“天造地设”的一对。亚当斯又矮又胖，充满活力和热情；狄根森又高又瘦，面无血色，看上去像僵尸。亚当斯来自中产阶级家庭，他敏锐、直率，得理不让人；狄根森是个大富翁，他优雅、谦和，但在原则问题上决不让步。

约翰·狄根森

支持独立的人认为：1.北美殖民地实际上已经独立了，大陆会议只不过宣布一个“事实”而已；2.殖民地对国王的效忠从来都是以自愿为基础，她们以忠诚换取国王的保护。但现在战争已经开始，英王不再“保护”殖民地，那么殖民地也就不用再忠于国王；3.人民支持独立，他们正期待着大陆会议的指引；4.国际社会，特别是法国和西班牙，将会援助北美，但前提是，北美必须是一个独立的国家。亚当斯说：“只有当我们承认自己并成为完全拥有独立和自由的主权国家，外国才会承认我们。”

反对独立的观点是：1.独立的时机尚不成熟；2.人民还没有下定决心，他们并不完全支持独立；3.如果贸然宣布独立，将迫使某些殖民地脱离联盟，造成分裂；4.应该先探明法国和西班牙的态度，确保外援，然后再决定是否独立；5.应该等目前的纽约战事初见分晓的时候再做决定，否则很可能引来灭顶之灾；6.在宣布独立之前，应该先把殖民地联盟的条例制定下来，以便向独立国家过渡。宾夕法尼亚的詹姆斯·威尔逊（James Wilson）说：“在我们没有建起新房子之前，为什么要匆匆忙忙地把旧房子拆掉让自己挨饿受冻呢？”

在正反双方无休无止的争论中，7月1日悄然来临，终于到了最后摊牌的时刻。这一天早晨，阴云密布，预示着一场暴风雨的来临。大陆会议的代表们静静地来到会议厅。他们的心情似乎很沉重，一反往日闹闹哄哄的状态，整个大厅鸦雀无声。亚当斯和狄根森这两个大律师准备向“陪审团”做最后的陈述。

上午10点，约翰·汉考克（John Hancock）宣布开会。约翰·狄根森站起来，他的脸色显得格外苍白。他把过去这段时间反对独立的观点重述了一边，提请代表们慎重行事。他说，你们今天的决定可能将把我们的民族拖入万劫不复的深渊，北美大地将经受血腥和暴力，我不忍心看着自己的同胞惨遭屠戮。然而，狄根森也意识到，独立是大势所趋，他无力阻挡历史的脚步。他悲伤地说：“可以预见，我今天的所作所为将让我名誉扫地。。但是，我必须抗争。如果在此时保持沉默，那就是犯罪。”狄根森说完，慢慢地坐下，随之而来的是死一般的寂静。他的话和他对北美前途的真切关怀打动了所有人的心，连亚当斯也投以崇敬的目光：“他的论证不但优雅高贵，而且礼貌真诚。”

此时，窗外狂风大作，雷电交加。亚当斯站起来，开始了他的陈述。他的声音清晰洪亮，他的目光坚定沉稳，他仿佛看见一个新生儿正呱呱落地，那，就是他的国家，一个自由的国家。他说：

“一个最宏伟的事业，一个决定着千千万万已出生和没出生的人的生命和自由的选择，现在就摆在我们面前。我们正处在一场革命的中心，这是人类历史上最完全、最神奇、最精彩的革命。历史长河中，有几个人有这样的荣耀，可以为他们自己和他们的子孙创造一个国家，一个共和国！”

亚当斯似乎完全沉浸在对新国家的憧憬中，他的语言也许不够优雅，但那强大的感染力让每个人为之动容。当他的讲话结束时，所有的人都情不自禁地站起来鼓掌，并纷纷上前与他握手表示敬意。一位新泽西代表说：“他是这个时代的巨人，这

第二篇：美国独立宣言

有感于《独立宣言》

姓名：黄荣威

学号：13311011

“哪里有压迫，哪里就有反抗”像是一个亘古不变的真理。回到历史，由于封建专制严重阻碍资本主义的发展，英国爆发了资产阶级革命，人民反对专制王权，最后取得了胜利。而那时的美国还是英国的殖民地，当新兴的美利坚民族更渴望得到自由和平等，英国残酷的殖民统治激发了北美人民心中的怒火，一场争取独立的战争又将打响……

1776年7月4日，《独立宣言》发表，大大鼓舞了北美人民的斗志，成为北美人民争取独立的旗帜，对争取独立战争的胜利起了巨大推动作用。《独立宣言》也是一篇著名的资产阶级革命文献，它提倡资产阶级的自由、平等和主权在民思想，否定了封建等级制和专制统治，否定英国对殖民地统治的合法性，宣言凝集了北美先进分子的思想，它所体现的革命精神，对独立战争进程具有巨大的鼓舞和指导作用。《独立宣言》正式向全世界宣告美国脱离英国而独立。这标志着北美独立战争进入一个新的阶段，即把反抗英国殖民统治的武装斗争同争取民族独立的伟大的正义事业联系起来。7月4日这一天，被定为美国独立日。不难看出，《独立宣言》在美国的历史上有着不言而喻的重要性和人人信仰的魅力。

在中国，在我们的历史书上，专制、斗争、独立、自由是我们所熟悉的名词。《独立宣言》的大名相信大部分学生也不会感到陌生。但可惜的是，课文上并没有完整的《独立宣言》。直到今天，起码我身边的人，没几个是能将《独立宣言》从头看了一遍的，虽然这只有几千字。所以，我后悔早期没有机会阅读，这或许会带给我更深刻的影响。但我也很惊讶，这个已影响了世界的文档，并没有出现在我们高中或者是大学的教材上。或许专家们认为这不是一个必要的文本。但是，正在我看来，这不能不说是我们的教育系统上一个巨大的错误。

且看看，《独立宣言》作为美国立国精神的最重要的文献之一，深深地影响了美国未来的发展。自1776年以来，“人人生而平等”作为美国立国的基本原则，作为人们的信念和理想，一直为后人所传颂。

可以毫不犹豫的说，《独立宣言》推动了世界历史的发展。《独立宣言》最重要的作用是将欧洲启蒙运动时期产生的天赋人权和社会契约思想转化为现实政治的原则，它标志着美洲和人类历史上一种新的政治生态环境的开端。《独立宣言》是一个伟大的历史文件，它在人类历史上，第一次以国家的名义宣布人民的权利为神圣不可侵犯的。它比法国的《人权宣言》早13年，由于它是最单的阐明了天赋人权的政治纲领，因此马克思称它是“第一个人权宣言”。《独立宣言》充满着革命精神，在人类历史上第一次以政治纲领的形式宣告了民主共和国的原则，彻底摧毁了封建专制主义的理论根基，将人民主权首次贯彻到了新兴资产阶级的建国实践中。它直接影响了1789年的法国大革命，推动了整个欧洲的反封建斗争，也给拉丁美洲和亚洲民族独立运动以巨大推动力。宣言所体现的民主共和思想，也使中国资产阶级思想家受到启迪和鼓舞，为辛亥革命爆发奠定了思想基础，推动了中华民族解放运动的发展。

我一直很欣赏《独立宣言》中“人人生而平等”的主张，在《人权宣言》中它又被进一步被阐发为“人生来是而且始终是自由的，在权利方面是平等的。”这也是人类最纯真，最朴实的一个共同愿望，即使是现在，人们还力求建设公平社会。而佛教中也倡导“众生平等”，但是他宣传的是极乐世界的“平等”，产生了麻醉民众的消极作用，面对残暴的专制统治，信徒们就不会予以反抗。可是《独立宣言》是建立在现实的基础之上的。是殖民地人民反英斗争的旗帜，大大鼓舞了北美人民的革命斗志，激励美国人民为实现独立的崇高目标而英勇战斗。

托马斯·杰斐逊起草的《独立宣言》,是政府的基本语句,是它获取权力的源头。它开始于那些属于每个人的不可剥夺的权利。所有的来保护的这些权利的力量只能由人民掌控，由政府练习。

《独立宣言》中有一句话给我留下了深刻的印象。“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的,人人生而平等,他们被造物主赋予某些不可剥夺的权利,其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。”它告诉世界,每个人都想拥有，也应该值得拥有他们的独立性。我认为这是一个非常重要的句子。

“我有一个梦想,有一天,这个国家将站起来,并活出它的信条的真正含义:我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等。”你能认出这个句子吗?是的,这个句子援引马丁·路德·金在他著名的《我有一个梦想”的演讲。是的，读了《独立宣言》后，伟大的金领略了其深藏的内涵。作为普通学生的我们是否也应该从中学习一下呢？这个只能留给我们自己思考了。

最后，我认为“独立宣言”意味着我们生活在一个自由的国家，仍然是要保护我们的权利，天赋人权。我们任何人都应该相互欣赏。愿我们生活在一个和平、自由的世界。

第三篇：美国独立宣言 英文版

美国《独立宣言》（英文稿）

The Declaration of Independence

Action of Second Continental Congress, July 4, 1776 The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen United States of America

WHEN in the Course of human Events, it becomes necessary for one People to dissolve the Political Bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the Earth, the separate and equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent Respect to the Opinions of Mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the Separation.WE hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness--That to secure these Rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed, that whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these Ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its Foundation on such Principles, and organizing its Powers in such Form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient Causes;and accordingly all Experience hath shewn, that Mankind are more disposed to suffer, while Evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the Forms to which they are accustomed.But when a long Train of Abuses and Usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a Design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their Right, it is their Duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future Security.Such has been the patient Sufferance of these Colonies;and such is now the Necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government.The History of the present King of Great-Britain is a History of repeated Injuries and Usurpations, all having in direct Object the Establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States.To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid World.HE has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public Good.HE has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing Importance, unless suspended in their Operation till his Assent should be obtained;and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.HE has refused to pass other Laws for the Accommodation of large Districts of People, unless those People would relinquish the Right of Representation in the Legislature, a Right inestimable to them, and formidable to Tyrants only.HE has called together Legislative Bodies at Places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the Depository of their public Records, for the sole Purpose of fatiguing them into Compliance with his Measures.HE has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly Firmness his Invasions on the Rights of the People.HE has refused for a long Time, after such Dissolutions, to cause others to be elected;whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of the Annihilation, have returned to the People

at large for their exercise;the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the Dangers of Invasion from without, and the Convulsions within.HE has endeavoured to prevent the Population of these States;for that Purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners;refusing to pass others to encourage their Migrations hither, and raising the Conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.HE has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.HE has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the Tenure of their Offices, and the Amount and Payment of their Salaries.HE has erected a Multitude of new Offices, and sent hither Swarms of Officers to harrass our People, and eat out their Substance.HE has kept among us, in Times of Peace, Standing Armies, without the consent of our Legislatures.HE has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil Power.HE has combined with others to subject us to a Jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our Laws;giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation: FOR quartering large Bodies of Armed Troops among us;FOR protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: FOR cutting off our Trade with all Parts of the World: FOR imposing Taxes on us without our Consent: FOR depriving us, in many Cases, of the Benefits of Trial by Jury: FOR transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended Offences: FOR abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary Government, and enlarging its Boundaries, so as to render it at once an Example and fit Instrument for introducing the same absolute Rules into these Colonies: FOR taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: FOR suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with Power to legislate for us in all Cases whatsoever.HE has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.HE has plundered our Seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our Towns, and destroyed the Lives of our People.HE is, at this Time, transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the Works of Death, Desolation, and Tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty and Perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous Ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized Nation.HE has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the Executioners of their Friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.HE has excited domestic Insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the Inhabitants of our Frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known Rule of Warfare, is an undistinguished Destruction, of all Ages, Sexes and Conditions.IN every stage of these Oppressions we have Petitioned for Redress in the most

humble Terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated Injury.A Prince, whose Character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the Ruler of a free People.NOR have we been wanting in Attentions to our British Brethren.We have warned them from Time to Time of Attempts by their Legislature to extend an

unwarrantable Jurisdiction over us.We have reminded them of the Circumstances of our Emigration and Settlement here.We have appealed to their native Justice

and Magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the Ties of our common Kindred to disavow these Usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our Connections and Correspondence.They too have been deaf to the Voice of Justice and of

Consanguinity.We must, therefore, acquiesce in the Necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of Mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace, Friends.WE, therefore, the Representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in GENERAL CONGRESS, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for the Rectitude of our Intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly Publish and Declare, That these United

Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES;that they are absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political Connection between them and the State of Great-Britain, is and ought to be

totally dissolved;and that as FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do

all other Acts and Things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do.And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm Reliance on the Protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.John Hancock.GEORGIA, Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, Geo.Walton.NORTH-CAROLINA, Wm.Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn.SOUTH-CAROLINA, Edward Rutledge, Thos Heyward, junr., Thomas Lynch, junr., Arthur Middleton.MARYLAND, Samuel Chase, Wm.Paca, Thos.Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton.VIRGINIA, George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Ths.Jefferson, Benja.Harrison, Thos.Nelson, jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton.PENNSYLVANIA, Robt.Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benja.Franklin, John Morton, Geo.Clymer, Jas.Smith, Geo.Taylor, James Wilson, Geo.Ross.DELAWARE, Caesar Rodney, Geo.Read.NEW-YORK, Wm.Floyd, Phil.Livingston, Frank Lewis, Lewis Morris.NEW-JERSEY, Richd.Stockton, Jno.Witherspoon, Fras.Hopkinson, John Hart, Abra.Clark.NEW-HAMPSHIRE, Josiah Bartlett, Wm.Whipple, Matthew Thornton.MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, Saml.Adams, John Adams, Robt.Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry.RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE, C.Step.Hopkins, William Ellery.CONNECTICUT, Roger Sherman, Saml.Huntington, Wm.Williams, Oliver Wolcott.IN CONGRESS, JANUARY 18, 1777.在有关人类事务的发展过程中，当一个民族必须解除其和另一个民族之间的政治联系，并在世界各国之间依照自然法则和上帝的意旨，接受独立和平等的地位时，出于人类舆论的尊重，必须把他们不得不独立的原因予以宣布。

我们认为下面这些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，造物者赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。为了保障这些权利，人类才在他们之间建立政府，而政府之正当权力，是经被治理者的同意而产生的。当任何形式的政府对这些目标具破坏作用时，人民便有权力改变或废除它，以建立一个新的政府；其赖以奠基的原则，其组织权力的方式，务使人民认为唯有这样才最可能获得他们的安全和幸福。为了慎重起见，成立多年的政府，是不应当由于轻微和短暂的原因而予以变更的。过去的一切经验也都说明，任何苦难，只要是尚能忍受，人类都宁愿容忍，而无

意为了本身的权益便废除他们久已习惯了的政府。但是，当追逐同一目标的一连串滥用职权和强取豪夺发生，证明政府企图把人民置于专制统治之下时，那么人民就有权利，也有义务推翻这个政府，并为他们未来的安全建立新的保障－－这就是这些殖民地过去逆来顺受的情况，也是它们现在不得不改变以前政府制度的原因。当今大不列颠国王的历史，是接连不断的伤天害理和强取豪夺的历史，这些暴行的唯一目标，就是想在这些州建立专制的暴政。为了证明所言属实，现把下列事实向公正的世界宣布：

他拒绝批准对公众利益最有益、最必要的法律。

他禁止他的总督们批准迫切而极为必要的法律，要不就把这些法律搁置起来暂不生效，等待他的同意；而一旦这些法律被搁置起来，他对它们就完全置之不理。

他拒绝批准便利广大地区人民的其它法律，除非那些人民情愿放弃自己在立法机关中的代表权；但这种权利对他们有无法估量的价值，而且只有暴君才畏惧这种权利。

他把各州立法团体召集到异乎寻常的、极为不便的、远离它们档案库的地方去开会，唯一的目的是使他们疲于奔命，不得不顺从他的意旨。

他一再解散各州的议会，因为它们以无畏的坚毅态度反对他侵犯人民的权利。

他在解散各州议会之后，又长期拒绝另选新议会；但立法权是无法取消的，因此这项权力仍由一般人民来行使。其实各州仍然处于危险的境地，既有外来侵略之患，又有发生内乱之忧。

他竭力抑制我们各州增加人口；为此目的，他阻挠外国人入籍法的通过，拒绝批准其它鼓励外国人移居各州的法律，并提高分配新土地的条件。

他拒绝批准建立司法权力的法律，藉以阻挠司法工作的推行。

他把法官的任期、薪金数额和支付，完全置于他个人意志的支配之下。

他建立新官署，派遣大批官员，骚扰我们人民，并耗尽人民必要的生活物质。

他在和平时期，未经我们的立法机关同意，就在我们中间维持常备军。

他力图使军队独立于民政之外，并凌驾于民政之上。

他同某些人勾结起来把我们置于一种不适合我们的体制且不为我们的法律所承认的管辖之下；他还批准那些人炮制的各种伪法案来达到以下目的：

在我们中间驻扎大批武装部队；

用假审讯来包庇他们，使他们杀害我们各州居民而仍然逍遥法外；

切断我们同世界各地的贸易；

未经我们同意便向我们强行征税；

在许多案件中剥夺我们享有陪审制的权益；

罗织罪名押送我们到海外去受审；

在一个邻省废除英国的自由法制，在那裹建立专制政府，并扩大该省的疆界，企图把该省变成既是一个样板又是一个得心应手的工具，以便进而向这里的各殖民地推行同样的极权统治；

取消我们的宪章，废除我们最宝贵的法律，并且根本上改变我们各州政府的形式；

中止我们自己的立法机关行使权力，宣称他们自己有权就一切事宜为我们制定法律。

他宣布我们已不属他保护之列，并对我们作战，从而放弃了在这里的政务。

他在我们的海域大肆掠夺，蹂躏我们沿海地区，焚烧我们的城镇，残害我们人民的生命。

他此时正在运送大批外国佣兵来完成屠杀、破坏和肆虐的勾当，这种勾当早就开始，其残酷卑劣甚至在最野蛮的时代都难以找到先例。他完全不配作为一个文明国家的元首。

他在公海上俘虏我们的同胞，强迫他们拿起武器来反对自己的国家，成为残杀自己亲人和朋友的刽子手，或是死于自己的亲人和朋友的手下。

他在我们中间煽动内乱，并且竭力挑唆那些残酷无情、没有开化的印第安人来杀掠我们边疆的居民；而众所周知，印第安人的作战规律是不分男女老幼，一律格杀勿论的。

在这些压迫的每一陷阶段中，我们都是用最谦卑的言辞请求改善；但屡次请求所得到的答复是屡次遭受损害。一个君主，当他的品格已打上了暴君行为的烙印时，是不配作自由人民的统治者的。

我们不是没有顾念我们英国的弟兄。我们时常提醒他们，他们的立法机关企图把无理的管辖权横加到我们的头上。我们也曾把我们移民来这里和在这里定居的情形告诉他们。我们曾经向他们天生的正义善感和雅量呼吁，我们恳求他们念在同种同宗的份上，弃绝这些掠夺行为，以免影响彼此的关系和往来。但是他们对于这种正义和血缘的呼声，也同样充耳不闻。因此，我们实在不得不宣布和他们脱离，并且以对待世界上其它民族一样的态度对待他们：和我们作战，就是敌人；和我们和好，就是朋友。

因此，我们，在大陆会议下集会的美利坚联盟代表，以各殖民地善良人民的名义，并经他们授权，向全世界最崇高的正义呼吁，说明我们的严正意向，同时郑重宣布；这些联合一致的殖民地从此是自由和独立的国家，并且按其权利也必须是自由和独立的国家，它们取消一切对英国王室效忠的义务，它们和大不列颠国家之间的一切政治关系从此全部断绝，而且必须断绝；作为自由独立的国家，它们完全有权宣战、缔和、结盟、通商和采取独立国家有权采取的一切行动。

为了支持这篇宣言，我们坚决信赖上帝的庇佑，以我们的生命、我们的财产和我们神圣的名誉，相互保证，共同宣誓。

第四篇：英文分析美国独立宣言

Commentary on Declaration of Independence

I.Preamble The Declaration of Independence is important because it inspired many revolutionary efforts throughout the world and contributed to Americans' understanding of their values as a new nation.The introduction, called the preamble, to the Declaration of Independence is especially important because it builds connections between philosophical theory and practical politics, expresses the fundamental values of the new American government, and also appeals to other nations to accept the new nation.The introduction relies heavily on the philosophical and political ideas of the Enlightenment period of 18th century Europe, including the ideas of Thomas Hobbes, Jean Jacques Rousseau, and, most particularly, John Locke.Locke believed that humans, by nature, had the right to protection of life, health, liberty and possessions.Jefferson altered this slightly when he claims the unalienable rights include “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” Locke also strongly opposed the divine right of kings--which held that kings held absolute power because they were placed on their throne by God--and insisted that the people had the right to consent to their government and that the power of law making resides with the people.Jefferson included this theory when he writes “to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” Jefferson's declaration helped to put Locke's philosophies into the realm of real-world politics.Many revolutions that occurred after the American Revolution cited Jefferson's Declaration of Independence as justification in overthrowing a corrupt and dictatorial power.The introduction to the Declaration of Independence also is important for the ways it contributed to Americans' understanding of their rights as citizens.Americans continue to believe that the phrase “all men are created equal” is a fundamental “law” in the country.While this phrase was included in the introduction to the declaration, it appears nowhere else in official documents defining rights granted under the U.S.Government.The Declaration of Independence holds no legal authority in our country, yet it continues to be cited as the foundation for American equality.Various groups throughout history have criticized American “equality”, referring to the introduction of the declaration for support.Critics point to Jefferson's contradictory message regarding equality in reference to slavery.Although Jefferson stated that all men are created equal and have the right to liberty, he ran a large plantation and was a slaveholder.Other critics point to the use of the word “men” as excluding women citizens.The 1848 Seneca Falls Convention used Jefferson's format and style to draft The Declaration of Sentiments, a document declaring women's unfair treatment by the U.S.government and by society.Both as a source for debate about equality and as a definition of the ideological foundation of the new nation, the introduction to the Declaration played a crucial role in defining American values and laws.The introduction is also significant because Jefferson insisted on the importance of explaining the rebellious actions of the 13 colonies to the nations and statesmen of the world.The most powerful nations of the world in the 18th century were monarchies.The ideas of Jefferson could serve not only to threaten Great Britain's colonial empire, but the colonial empires of other nations in Europe.Recognizing the importance of maintaining good diplomatic relations with European nations, Jefferson sought to explain the actions of the 13 colonies in rational terms.Anticipating that this document would influence rebellions elsewhere, Jefferson clarified that governments should not be overthrown for trivial causes.Instead, Jefferson explained that only “despotic” or totalitarian governments should be overthrown.II.The list of abuses reflects the colonists' belief that their rights as British Citizens had been slowly eroded ever since the French and Indian War ended in 1763.Although the Declaration does not name the specific legislation passed by Parliament, its listing of the abuses and usurpation effectively covers the history of the King and Parliament's attempts to gain more power and control over the colonies.The list crescendos with the most offensive actions, aimed at total suppression of the colonies, that were put into effect just prior to the signing of the Declaration.Many of the acts that the Declaration criticizes were intended to tighten royal control over the colonies.The history of Parliament's acts unfolded over a period of 13 years during which royal attempts to squash the civil liberties of colonists met with heightened colonial resistance.Beginning with The Proclamation of 1763, Parliament stripped colonists of the right to settle in the land between the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River.This meant that although many colonists had given their lives to defend that land from the French, they would not be permitted to reap the benefits.Shortly after the proclamation, Parliament decided that the colonies would help repay the war debts, and enacted laws such as the Sugar Act(1764), the Stamp Tax(1765), the Townshend Acts(1767)and the Tea Act(1773).When the colonists protested against these acts, the King and Parliament responded by further suppressing the rights of colonists.Legislation in 1774 referred to by colonists as the “Intolerable Acts” struck especially hard at the civil rights of the colony of Massachusetts.The Intolerable Acts differed from previous legislation.These acts struck not only at the economic freedom of the colonies, but at their political rights and legislative independence as well.Not only was the port of Boston closed to all trade, but a military governor was also appointed and the people of Massachusetts no longer had the right to elect their representatives, select jurors, or hold town meetings.Additionally, British soldiers accused of crimes would be tried in England, not in the colony, and a new Quartering Act forced colonists in Massachusetts to feed and house British soldiers.The passage of the Intolerable Acts indicated to many colonists, even those not living in Massachusetts, that the King and Parliament were more interested in asserting unconditional control than in preserving the civil liberties of the colonists.The basic principle upon which the Declaration rests is that colonists, as British citizens, believed they were entitled to the rights and privileges granted by the Magna Carta, and the British Bill of Rights of 1689.Among other things, these documents established that the King was not above the law, that the people, represented in parliament, had a right to endorse or reject taxation, and that citizens were entitled to a trial by jury of their peers.Additionally, the Declaration relied on precedent: most British colonies had enjoyed self-rule and had been governed through their own legislative bodies since their founding.By 1774, most of the colonists that had once protested “no taxation without representation” found themselves without any representation whatsoever, neither in Parliament nor in any colonial house of representation.Towards the end of the list of abuses, the Declaration focuses attention on a few specific incidents that demonstrate the King's disregard for colonial life and liberty, the danger of colonists remaining divided on the issue of independence, and the preparations being made by Great Britain for an all-out war.These statements served, in many cases, to convince moderates in the Second Continental Congress to see that reconciliation was not a possibility and to cast their vote in favor of independence.The British attack on colonists and the loss of American lives at the Battles of Lexington and Concord in April of 1775 and the Battle of Bunker Hill in June of 1775 demonstrated the King's “waging war against us” and his disregard for American lives.In December of 1775, Parliament withdrew British military protection from the colonies and enacted a policy of seizure and confiscation of American ships and sailors(“...[King George] has plundered our seas...he has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas...”).This action also left colonists living on the frontier, especially those in Georgia, with no military protection from Native American attacks(“...he has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages...”).Furthermore, the heightened tension between colonists and the King began to overflow into hostile relations between those colonists loyal to the king(Tories)and those seeking independence(Whigs).This tension actually erupted into an armed battle between colonists in early 1776 in the Battle at Moore's Creek Bridge(“He has excited domestic insurrections among us...”).It is interesting to note that the Declaration reserved his most scathing language to describe the King's use of mercenaries.Accusing George III's mercenaries of cruelty “scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation, ”the Declaration aims to evoke support from moderates within the colonies by revealing that the British civilization in which they took pride was no more than a cruel and tyrannical monarchy.Interestingly, Jefferson devoted approximately one-fourth of the abuses in his original draft of the Declaration of Independence to the topic of slavery.Jefferson held the King accountable for maintaining and protecting slavery as an institution in the colonies.Not surprisingly, the moderate congress, already fearful of being too radical, removed all references to slavery from the document.It remains a source of historical debate why a slave-owning man like Jefferson would have devoted so much intellectual energy to criticizing slavery and to attempting to remove it from the colonies.III.Between 1763 and 1776, American colonists made many attempts to organize in protest against the acts of Parliament.The Declaration of Independence represents the last in a long chain of declarations that began with the declaration of the Stamp Act Congress of 1765, which stated colonists were entitled to the same rights as Englishmen.This document also affirmed that taxing the colonists without their consent was a violation of their rights as British Citizens and that Parliament had no right to tax colonists.In 1774, after the passage of the Intolerable Acts, these themes would surface again in a document written by the First Continental Congress called the Declaration of Rights and Grievances.This document clarified the Stampt Act Congress declaration by stating only colonial legislatures had the right to tax the colonists.Additionally, this document declared the Intolerable Acts unconstitutional and criticized the King and Parliament for dissolving colonial assemblies, maintaining a standing army in peacetime, and for enforcing heavy taxation.Meeting again as the Second Continental Congress in May of 1775, the delegates understood that things had only worsened between the colonists and the British government.Although fighting had already broken out between minutemen and British troops, many delegates still pressed for a peaceful reconciliation.This congress issued a Declaration of Causes of Taking-up Arms and sent an Olive-Branch Petition to the King to humbly request that he negotiate a peaceful reconciliation.Once again, the King ignored the requests of the colonists and responded instead by sending an additional 20,000 troops to the colonies.Throughout the struggle to assert their rights, colonial leaders understood the importance of maintaining unity between the 13 colonies.Samuel Adams knew that the people would have to be persuaded to view an attack on one colony as an attack on all colonies.To help maintain a unified protest, Samuel Adams organized Committees of Correspondence in 1772 to ensure that colonies could stay informed about new developments regarding the British King and Parliament.This information network proved crucial when the First Continental Congress agreed to boycott trade with Great Britain and to refuse to use British goods until a resolution was reached.During the Second Continental Congress, patriot leaders carefully waited to declare independence until all delegations unanimously supported it.Although the colonies were technically at war with Great Britain for most of the time the congress met, it took them 14 months to write the formal declaration of war.After the rejection of the Olive Branch Petition, the publication of Thomas Paine's Common Sense, and the hiring of German mercenaries, all of which took place in early 1776, the themes stated in earlier declarations were finally put to use to justify separation rather than reconciliation.The Declaration of Independence relied on the content and claims of earlier declarations, but firmly stated that ten years of peaceful political and economic actions had failed to reach the desired effect.Therefore, as concluded in this section, the King and Parliament left the colonists no other choice but to seek separation through military means.IV.The conclusion is important in clarifying the identity of the new nation, as well as defining the powers granted to the new government.Many of the delegates to the Second Continental Convention saw the Declaration of Independence as important because of the message it would send to foreign nations.They were especially concerned with enlisting the military help of the French in their war against Great Britain.They therefore thought it necessary to assert clearly that they had no allegiance or connection to Great Britain.The new nation is not only named in this conclusion as the United States of America, but its authority is defined as well.The conclusion serves to establish the authority of the Second Continental Congress over issues of international affairs, war and peace, and trade.With these powers in hand, the Congress is empowered to run the affairs of government related to the declared war.However, the conclusion is unclear regarding the individual states' responsibilities to each other.The Declaration describes itself as a union of colonies, each of which is a free and independent state.This is problematic because the statement indicates that the colonies are one united whole, while simultaneously stating that each state is free and independent.A few sentences later, the Declaration states that the former colonies, “ as free and independent states,...have full power to levy war,” thereby indicating that each state, individually, has the right to levy war, make peace, etc.This inconsistency would later turn into a debate about the nature of the government of the United States.Was the United States a loose confederation of independent states, each of which could act on behalf of its own interest? Or, was the United States a strong centralized nation in which the powers of the whole were stronger than the powers of each individual state? The Declaration states that the colonists have pledged mutual allegiance, but does that mean the pledge will continue beyond the war effort?

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第五篇：美国独立宣言英文原文

The Declaration of Independence

IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776 THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERAICA When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws Nature and Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that they are among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among them, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed.That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes;and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than t right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies;and such is now the necessity, which constrains them to alter their former systems of government.The history of the present King of Great Britain is usurpations, all having in direct object tyranny over these States.To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained;and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend them.He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasion on the rights of the people.He has refused for a long time, after such dissolution, to cause others to be elected;whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise;the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsion within.He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states;for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalizing of foreigners;refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the condition of new appropriations of lands.He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent of laws for establishing judiciary powers.He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their office, and the amount and payment of their salary.He has erected a multitude of new officers, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out our substances.He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws;giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation.For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murder which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States.For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;For imposing taxes on us without our consent;

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury;For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses;For abolishing the free systems of English laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule these Colonies;For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments;For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely parallel in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.He has excited domestic insurrection amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petition have been answered only by repeated injury.A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren.We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here.We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpation, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence.They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity.We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them., as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled , appealing to the supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United States Colonies and Independent States;that they are absolved by from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which Independent States may of right do.And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.