里根总统关于战略防御计划(星球大战)的讲话

第一篇：里根总统关于战略防御计划(星球大战)的讲话

President Reagan Announces the Strategic Defense Initiative March 23, 1983

My fellow Americans, thank you for sharing your time with me tonight.The subject I want to discuss with you, peace and national security, is both timely and important.Timely, because I've reached a decision which offers a new hope for our children in the 21st century, a decision I'll tell you about in a few minutes.And important because there's a very big decision that you must make for yourselves.This subject involves the most basic duty that any President and any people share, the duty to protect and strengthen the peace.At the beginning of this year, I submitted to the Congress a defense budget which reflects my best judgment of the best understanding of the experts and specialists who advise me about what we and our allies must do to protect our people in the years ahead.That budget is much more than a long list of numbers, for behind all the numbers lies America's ability to prevent the greatest of human tragedies and preserve our free way of life in a sometimes dangerous world.It is part of a careful, long-term pla n to make America strong again after too many years of neglect and mistakes.Our efforts to rebuild America's defenses and strengthen the peace began 2 years ago when we requested a major increase in the defense program.Since then, the amount of those increases we first proposed has been reduced by half, through improvements in management and procurement and other savings.The budget request that is now before the Congress has been trimmed to the limits of safety.Further deep cuts cannot be made without seriously endangering the security of the Nation.The choice is up to the men and women you've elected to the Congress, and that means the choice is up to you.Tonight, I want to explain to you what this defense debate is all about and why I'm convinced that the budget now before the Congress is necessary, responsible, and deserving of your support.And I want to offer hope for the future.But first, let me say what the defense debate is not about.It is not about spending arithmetic.I know that in the last few weeks you've been bombarded with numbers and percentages.Some say we need only a 5-percent increase in defense spending.The so-called alternate budget backed by liberals in the House of Representatives would lower the figure to 2 to 3 percent, cutting our defense spending by $163 billion over the next 5 years.The trouble with all these numbers is that they tell us little about the kind of defense program America needs or the benefits and security and freedom that our defense effort buys for us.What seems to have been lost in all this debate is the simple truth of how a defense budget is arrived at.It isn't done by deciding to spend a certain number of dollars.Those loud voices that are occasionally heard charging that the Government is trying to solve a security problem by throwing money at it are nothing more than noise based on ignorance.We start by considering what must be done to maintain peace and review all the possible threats against our security.Then a strategy for strengthening peace and defending against those threats must be agreed upon.And, finally, our defense establishment must be evaluated to see what is necessary to protect against any or all of the potential threats.The cost of achieving these ends is totaled up, and the result is the budget for national defense.There is no logical way that you can say, let's spend x billion dollars less.you can only say, which part of our defense measures do we believe we can do without and still have security against all contingencies? Anyone in the Congress who advocates a percentage or a specific dollar cut in defense spending should be made to say what part of our defenses he would eliminate and he should be candid enough to acknowledge that his cuts mean cutting our commitments to allies or inviting greater risk or both.The defense policy of the United States is based on a simple premise: The United States does not start fights.We will never be an aggressor.We maintain our strength in order to deter and defend against aggression–to preserve freedom and peace.Since the dawn of the atomic age, we've sought to reduce the risk of war by maintaining a strong deterrent and by seeking genuine arms control.“Deterrence” means simply this: making sure any adversary who thinks about attacking the United States, or our allies, or our vital interests, concludes that the risks to him outweigh any potential gains.Once he understands that, he won't attack.We maintain the peace through our strength;weakness only invites aggression.This strategy of deterrence has not changed.It still works.But what it takes to maintain deterrence has changed.It took one kind of military force to deter an attack when we had far more nuclear weapons than any other power;it takes another kind now that the Soviets, for example, have enough accurate and powerful nuclear weapons to destroy virtually all of our missiles on the ground.Now, this is not to say that the Soviet Union is planning to make war on us.Nor do I believe a war is inevitable–quite the contrary.But what must be recognized is that our security is based on being prepared to meet all threats.There was a time when we depended on coastal forts and artillery batteries, because, with the weaponry of that day, any attack would have had to come by sea.Well, this is a different world, and our defenses must be based on recognition and awareness of the weaponry possessed by other nations in the nuclear age.We can't afford to believe that we will never be threatened.There have been two world wars in my lifetime.We didn't start them and, indeed, did everything we could to avoid being drawn into them.But we were ill-prepared for both.Had we been better prepared, peace might have been preserved.For 20 years the Soviet Union has been accumulating enormous military might.They didn't stop when their forces exceeded all requirements of a legitimate defensive capability.And they haven't stopped now.During the past decade and a half, the Soviets have built up a massive arsenal of new strategic nuclear weapons–weapons that can strike directly at the United States.As an example, the United States introduced its last new intercontinental ballistic missile, the Minute Man III, in 1969, and we're now dismantling our even older Titan missiles.But what has the Soviet Union done in these intervening years? Well, since 1969 the Soviet Union has built five new classes of ICBM's, and upgraded these eight times As a result, their missiles are much more powerful and accurate than they were several years ago, and they continue to develop more, while ours are increasingly obsolete.The same thing has happened in other areas.Over the same period, the Soviet Union built 4 new classes of submarine-launched ballistic missiles and over 60 new missile submarines.We built 2 new types of submarine missiles and actually withdrew 10 submarines from strategic missions.The Soviet Union built over 200 new Backfire bombers, and their brand new Blackjack bomber is now under development.We haven't built a new long-range bomber since our B-52's were deployed about a quarter of a century ago, and we've already retired several hundred of those because of old age.Indeed, despite what many people think, our strategic forces only cost about 15 percent of the defense budget.Another example of what's happened: in 1978 the Soviets had 600 intermediaterange nuclear missiles based on land and were beginning to add the SS-20–a new, highly accurate, mobile missile with 3 warheads.We had none.Since then the Soviets have strengthened their lead.By the end of 1979, when Soviet leader Brezhnev declared “a balance now exists,” the Soviets had over 800 warheads.We still had none.A year ago this month, Mr.Brezhnev pledged a moratorium, or freeze, on SS-20 deployment.But by last August, their 800 warheads had become more than 1,200.We still had none.Some freeze.At this time Soviet Defense Minister Ustinov announced “approximate parity of forces continues to exist.” But the Soviets are still adding an average of 3 new warheads a week, and now have 1,300.These warheads can reach their targets in a matter of a few minutes.We still have none.So far, it seems that the Soviet definition of parity is a box score of 1,300 to nothing, in their favor.So, together with our NATO allies, we decided in 1979 to deploy new weapons, beginning this year, as a deterrent to their SS-20ss and as an incentive to the Soviet Union to meet us in serious arms control negotiations.We will begin that deployment late this year.At the same time, however, we're willing to cancel our program if the Soviets will dismantle theirs.This is what we've called a zero-zero plan.The Soviets are now at the negotiating table–and I think it's fair to say that without our planned deployments, they wouldn't be there.Now let's consider conventional forces.Since 1974 the United States has produced 3,050 tactical combat aircraft.By contrast, the Soviet Union has produced twice as many.When we look at attack submarines, the United States has produced 27 while the Soviet Union has produced 61.For armored vehicles, including tanks, we have produced 11,200.The Soviet Union has produced 54,000–nearly 5 to 1 in their favor.Finally, with artillery, we've produced 950 artillery and rocket launchers while the Soviets have produced more than 13,000–a staggering 14-to-1 ratio.There was a time when we were able to offset superior Soviet numbers with higher quality, but today they are building weapons as sophisticated and modern as our own.As the Soviets have Increased their military power, they've been emboldened to extend that power.They're spreading their military influence in ways that can directly challenge our vital interests and those of our allies.The following aerial photographs, most of them secret until now, illustrate this point in a crucial area very close to home: Central America and the Caribbean Basin.They're not dramatic photographs.But I think they help give you a better understanding of what I'm talking about.This Soviet intelligence collection facility, less than a hundred miles from our coast, is the largest of its kind in the world.The acres and acres of antennae fields and intelligence monitors are targeted on key U.S.military installations and sensitive activities.The installation in Lourdes, Cuba, is manned by 1,500 Soviet technicians.And the satellite ground station allows instant communications with Moscow.This 28 square-mile facility has grown by more than 60 percent in size and capability during the past decade.In western Cuba, we see this military airfield and it complement of modern, Soviet-built Mig-23 aircraft.The Soviet Union uses this Cuban airfield for its own long-range reconnaissance missions.And earlier this month, two modern Soviet antisubmarine warfare aircraft began operating from it.During the past 2 years, the level of Soviet arms exports to Cuba can only be compared to the levels reached during the Cuban missile crisis 20 years ago.This third photo, which is the only one in this series that has been previously made public, shows Soviet military hardware that has made its way to Central America.This airfield with its Ml-8 helicopters, anti-aircraft guns, and protected fighter sites is one of a number of military facilities in Nicaragua which has received Soviet equipment funneled through Cuba, and reflects the massive military buildup going on in that country.On the small island of Grenada, at the southern end of the Caribbean chain, the Cubans, with Soviet financing and backing, are in the process of building an airfield with a 10,000-foot runway.Grenada doesn't even have an air force.Who is it intended for? The Caribbean is a very important passageway for our international commerce and military lines of communication.More than half of all American oil imports now pass through the Caribbean.The rapid buildup of Grenada's military potential is unrelated to any conceivable threat to this island country of under 110,000 people and totally at odds with the pattern of other eastern Caribbean States, most of which are unarmed.The Soviet-Cuban militarization of Grenada, in short, can only be seen as power projection into the region.And it is in this important economic and strategic area that we're trying to help the Governments of El Salvador, Costa Rica, Honduras, and others in their struggles for democracy against guerrillas supported through Cuba and Nicaragua.These pictures only tell a small part of the story.I wish I could show you more without compromising our most sensitive intelligence sources and methods.But the Soviet Union is also supporting Cuban military forces in Angola and Ethiopia.They have bases in Ethiopia and South Yemen, near the Persian Gulf oil fields-They've taken over the port that we built at Carn Ranh Bay in Vietnam.And now for the first time in history, the Soviet Navy is a force to be reckoned with in the South Pacific.Some people may still ask: Would the Soviets ever use their formidable military power? Well, again, can we afford to believe they won't? There is Afghanistan.And in Poland, the Soviets denied the will of the people and in so doing demonstrated to the world how their military power could also be used to intimidate.The final fact is that the Soviet Union is acquiring what can only be considered an offensive military force.They have continued to build far more intercontinental ballistic missiles than they could possibly need simply to deter an attack.Their conventional forces are trained and equipped not so much to defend against an attack as they are to permit sudden, surprise offensives of their own.Our NATO allies have assumed a great defense burden, including the military draft in most countries.We're working with them and our other friends around the world to do more.Our defensive strategy means we need military forces that can move very quickly, forces that are trained and ready to respond to any emergency.Every item in our defense program–our ships, our tanks, our planes, our funds for training and spare parts–is intended for one all-important purpose: to keep the peace.Unfortunately, a decade of neglecting our military forces had called into question our ability to do that.When I took office in January 1981, I was appalled by what I found: American planes that couldn't fly and American ships that couldn't sail for lack of spare parts and trained personnel and insufficient fuel and ammunition for essential training.The inevitable result of all this was poor morale in our Armed Forces, difficulty in recruiting the brightest young Americans to wear the uniform, and difficulty in convincing our most experienced military personnel to stay on.There was a real question then about how well we could meet a crisis.And it was obvious that we had to begin a major modernization program to ensure we could deter aggression and preserve the peace in are the years ahead.We had to move immediately to improve the basic readiness and staying power of our conventional forces, so they could meet–and therefore help deter–a crisis.We had to make up for lost years of investment by moving forward with a long-term plan to prepare our forces to counter the military capabilities our adversaries were developing for the future.I know that all of you want peace, and so do I.I know too that many of you seriously believe that a nuclear freeze would further the cause of peace.But a freeze now would make us less, not more, secure and would raise, not reduce, the risks of war.It would be largely unverifiable and would seriously undercut our negotiations on arms reduction.It would reward the Soviets for their massive military buildup while preventing us from modernizing our aging and increasingly vulnerable forces.With their pr esent margin of superiority, why should they agree to arms reductions knowing that we were prohibited from catching up?

Believe me, it wasn't pleasant for someone who had come to Washington deterrmined to reduce government spending, but we had to move forward with the task of repairing our defenses or we would lose our ability to deter conflict now and in the future.We had to demonstrate to any adversary that aggression could not succeed, and that the only real solution was substantial, equitable, and effectively verifiable arms reduction–the kind we're working for right now in Geneva.Thanks to your strong support, and bipartisan support from the Congress, we began to turn things around.Already, we're seeing some very encouraging results.Quality recruitment and retention are up dramatically–more high school graduates are choosing military careers, and more experienced career personnel are choosing to stay.our men and women in uniform at last are getting the tools and training they need to do their jobs.Ask around today, especially among our young people, and I think you will find a whole new attitude toward serving their country This reflects more than just better pay, equipment, and leadership.You the American people have sent a signal to these young people that it is once again an honor to wear the uniform.That's not something you measure in a budget, but it's a very real part of our nation's strength.It'll take us longer to build the kind of equipment we need to keep peace in the future, but we've made a good start.We haven't built a new long-range bomber for 21 years.Now we're building the B-1.We hadn't launched one new strategic submarine for 17 years.Now we're building one Trident submarine a year.our land-based missiles are increasingly threatened by the many huge, new Soviet ICBM's.We're determining how to solve that problem.At the same time, we're working in the START and INF negotiations with the goal of achieving deep reductions in the strategic and intermediate nuclear arsenals of both sides.We have also begun the long-needed modernization of our conventional forces.The Army is getting its first new tank in 20 years.The Air Force is modernizing.We're rebuilding our Navy, which shrank from about a thousand ships in the late 1960's to 453 during the 1970's.Our nation needs a superior navy to support our military forces and vital interests overseas.We're now on the road to achieving a 600-ship navy and increasing the amphibious capabilities of our marines, who are now serving the cause of peace in Lebanon.And we're building a real capability to assist our friends in the vitally important Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf region.This adds up to a major effort, and it isn't cheap.It comes at a time when there are many other pressures on our budget and when the American people have already had to make major sacrifices during the recession.But we must not be misled by those who would make defense once again the scapegoat of the Federal budget.The fact is that in the past few decades we have seen a dramatic shift in how we spend the taxpayer's dollar.Back in 1955, payments to individuals took up only about 20 percent of the Federal budget.For nearly three decades, these payments steadily increased and, this year, will account for 49 percent of the budget.By contrast, in 1955 defense took up more than half of the Federal budget.By 1980 this spending had fallen to a low of 23 percent.Even with the increase that I am requesting this year, defense will still amount to only 28 percent of the budget.The calls for cutting back the defense budget come in nice, simple arithmetic.They're the same kind of talk that led the democracies to neglect their defenses in the 1930's and invited the tragedy of World War II.We must not let that grim chapter of history repeat itself through apathy or neglect.This is why I'm speaking to you tonight to urge you to tell your Senators and Congressmen that you know we must continue to restore our military strength.If we stop in midstream, we will send a signal of decline, of lessened will, to friends and adversaries alike.Free people must voluntarily through open debate and democratic means, meet the challenge that totalitarians pose by compulsion.It's up to us, in our time, to choose and choose wisely between the hard but necessary task of preserving peace and freedom and the temptation to ignore our duty and blindly hope for the best while the enemies of freedom grow stronger day by day.The solution is well within our grasp.But to reach it, there is simply no alternative but to continue this year, in this budget, to provide the resources we need to preserve the peace and guarantee our freedom.Now, thus far tonight I've shared with you my thoughts on the problems of national security we must face together.My predecessors in the Oval Office have appeared before you on other occasions to describe the threat posed by Soviet power and have proposed steps to address that threat.But since the advent of nuclear weapons, those steps have been increasingly directed toward deterrence of aggression through the promise of retaliation.This approach to stability through offensive threat has worked.We and our allies have succeeded in preventing nuclear war for more than three decades.In recent months, however, my advisers, including in particular the Joint Chiefs of Staff, have underscored the necessity to break out of a future that relies solely on offensive retaliation for our security.Over the course of these discussions, I've become more and more deeply convinced that the human spirit must be capable of rising above dealing with other nations and human beings by threatening their existence.Feeling this way, I believe we must thoroughly examine every opportunity for reducing tensions and for introducing greater stability into the strategic calculus on both sides.One of the most important contributions we can make is, of course, to lower the level of all arms, and particularly nuclear arms.We're engaged right now in several negotiations with the Soviet Union to bring about a mutual reduction of weapons.I will report to you a week from tomorrow my thoughts on that score.But let me just say, I'm totally committed to this course.If the Soviet Union will join with us in our effort to achieve major arms reduction we will have succeeded in stabilizing the nuclear balance.Nevertheless, it will still be necessary to rely on the specter of retaliation, on mutual threat.And that's a sad commentary on the human condition.Wouldn't it be better to save lives than to avenge them? Are we not capable of demonstrating our peaceful intentions by applying all our abilities and our ingenuity to achieving a truly lasting stability? I think we are.Indeed, we must.After careful consultation with my advisers, including the Joint Chiefs of Staff, I believe there is a way.Let me share with you a vision of the future which offers hope.It is that we embark on a program to counter the awesome Soviet missile threat with measures that are defensive.Let us turn to the very strengths in technology that spawned our great industrial base and that have given us the quality of life we enjoy today.What if free people could live secure in the knowledge that their security did not rest upon the threat of instant U.S.retaliation to deter a Soviet attack, that we could intercept and destroy strategic ballistic missiles before they reached our own soil or that of our allies? I know this is a formidable, technical task, one that may not be accomplished before the end of this century.Yet, current technology has attained a level of sophistication where it's reasonable for us to begin this effort.It will take years, probably decades of effort on many fronts.There will be failures and setbacks, just as there will be successes and breakthroughs.And as we proceed, we must remain constant in preserving the nuclear deterrent and maintaining a solid capability for flexible response.But isn't it worth every investment necessary to free the world from the threat of nuclear war? We know it is.In the meantime, we will continue to pursue real reductions in nuclear arms, negotiating from a position of strength that can be ensured only by modernizing our strategic forces.At the same time, we must take steps to reduce the risk of a conventional military conflict escalating to nuclear war by improving our nonnuclear capabilities.America does possess now the technologies to attain very significant improvements in the effectiveness of our conventional, nonnuclear forces.Proceeding boldly with these new technologies, we can significantly reduce any incentive that the Soviet Union may have to threaten attack against the United States or its allies.As we pursue our goal of defensive technologies, we recognize that our allies rely upon our strategic offensive power to deter attacks against them.Their vital interests and ours are inextricably linked.Their safety and ours are one.And no change in technology can or will alter that reality.We must and shall continue to honor our commitments.I clearly recognize that defensive systems have limitations and raise certain problems and ambiguities.If paired with offensive systems, they can be viewed as fostering an aggressive policy, and no one wants that.But with these considerations firmly in mind, I call upon the scientific community in our country, those who gave us nuclear weapons, to turn their great talents now to the cause of mankind and world peace, to give us the means of rendering these nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete.Tonight, consistent with our obligations of the ABM treaty and recognizing the need for closer consultation with our allies, I'm taking an important first step.I am directing a comprehensive and intensive effort to define a long-term research and development program to begin to achieve our ultimate goal of eliminating the threat posed by strategic nuclear missiles.This could pave the way for arms control measures to eliminate the weapons themselves.We seek neither military superiority nor political advantage.Our only purpose–one all people share–is to search for ways to reduce the danger of nuclear war.My fellow Americans, tonight we're launching an effort which holds the promise of changing the course of human history.There will be risks, and results take time.But I believe we can do it.As we cross this threshold, I ask for your prayers and your support.Thank you, good night, and God bless you.

第二篇：里根总统演讲稿

January 20, 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice president Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens:

议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：

To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。当然，对于这个国家的历史来说，却是一件普通的事情。按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别的。但在世界上更多人看来，这个我们已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式，却实在是一个奇迹。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.总统先生，我希望我们同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。通过移交程序中的通力合作，你向观察者展示了这么一个事实：我们是发誓要团结起来维护这样一个政治体制的团体，这样的体制保证了我们能够得到比其他政体更为广泛的个人自由。同时我也要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，而这恰恰是我们共和国的根基。

1The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我们国家的事业在继续前进。合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，打击着节俭的风气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。即使那些有工作的人，也因税收制度的缘故而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，把自己的前途和子孙的前途抵押出去了。这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种人不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了保住明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动。

2/ ◆The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.◆They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.Government is the problem.我们深受其害的经济弊病，几十年来一直袭击着我们。这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。它们之所以终将消失，是因为我们作为现在的美国人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。

在当前这场危机中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。政府的管理就是问题所在。

我们时常误以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么，我们之中谁还能去管理他人呢。

All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我们大家--不论政府官员还是平民百姓--必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋求的解决办法必须是公平的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而。我们必须关心一个被忽视了大久的特殊利益集团。这个集团没有区域之分，没有人种之分，没有民族之分，没有政党之分，这个集团由许许多多的男人与女人组成，他们生产粮食，巡逻街头，管理厂矿，教育儿童，照料家务和治疗疾病。他们是专业人员、实业家、店主、职员、出租汽车司机和货车驾驶员，总而言之，他们就是“我们人民”--这个称之为美国人的民族。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本届政府的日标是必须建立一种健全的、生气勃勃的和不断发展的经济，为全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会，让美国重新工作起来，意味着让全体美国人重新工作起来。制止通货膨胀，意味着让全体美国人从失控的生活费用所造成的恐惧中解脱出来。人人都应分担“新开端”的富有成效的工作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。我国制度和力量的核心是理想主义和公正态度，有了这些，我们就能建立起强大、繁荣、国内稳定并同全世界和平相处的美国。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.因此，在我们开始之际，让我们看看实际情况。我们是一个拥有政府的国家--而不是一个拥有国家的政府。这一点使我们在世界合国中独树一帜，我们的政府除了人民授予的权力，没有任何别的权力。目前，政府权力的膨胀已显示出超过被统治者同意的迹象，制止并扭转这种状况的时候到了。

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States;the States created the Federal Government.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.我打算压缩联邦机构的规模和权力，并要求大家承认联邦政府被授予的权力同各州或人民保留的权利这两者之间的区别。我们大家都需要提醒：不是联邦政府创立了各州，而是各州创立了联邦政府。因此，请不要误会，我的意思不是要取消政府，而是要它发挥作用--同我们一起合作，而不是凌驾于我们之上；同我们并肩而立，而不是骑在我们的背上。政府能够而且必须提供机会，而不是扼杀机会，它能够而且必须促进生产力，而不是抑制生产力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.如果我们要探究这么多年来我们为什么能取得这么大成就，并获得了世界上任何一个民族未曾获得的繁荣昌盛，其原因是在这片土地上，我们使人类的能力和个人的才智得到了前所未有的发挥。在这里，个人所享有并得以确保的自由和尊严超过了世界上任何其他地方。为这种自由所付出的代价有时相当高昂，但我们从来没有不愿意付出这代价。

我们是一个泱泱大国，不能自囿于小小的梦想，现在正是认识到这一点的时候。我们并非注定走向衰落，尽管有些人想让我们相信这一点。我不相信，无论我们做些什么，我们都将命该如此，但我相信，如果我们什么也不做，我们将的确命该如此。

为此，让我们以掌握的一切创造力来开创一个国家复兴的时代吧。让我们重新拿出决心、勇气和力量，让我们重新建立起我们的信念和希望吧。

We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.我们完全有权去做英雄梦。那些评论我们现在是一个没有英雄的时代的，他们只不过没有仔细看。看吧！每一天进出工厂大门的工人，辛勤耕作为我们提供食物的农民们，站在柜台后的服务生们；尽心尽业打拼为社会创造财富，提供就业机会的企业家们。交纳赋税，以维持国家运作的公民们。所有支持慈善事业，教会，文化及教育的人们，他们的举动是无声的，但爱国心却是不言自明的。他们的价值造就了我们的国家。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我刚才用了“他们”这个人称来形容这些英雄们，其实我也可以用”你们”这个人称。在这个上帝眷顾的国家，你们的梦想，你们的希望，你们的追求就是这个国家存在的理由。

We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我们的天性包含了同情。倘若我们热爱这个国家，怎么会不热爱自己的同胞们。当他们挫折时，扶他们一把，当他们生病时，给予关照。对于弱者，给予体面的帮助，使其自立.我们是否战能胜现在摆在面前的问题？我说，回答是毫不含糊的“能！”

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在未来的日子里，我们要扫清经济停滞和工业发展的路障，政府的各项政策要平衡。我们要一步步塌实缓慢的前进。该是唤醒这个工业巨人的时候了，削减沉重的赋税，让政府回归理性。这是我们原则，没有妥协的余地。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.在国家立国的前夕，我们的建国先贤之一，马塞诸萨州州长约瑟夫*沃伦对他的同胞们说“我们的国家正在危险之中，但我们丝毫不需绝望--------美国的前途就在我们手中。这个无限自由的幸福的国度即将诞生，让我们行动吧！”

我相信，同胞们，今天，为了我们孩子的孩子的自由和幸福，我们一定也准备好了，让我们行动吧！

And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.我们庆祝重振美国的此时，全世界的人们都在关注着，我们依旧是那些尚未获得自由的人民心中的自由灯塔！

对于我们的邻居，自由世界的同盟们，我们将进一步加强联络，保证我们承担的义务。我们将以心换心，但我们决不会干涉你们的主权，希望你们也不会干涉我们。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it--now or ever.Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.对于自由世界的敌人，我们潜在的对手。我们要使其明白，和平是美国人最高愿望。我们可以与你们谈判，妥协，但我们决不会屈服，永远不会。

请你们不要误会我们的忍耐，我们努力避免冲突但绝不代表我们的屈服。当我们的国家安全受到威胁，我们会采取行动。我们将保持拥有压倒性对手的武力，因为我们知道，只有拥有了足够的武力，才能确保我们不会使用这些武力。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.首先，我们必须认识到世界上没有任何武器能比自由人民的道义和勇气更强大。这恰恰是我们，美国人民所具备的，而我们的对手没有的武器。这一点，所有支持恐怖主义和觊觎弱小国家的都要明白。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.我听说今天各地举行了数以万计的祷告会，我衷心的感到欣慰。我们是上帝统治的国度，上帝给了我们自由。如果以后每一届的就职日都能成为祷告日，那是很好的事情。

This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.大家都知道，这是历史上第一次在白宫西走廊举行的就职典礼。在这里，我们能看到整个首都的风貌。而在这广场另一端就是我们先贤们的圣坛。我的正前方就是乔治*华盛顿纪念碑，我们伟大的国父。是他领导了独立革命战争的胜利，并创建了这个国家。在其旁边则是另一位伟大的先贤，托马斯*杰弗逊，--独立宣言>的作者。而在水池的尽头，是雄伟的林肯纪念堂。从林肯的一生你能体会出什么是美国的精神。

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.在这些古迹旁是缓缓流淌的波托马可河，而岸边的斜斜的山坡正是我们的阿灵顿公墓。这些小小的十字架，六芒星下的墓志铭，述说着我们赢取自由而付出的代价。

每一个墓志铭都是我刚才说的英雄的事迹。这些英雄的生命倒在贝洛森林，阿尔贡丘陵，奥马哈海滩，萨勒诺，半个地球外的瓜岛，塔拉瓦岛，上甘岭，长津湖，以及遍地是稻田丛林的叫越南的地方。

Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.”

在这些墓碑中，有一个叫Martin Treptow的年轻人，他在1917年辞掉了小镇的理发店工作，跟随著名的“彩虹师"去了法国，在西线，他在为营长传递命令时，被重炮击中牺牲.后来，在他的尸体上我们发现了一本日记。在扉页上，他写到”我发誓，美国必须赢的这场战争，所以，我会奋斗，我会拯救，我会牺牲，我会忍受，我会勇奋战斗，就好比所有挣扎都将由我一个人来肩负。”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.今天我们面临的危机并不要求我们像 Martin Treptow作出如此的牺牲。但我们也要竭尽全力，有所作为。拥有上帝的协助，我们能度过危机。

最后，我们有什么理由不相信呢？记住！我们是美国人。上帝保佑你们，谢谢你们。

第三篇：你或许不信,《星球大战》塑造了里根总统乃至整个时代

你或许不信，《星球大战》塑造了里根总统乃至整个时代

你以为《星球大战》只是一部科幻片吗？那你还是太年轻了。

1.星球大战系列其实是一个典型的美国式的故事：我们似乎可以在《星球大战》中看到美国西部边境蛮荒之地燃起了战火，随后又蔓延到了各个种族，范围不断扩大，并最终演变成了第二次世界大战。这是一个关于流浪者与梦想家的故事，他们在一片死寂的不毛之地中找寻到了自己的方向，并最终领导了一场与一个庞大帝国为敌的革命。

乔治·卢卡斯（George Lucas）的这一系列以太空探险为主题的电影诞生之时，恰好是美国陷入到一片巨大的质疑声中无法自拔的时候。“心神不宁”这个如今看起来只适用于神经质、萎靡不振的嬉皮士们的词语，用来形容当时的美国实在是再合适不过。刚刚当选的美国总统因一场肮脏的丑闻被逼辞职。与此同时，在一场不光彩的惨烈战争中，美国被迫与越南议和。经济滞胀让美国经济积重难返，作为一个国家，美国看起来将会一事无成。

在很多观察家眼中，尽管星球大战系列对于当时美国式的乐观以及愚蠢的道德准则是一次彻底的颠覆，但是它出现的时机恰到好处，并帮助美国重新树立了自信心。正如《华盛顿邮报》在1983年所说，《星球大战》的初作“弥补了越南战争给美国人带来的心灵上的创伤，《星球大战》挖掘到了人们内心深处的灵感，超越了政治上的忠诚。它反映了人们在政治上最原始、最朴素的诉求----做正确的事，与正义为伍，推翻暴政。”

卢卡斯实际上是在同美国当时荒淫无道的暴行作斗争，作品中的邪恶帝国指代的正是美国。但是卢卡斯同时也希望借鉴在他成长过程中使他着迷的那些电影，包括西部片、闪电侠系列以及那些反映了二战时期英雄主义的史诗巨作。他所借鉴的这些电影在本质上都是对美国雄厚军事实力的宣传，卢卡斯成功将它们提炼出来，并把它们用一种最为纯粹的方式表达出来。而这又为罗纳德·里根当政期间美国的复苏搭建了舞台。

2.在1975年，乔治·卢卡斯正处于人生的十字路口，他被确定为电影《现代启示录》的导演。这是一部越战题材电影，改编自约瑟夫·康纳德（Joseph Conrad）的小说《黑暗之心》。在他的制作搭档加里·库尔茨（Gary Kurtz）寻找影片的拍摄地时，他已经着手开始制作《现代启示录》。尽管现在，拜电影《教父2》的巨大成功所赐，这部电影交由他的朋友，也是他的人生导师弗兰西斯·福特·科波拉（Francis Ford Coppola）执导，但是卢卡斯在完成了一个叫做《星球大战》的剧本的初稿之后，也花费了几年的时间参与到《现代启示录》蓝本的创作。所以在这部电影制作之初，他也被折腾的精疲力竭----之后科波拉对他说，拍摄《现代启示录》如今正是时候，机不可失时不再来。

正如克里斯·泰勒（Chris Taylor）在他的著作《〈星球大战〉是如何征服世界的》里写的那样：对于卢卡斯的朋友来说，这或许是一步好棋。但是卢卡斯毕竟是一名独立电影人，那时已经到了他实现他的野心的时候了，他要拍出像《唐人街》和《出租车司机》那样黑暗而现实的电影。

最终，卢卡斯没有让拍摄《星球大战》的计划继续拖延下去，他从《现代启示录》的拍摄之中抽身，一门心思扑到了《星球大战》的制作中，科波拉只能独自导演他的电影。而关于他这样做的原因，泰勒写道：这是因为他在看到他的前作《美国风情画》对于青少年们起到了重大的积极影响之后，他决心为孩子们再做一些事。

在1977年《滚石》杂志的采访中，卢卡斯做出了进一步的解释：“我看到如今孩子们的生活里已经没有了像我们之前那样的奇幻色彩，他们没有西部片，没有海盗题材的电影，也没有曾是我们这一代人信仰的天真的幻想世界----我们并不一定相信它们，但我们发自内心热爱它们。当今的年轻人除了一些警匪题材的电影，和一些诸如《人猿星球》以及雷·哈里豪森（Ray Harryhausen）的电影之外一无所有，但这些电影并没有值得深究之处。我意识到如果这一代人成长的过程中失去了那些幻想的元素，那么这对于我们的文化将是毁灭性的打击。”

据美国加州大学伯克利分校研究中心副主任凯思琳·莫兰（Kathleen Moran）介绍，在卢卡斯提到约瑟夫·坎贝尔（Joseph Campbell）和他研究神话之谜的著作《千面一人的英雄》的很久之前，他就已经承认星球大战系列借鉴了许多他在成长过程中所接触的电影。

事实上，卢卡斯称《星球大战》与他在《现代启示录》中所要表达的主旨并无二致，只是将故事发生的地点重新设定在了很久以前的另一个星系。他希望将《星球大战》写成当地居民起义反抗惨无人道的暴君的故事----莫兰指出，在卢卡斯的初稿中，皇帝的原型就是理查德·尼克松（Richard Nixon）。《星球大战》曾被认为意指“在越南所发生的一切”。卢卡斯是在“尝试用剧本中的帝国映射美国的军队”。这一点在星球大战系列的的第三部电影作品《星球大战之绝地大反击》中体现的尤为明显。“从伊沃克族中可以看到越南共产党的影子，”泰勒说道。“这很明显地表达了他想要表达出来的东西：即使是弱小的力量也可以在与强大对手的较量中掀起波澜。” 直到他在几年之后制作了这个系列的前传之后，卢卡斯才将他希望用《星球大战》所传递出来的政治主题完全表达出来----这所导致的结果就是，它们的可看性或许并不算高。

但与此同时，卢卡斯也从西部片、海盗电影、传统冒险题材电影以及二战题材电影（如《轰炸鲁尔水坝记》和《虎！虎！虎！》）的束缚之中解脱出来。正如《华盛顿邮报》在1983年所说，卢卡斯在《星球大战》系列中最大的贡献就在于“复兴了濒死的好莱坞动作片流派”，包括“黑帮题材、西部片、战斗情节以及科幻系列题材”。

所以在卢卡斯的脑海中，《星球大战》是关于美国的力量过度扩张的一个颠覆传统、超越了政治性的故事。但他依然坚持要给年轻人们带去乐观、阳光的电影----他在宣扬他年轻时不顾一切热爱的美国精神上（尽管他自己并不这样认为）做得远远要比他在传递反独裁的信息上做的要好。没有人在看过《星球大战》之后会高声咒骂“狗娘养的美国佬！” 3.事实上，没有人会在看的时候关注影片中所标榜的恶棍，除非让艾伦·里克曼（Alan Rickman）或者西格妮·韦弗（Sigourney Weaver）来扮演这样的角色。《星球大战》在使观众认同卢克·天行者和莉亚公主上做的尤为出色。卢克·天行者的身世就是就是一个关于美国式英雄的游戏：他是一个农家孩子，被暗中赋予了伟大的使命，走上了绝地武士的道路并最终掌握了自己的命运。卢克对认识自己和认清自己的命运所系的渴望是《星球大战》系列的情感纽带，正是它将这个国家里的探险者、冒险家和救世主们紧密地联系到了一起。

每一个热血的美国人都梦想着来到边境，为了征服这片土地同贾瓦人和塔斯肯袭击者浴血奋战，掌握着机器人的控制权；或者成为像汉·索罗那样的英勇的浪子，骁勇善战但却有着一颗金子般善良的心；或者带领着美国革命军对抗英国军队，而这正是当莉亚公主还是一个命运凄惨的少女时最合适的角色。

当你看到电影结束的时候，你会发现有大规模的飞船空袭和炸弹轰炸的场面，这正是第二次世界大战的场面---而这场战争正是每一个美国人都认同自己代表正义一方的最后一次战争，而且很明确，我们取得了最终的胜利。

第一部《星球大战》并不仅仅是一部脱离现实，只是为了取悦观众的电影。他也是对怀有必胜信念的人们和意义重大的战争的一部礼赞。

在《星球大战》出现的前十年，战争题材的电影几乎已经绝迹。尽管据《Back to Our Future:How The 1980s Explain The World We Live in now》的作者大卫·西罗塔（David Sirota）所说，五角大楼愿意为好莱坞提供免费的军队和器械供其拍摄使用，但这一类型的电影依然鲜有出现。《星球大战》的诞生拯救了垂死的战争电影。也许你会提到在1968年上映的《绿色贝雷帽》和1970年上映的《虎！虎！虎！》，但是在越南战争期间，相比于歌颂英雄主义和英勇士兵题材的战争片，这两部电影更像是反战题材的影片。

“星球大战显然是关于战争的，”西罗塔说。但是“因为它发生在太空这一科幻的设定，它可以利用那些在越南战争之前人们已经习惯的手法，来表现越南战争刚刚结束之后人们已经不情愿提及的现实中的军事主题。当然，之后的十年里又涌现出了一大批越战题材的电影，包括《现代启示录》，但是《星球大战》找寻到了一条以好莱坞的手法表现英雄主义军事故事的道路，同时又避免了在一场现实的惨烈的战争之后让国人的内心无法接受。”《星球大战》展示了“美国军队中的英雄是一个保险的设定，因为它将其置于幻想之中”。在此之后，五角大楼重新对这一题材的电影表示了关注，好莱坞也可以在拍摄战争题材的电影时从美国军队那里得到必要的援助，电影《壮志凌云》就是这一类型的代表。

《星球大战》的过人之处不仅仅是将战争片重新带回了人们的视野之中，也在于他可以让你幻想在战争中可以“做一个好人”。从某种程度上来说，这是一种对在现实生活中阻止如核武器一类的大规模杀伤性武器的发明的愿景，它向我们展示了任何胜利都要付出高昂的代价，都要忍受民不聊生的混乱。《星球大战》中有一个名为“死星”的超级武器，它传递出了卢卡斯对于“科技所引发的恐怖”的全部看法，在《现代启示录》中，这一主题同样得到了展示。但是“死星”有一个巨大的弱点，它的覆灭也使得《星球大战》的战局被重新定义。4.我们之中大多数的科幻小说爱好者在谈及上世界80年代的电影时都会心怀一种特殊的敬意。80年代是经久不衰的英雄形象和无可比拟的动作场面不断涌现的大片时代的滥觞。在观看它们奢华的特效时，人们感受到的是一种最纯粹的力量。

当你在今天再度观看80年代的电影时，你也许会感到跟今天的电影相比，它们的节奏有些缓慢，画面似乎也有一些粗糙。但是罗纳德·里根（Ronald Reagan）总统当政期间，电影也是力求刺激，动作和场面与今天的电影也不乏相似之处。然而当你去看70年代的电影时，情况却是完全不同。在《星球大战》出现前的十年，慢节奏、引人深思的科幻电影在电影界占据主流。这些电影大多是反乌托邦的。相比于看阿诺德·施瓦辛格大展拳脚，这些电影给人的感觉更像是查尔顿·赫斯顿在咬紧牙关向着无尽的未来前行。这些电影鲜有大团圆结局或是很容易走出的困境。

而《星球大战》，包括斯皮尔伯格导演的《大白鲨》和《第三类接触》，都为后来的轰动一时的大片提供了样板。“这些80年代的电影，”西罗塔说，“实际上没有很大的差别。事情往往都是‘善与恶’、‘我们和他们’，并且有着清晰的道德准则。你只能选择其中一边。这并不像美剧《火线》中所表现的那样。”

“你可能会好奇，如果没有《星球大战》与《大白鲨》开创了大片时代，我们还能看到兰博吗？”泰勒问道。“我们是不是还能欣赏到80年代那些充满自信与肌肉力量的电影？”

“我们来看一下《星球大战》最早的一部作品，然后回忆一下1977年时的环境，”泰勒补充道。“它看起来并不属于吉米·卡特领导下的那个‘心神不宁’的1977年，也不属于美国所经历的那些黑暗的时光。它是昂扬向上的，也是反映了军事化的。他告诉我们要全副武装，天真即地狱。”

即使乔治·卢卡斯执导的是《现代启示录》而不是《星球大战》，这种“概念”的电影也会成为蓬勃而出的新现象。技术的进步为更精彩的动作、更剧烈的爆炸以及更壮观的场面提供了保障。但是《星球大战》将20世纪中期电影里那种不完整的乐观主义变成了一种全新的信仰。这让80年代的电影更加昂扬，并且在道德上更加简洁。

5.流行文化塑造了政治，我们的电影、电视节目、游戏和其他媒体为我们建立了世界是如何运行的概念。我们所虚构的英雄人物正是现实人物在我们心中内化的产物。虚幻的胜利让我们相信我们在现实中也可以无坚不摧---尽管有些问题确实十分棘手。

罗纳德·里根竞选总统时适逢《星球大战》第二部的宣传达到了白热化。《星球大战》不仅代表着高科技的星球探险，也是对过往的一种追思---《星球大战》正传的三部曲的设定看起来好像不是发生在很久很久以前，看起来更加是不久之前那个单纯简单的时期的产物。而这与里根的“怀旧主义的乐观”不谋而合。

1983年的《华盛顿邮报》的文章已经表述得非常清楚，美国人已经厌倦了自我批判，讨厌失败主义。而《星球大战》系列正如同毒品一样，刺激了他们内心必胜的信念。我们可以把所有事情解决之后回家享受清闲。我们可以成为好人。而坏人都是很容易辨认的。

里根的政策在两处显示了与《星球大战》的联系：一次是他将苏联称为“邪恶帝国”，另一次是他将自己的导弹计划命名为“星球大战”计划。“这里或多或少的有一些偶然的成分，”泰勒说。里根的演讲稿撰写人称自己无意引用《星球大战》中的“邪恶帝国”一词，但是演讲的时间正好是《星球大战》上映的时间，所以这一联系是人为制造的。

让里根用“星球大战”来描述自己的导弹计划实际是民主党人的主意，但是他们很快就后悔了，因为“星球大战计划”听起来不仅不愚蠢，而且还出乎意料的好。

当你在冷战时期审视“邪恶帝国”时，你会发现它简直就是前苏联在“漫画中的重现”。西罗塔说，前苏联是一个“高度官僚化、不民主、技术落后的帝国”，你很容易在“邪恶帝国”中找到它的影子。

“在70年代末即将进入80年代时，这个反抗帝国的故事也不可避免的带上了政治的色彩，”西罗塔说。“里根认为他是在与一个庞大的政府作斗争，我认为这当然有时代精神在其中起作用。”

曾是一名演员的里根也敏锐地意识到这是电影的一个全新的时代。电影的场面比以往更加壮观，也更能给观众身临其境的体验。正如莫兰所指出的，里根曾经说过一句著名的话：这是电影，它不仅向我们展示了我们的容貌和声音，更重要的是，他展示了我们内心的感受。在里根治理下的美国，我们不仅与卢克·天行者同行，也通过他们看到了我们内心真正的自己。

《星球大战》给予里根最伟大的礼物就是坚定不移地同邪恶作斗争。

第四篇：里根总统演讲中英文

里根总统就职演讲稿完整中文翻译版

里根总统是个非常擅长演讲的人，他的演讲从头至尾一气呵成.他不看讲稿，完全是即席演讲。他的语速和声音的节奏控制得非常好，听他的演讲本身就是在欣赏一场伟大的演出。

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.尊敬的海特菲尔德议员、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔、贝克议员、发言人奥尼尔、摩麦以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。对于这个国家的历史却是一件普通的事情。按照宪法要求，政府权利正在有序地移交，我们已经如此“例行公事”了两个世纪，很少有人觉得这有什么特别。但在世界上更多人看来，我们这个已经习以为常的四年一次的仪式却是一个奇迹。

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.总统先生，我希望我们的同胞们都能知道你为了这个传承而付出的努力。通过移交程序中的通力合作，展示了这样一个事实：我们是一个团结一致的民族，这个民族决心捍卫一种比任何其他体制更能充分保证个人民主自由的政治制度。我要感谢你和你的伙伴们的帮助，因为你们坚持了这样的传承，这种传承的连续性恰是我们共和国的支柱。

The business of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.我们国家的事业在继续前进。合众国正面临巨大的经济困难。我们遭遇到我国历史上历时最长、最严重之一的通货膨胀，它扰乱着我们的经济决策，使储蓄的人反而受到惩罚，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的青年人和收入固定的中年人，威胁着要摧毁我国千百万人民的生计。

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.停滞的工业使工人失业、蒙受痛苦并失去了个人尊严。即使那些有工作的人，也因沉重的税负而得不到公正的劳动报酬，因为这种税收制度使我们无法在事业上取得成就，使我们无法保持充分的生产力。

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.尽管我们的纳税负担相当沉重，但还是跟不上公共开支的增长。数十年来，我们的赤字额屡屡上升，我们为图目前暂时的方便，已把自己和子孙的前途都抵押出去。这一趋势如果长此以往，必然引起社会、文化、政治和经济等方面的大动荡。

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding——we are going to begin to act, beginning today.作为个人，你们和我可以靠借贷过一种入不敷出的生活，然而只能维持一段有限的时期，我们怎么可以认为，作为一个国家整体，我们就不应受到同样的约束呢？为了明天，我们今天就必须行动起来。大家都要明白无误地懂得--我们从今天起就要采取行动。

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.我们深受其害的经济弊病，几十年来一直袭击着我们。这些弊病不会在几天、几星期或几个月内消失，但它们终将消失。它们之所以终将消失，是因为我们作为现在的美国人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的事情，以保存这个最后而又最伟大的自由堡垒。

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.在当前这场危机中，政府的管理不能解决我们面临的问题。政府的管理就是问题所在。

From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.我们时常误以为，社会已经越来越复杂，已经不可能凭借自治方式加以管理，而一个由杰出人物组成的政府要比民享、民治、民有的政府高明。可是，假如我们之中谁也管理不了自己，那么，我们之中谁还能去管理他人呢。我们大家--不论政府官员还是平民百姓--必须共同肩负起这个责任，我们谋求的解决办法必须是公平的，不要使任何一个群体付出较高的代价。

We hear much of special interest groups.Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick——professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers.They are, in short, “We the people,” this breed called Americans.我们听到许多关于特殊利益集团的谈论，然而。我们必须关心一个被忽视了大久的特殊利益集团。这个集团没有区域之分，没有人种之分，没有民族之分，没有政党之分，这个集团由许许多多的男人与女人组成，他们生产粮食，巡逻街头，管理厂矿，教育儿童，照料家务和治疗疾病。他们是专业人员、实业家、店主、职员、出租汽车司机和货车驾驶员，总而言之，他们就是“我们的人民”—就是美国人民。

Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this “new beginning” and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.本届政府的目标是必须建立一种健全的、生气勃勃的和日益发展的经济，为全体美国人民提供一种不因偏执或歧视而造成障碍的均等机会。使美国复兴，意味着使全体美国人都有工作；制止通货膨胀，意味着使全体美国人免除对势如脱缰之马的生活费用的恐惧。人人都应分担“新开端”的富有成效的工作，人人都应分享经济复苏的硕果。我们力量的核心是理想主义和公正对待的精神，有了这些，我们就能建立一个强大繁荣的美国，在国内和全世界都相安无事。

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government——not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.在我们向复兴美国开始迈步之际，先让我们看看我们的实际情况。我们是一个拥有政府的国家--而不是一个拥有国家的政府。这一点使我们在世界合国中独树一帜，我们的政府除了人民授予的权力，没有任何别的权力。现在是制止并扭转政府机构和权力膨胀的时候了，因为种种迹象表明，这种膨胀已超过人民的意愿。

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government.It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us;to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it;foster productivity, not stifle it.因此，请不要误解，我不是要取消政府，而是要它发挥作用--同我们一起合作，而不是凌驾于我们之上；同我们并肩而立，而不是骑在我们的身上。政府能够而且必须提供而不是扼杀机会，能够而且必须促进而不是抑制生产力。

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.多年来我们能取得巨大成就，获得世界上任何一个民族未曾获得的繁荣昌盛的原因是在这片土地上我们比以往任何时候都最大程度地发挥人的潜能和个人的天才；这里比任何其他任何地方更容易得到、更可以保证个人的自由和尊严。得到这种自由所付出的代价有时相当昂贵，但我们从没不愿意付出这种代价。

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline.I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength.And let us renew;our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams.我们目前困难的制造者是政府不必要和过度膨胀对我们生活的干预和侵扰，这不是偶然的巧合。我们应该真正认识到我们是一个伟大的国家，不能自囿于小小的梦想，我们不像有些人要我们相信的那样注定要不可避免地衰落，我不相信我们命该如此，无论我们做什么都不能改变那些人描绘的宿命，但我相信，如果我们什么也不做，我们将的确命该如此。为此，让我们以我们拥有的一切创造力来开创一个国家复兴的时代吧。让我们重新下定决心，拿出我们的勇气和力量，让我们重新满怀信心和希望，我们完全有权利塑造崇高的理想。

Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes across a counter——and they are on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet but deep.Their values sustain our national life.当下那些不知道去哪发现英雄的人说我们正身处于一个没有英雄的时代。你们可以看到每天进出于工厂大门的英雄们；另外一些英雄人数虽少，但生产的粮食却足够养活我们大家和世界其他地区的人民；你们会在柜台前遇到英雄--在柜台的内外遇到英雄们，其中的一些人是对自己抱有信心的、有理想的企业家，他们创造新的职业、新的财富和机会，政府的维持就是靠这样一些个人和家族缴纳的捐税，教会、慈善事业、文化、艺术和教育事业也是靠他们的自愿捐献来维持的。他们的爱国主义精神含而不露，但却是强烈的，他们创造的价值支撑着我们的国民生活。

I have used the words “they” and “their” in speaking of these heroes.I could say “you” and “your” because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak——you, the citizens of this blessed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.我在说到这些英雄时，用了“他们”和“他们的”这两个字眼，但也可以说“你们”、“你们的”。因为我现在正给我提及的英雄们讲话--就是你们，这个上帝降福的国土上的公民们。你们的理想、希望、目标将是本届政府的理想、希望、目标，愿上帝保佑我做到这一点。

我们将体现出在你们的禀性中占很大成分的同情心。怎么能爱我们的国家而不爱我们的同胞呢？我们要爱他们，在他们摔倒时伸出手去扶住他们，在他们患病时给他们治愈，并提供机会使他们自给自足，使他们获得实在而不是口头上的平等。

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic “yes.” To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.我们能解决摆在我们面前的这些问题吗？回答是毫不含糊和断然的两个字“能够”，借用温斯顿丘吉尔的话说，我刚才宣誓并不是想要在我的领导下使这个世界最强大的经济瓦解。

In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progress may be slow——measured in inches and feet, not miles——but we will progress.Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.在今后的一段时间，我将建议消除一些使得我们经济发展缓慢和生产力下降的障碍，将要采取一些旨在恢复各级政府之间保持平衡的步骤，进展也许是缓慢的，用英寸和英尺而不是用英里来衡量，但我们会前进。现在应当是唤醒这个工业巨人的时候，使政府能够重新量入为出，减轻我们惩罚性的赋税负担，这将是我们首要的任务，在这些原则上绝不会妥协。

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, “Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of…… On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.”

在我国为独立而斗争的前夕，有一个人曾对他的美国同胞说：“我们现在处于危险之中，但并没有绝望…美国的命运取决与你们。关系到尚未出生的千百万人的幸福和自由的一个重要问题是由你们来决定，你们的行动要无愧与你自己。”这个人就是马萨诸塞议会主席约瑟夫沃伦博士，如果他当初没有在邦克山牺牲，他也许成为我国建国的先人中最伟大的任务之一。

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.我相信，我们当代美国人已做好无愧于我们自己行动的准备，做好为确保我们自己、孩子和子孙后代的幸福和自由必须进行工作的准备。

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.对于与我们怀有同样自由理想的那些邻国和盟国，我们将加强我们之间传统性的沟通，保证对他们予以支持，对他们履行应尽的义务，忠诚地报答他们的忠诚，努力争取建立互利的关系，决不利用这种友谊去影响他们的主权，因为我们自己的主权也是不能出卖的。

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded thatpeace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it;we will not surrender for it——now or ever.对于那些自由的敌人和潜在的对手，我们要提醒他们，和平是美国人民的最高愿望。我们将为和平而谈判，为和平而牺牲，但我们绝不为和平而投降，现在不会，将来也永远不会。

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not bemisjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.对我们的忍让绝不应误解。不要把我们对冲突采取的克制态度误认为是意志不坚强。一旦需要采取行动保卫我们国家的安全，我们就采取行动。我们将保持足以在必要时取胜的力量，这样我们才最有可能不必动用这种力量。

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.所以，我们必须认识到，世界各地军火库中的任何武器没有自由人们的意志和维护道义的勇气强大，这是当今世界上我们美国独有而我们对手所没有的武器。要让那些采取恐怖行动和掠夺自己邻国的人懂得这一点。

I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.当得知今天举行的祈祷会成千上万时，我深为感激。我们是上帝保佑的国家，我们相信，上帝希望我们得到自由。如果每次就职典礼日都能成为祈祷日，那是恰如其逢的好事。

Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.在我的正前方是一位不朽人物的纪念碑，他就是我们的国父乔治华盛顿。他禀性谦恭，处于时势所迫才做出伟大业绩，领导美国取得革命胜利，建立一个新国家。稍偏一点是庄严雄伟的托马斯杰斐逊纪念堂，独立宣言闪耀着他的雄辩才华。

And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.在映影池的那一边，矗立着由大圆柱组成的庄严肃穆的林肯纪念堂，任何想彻底了解美国真谛的人都会在亚伯拉罕林肯的一生中得到答案。

Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.这里的每一个墓碑都是对我所提及的那些英雄的纪念。他们在一些叫贝鲁伍德、阿尔贡、奥马哈滩、萨莱诺的地方，在相隔半个地球之遥的瓜达卡钠尔、塔拉瓦、独排山、长津水岸和一个叫越南--有着许许多多稻田和丛林的地方献出了他们的生命。

Under one such marker lies a young man——Martin Treptow——who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.在这里的一块墓碑下躺着一位名叫马丁托雷普托的年轻人，他于1917年离开一座小镇的理发馆，随同著名的彩虹师来到法国。在那里的西部战场上，他在猛烈的炮火中为自己的部队传递信息时牺牲了。

We are told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, “My Pledge,” he had written these words: “America must win this war.Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.” 有人告诉我们在他的身上发现一本日记。扉页上写着这样的标题：“我的誓言”。他写下了这样的话语：“美国必须赢得这场战争。为此，我会奋斗，我会拯救，我会牺牲，我会忍受，我会并将尽我最大的努力英勇奋战，就好比所有的战争问题都将由我一个人来肩负。”

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds;to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.我们今天面临的危机并不是要求我们作出像马丁托雷普托和其他数以千计人那样的牺牲，然而，它确实要求我们作出最大的努力去工作，要求我们愿意相信自己，相信我们有能力干出伟大的事业：团结一致，在上帝的帮助下，能够并且一定会解决我们面临的种种问题。

And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.God bless you, and thank you.我们为什么不应该相信这一点呢？毕竟我们是美国人。愿上帝祝福你们。

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:总统副总统先生，议长先生，各位两院议员：

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.昨天，1941年12月7日――这一天将成为我们的国耻日――美利坚合众国遭到日本帝国的蓄谋已久的海、空突袭。The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.美国曾与该国和平相处，应该国之邀，还在与该国政府和天皇进行谈判，谋求维护太平洋区域和平。

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.事实上，在日本航空队开始轰炸美国的瓦湖岛一小时后，日本驻美大使及其同僚向我国务卿提交了对我国最近照会的正式答复，其内容是继续正在进行的外交谈判似乎已无意义，没有任何战争或武装攻击的威胁或暗示。

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.我们要牢记夏威夷到日本的距离清楚地表明，这次袭击只能是几天甚至是几周前蓄意策划的。在这期间，日本政府蓄意谋求用维护和平的善意的虚假消息来欺骗美国。

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.昨天对夏威夷群岛的攻击给美国海军和陆军造成了严重损失。我很遗憾地告诉你们很多美国人丧生。此外，美国船只在旧金山与火努鲁鲁之间的公海遭鱼雷攻击。

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.昨天夜间，日本政府发动了对马来亚的进攻。Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.昨天夜间，日军攻击了香港。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.昨天夜间，日军攻击了关岛。

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.昨天夜间，日军攻击了菲律宾群岛。Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.昨天夜间，日军攻击了威克岛。

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.今天上午，日军攻击了中途岛。

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.因此，日本已经实施了对太平洋区域的突袭。昨天和今天的事实已经不言而喻了。美国人民已下定决心，并且深知这对国家安全和每个人意味着什么。

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.作为美国海陆军总司令，我已下令不惜一切保卫国家。但是我们全国都要永记这次偷袭的性质。

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.不管用多长时间，我们终将战胜这次有预谋的侵略，美国人用他们的正义力量必将彻底胜利。

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.我相信我代表了国会和人民的意志，我宣布我们不仅要尽全力保卫自己，还要确保这样的背信弃义决不会再次发生。Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.面对敌意，我们不能闪烁其词，因为我们的人民、国土和利益都在最危险之中。

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.有对军队的信心，有人民的不屈决心，我们必胜！上帝保佑！I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.因为周日，1941年12月7日，日本对我国的无故的欺软怕硬的偷袭，我恳请国会宣布美国和日本帝国进入战争状态。

第五篇：里根总统的离职演说

Ronald Reagan： Farewell Address to the Nation My fellow Americans：

This is the 34th time I'll speak to you from the Oval Office and the last.We've been together 8 years now，and soon it'll be time for me to go.But before I do，I wanted to share some thoughts，some of which I've been saving for a long time.It's been the honor of my life to be your President.So many of you have written the past few weeks to say thanks，but I could say as much to you.Nancy and I are grateful for the opportunity you gave us to serve.One of the things about the Presidency is that you're always somewhat apart.You spent a lot of time going by too fast in a car someone else is driving，and seeing the people through tinted glass —— the parents holding up a child，and the wave you saw too late and couldn't return.And so many times I wanted to stop and reach out from behind the glass，and connect.Well，maybe I can do a little of that tonight.People ask how I feel about leaving.And the fact is，“parting is such sweet sorrow.” The sweet part is California and the ranch and freedom.The sorrow —— the goodbyes，of course，and leaving this beautiful place.You know，down the hall and up the stairs from this office is the part of the White House where the President and his family live.There are a few favorite windows I have up there that I like to stand and look out of early in the morning.The view is over the grounds here to the Washington Monument，and then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low，you can see past the Jefferson to the river，the Potomac，and the Virginia shore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things： the grass on the banks，the morning traffic as people make their way to work，now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past ,then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial.But on mornings when the humidity is low，you can see past the

Jefferson to the river，the Potomac，and the Virginia shore.Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run.Well I see more prosaic things： the grass on the banks，the morning traffic as people make their way to work，now and then a sailboat on the river.I've been thinking a bit at that window.I've been reflecting on what the past 8 years have meant and mean.And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one —— a small story about a big ship，and a refugee，and a sailor.It was back in the early eighties，at the height of the boat people.And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway，which was patrolling the South China Sea.The sailor，like most American servicemen，was young，smart，and fiercely observant.The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat.And crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to America.The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety.As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas，one spied the sailor on deck，and stood up，and called out to him.He yelled，“Hello，American sailor.Hello，freedom man.”

A small moment with a big meaning，a moment the sailor，who wrote it in a letter，couldn't get out of his mind.And，when I saw it，neither could I.Because that's what it has to —— it was to be an American in the 1980's.We stood，again，for freedom.I know we always have，but in the past few years the world again —— and in a way，we ourselves —— rediscovered it.It's been quite a journey this decade，and we held together through some stormy seas.And at the end，together，we're reaching our destination.The fact is，from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits，from the recession of '81 to '82，to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day，we've made a difference.The way I see it，there were two great triumphs，two things that I'm proudest of.One is the economic recovery，in which the people of America created —— and filled —— 19

million new jobs.The other is the recovery of our morale.America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this.It was back in 1981，and I was attending my first big economic summit，which was held that year in Canada.The meeting place rotates among the member countries.The opening meeting was a formal dinner for the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations.Well I sat there like the new kid in school and listened，and it was all Francois this and Helmut that.They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis.Well，at one point I sort of leaned in and said，“My name's Ron.” Well，in that same year，we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback —— cut taxes and regulation，started to cut spending.And soon the recovery began..Two years later，another economic summit with pretty much the same cast.At the big opening meeting we all got together，and all of a sudden，just for a moment，I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me.And then one of them broke the silence.“Tell us about the American miracle，” he said.Well，back in 1980，when I was running for President，it was all so different.Some pundits said our programs would result in catastrophe.Our views on foreign affairs would cause war.Our plans for the economy would cause inflation to soar and bring about economic collapse.I even remember one highly respected economist saying，back in 1982，that “The engines of economic growth have shut down here，and they're likely to stay that way for years to come.” Well，he and the other opinion leaders were wrong.The fact is what they call “radical” was really “right.” What they called “dangerous” was just “desperately needed.”

And in all of that time I won a nickname，“The Great Communicator.” But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference： it was the content.I wasn't a great communicator，but I communicated great things，and they didn't spring full bloom from my

brow，they came from the heart of a great nation —— from our experience，our wisdom，and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries.They called it the “Reagan Revolution.” Well，I'll accept that，but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery，a rediscovery of our values and our common sense.Common sense told us that when you put a big tax on something，the people will produce less of it.So，we cut the people's tax rates，and the people produced more than ever before.The economy bloomed like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and stronger.Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime expansion in our history： real family income up，the poverty rate down，entrepreneurship booming，and an explosion in research and new technology.We're exporting more than ever because American industry became more competitive.And at the same time，we summoned the national will to knock down protectionist walls abroad instead of erecting them at home.Common sense also told us that to preserve the peace，we'd have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion.So，we rebuilt our defenses，and this New Year we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe.Not only have the superpowers actually begun to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons —— and hope for even more progress is bright —— but the regional conflicts that rack the globe are also beginning to cease.The Persian Gulf is no longer a war zone.The Soviets are leaving Afghanistan.The Vietnamese are preparing to pull out of Cambodia，and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50，000 Cuban troops home from Angola.The lesson of all this was，of course，that because we're a great nation，our challenges seem complex.It will always be this way.But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves，the future will always be ours.And something else we learned： Once you begin a great movement，there's no telling where it'll end.We meant to change a nation，and instead，we changed a world.Countries across the globe are turning to free markets and free speech and turning away from

the ideologies of the past.For them，the great rediscovery of the 1980's has been that，lo and behold，the moral way of government is the practical way of government： Democracy，the profoundly good，is also the profoundly productive.When you've got to the point when you can celebrate the anniversaries of your 39th birthday，you can sit back sometimes，review your life，and see it flowing before you.For me there was a fork in the river，and it was right in the middle of my life.I never meant to go into politics.It wasn't my intention when I was young.But I was raised to believe you had to pay your way for the blessings bestowed on you.I was happy with my career in the entertainment world，but I ultimately went into politics because I wanted to protect something precious.Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government，and with three little words： “We the People.” “We the People” tell the government what to do； it doesn't tell us.“We the People” are the driver； the government is the car，and we decide where it should go，and by what route，and how fast.Almost all the world's constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are.Our Constitution is a document in which “We the People” tell the government what it is allowed to do.“We the People” are free.This belief has been the underlying basis for everything I've tried to do these past 8 years.But back in the 1960's，when I began，it seemed to me that we'd begun reversing the order of things —— that through more and more rules and regulations and confiscatory taxes，the government was taking more of our money，more of our options，and more of our freedom.I went into politics in part to put up my hand and say，“Stop.” I was a citizen politician，and it seemed the right thing for a citizen to do.I think we have stopped a lot of what needed stopping.And I hope we have once again reminded people that man is not free unless government is limited.There's a clear cause and effect here that is as neat and predictable as a law of physics： “As government expands，liberty contracts.”

Nothing is less free than pure communism —— and yet we have，the past few years，forged a satisfying new closeness with the Soviet Union.I've been asked if this isn't a gamble，and my answer is no because we're basing our actions not on words but deeds.The detente of this 1970's was based not on actions but promises.They'd promise to treat their own people and the people of the world better.But the gulag was still the gulag，and the state was still expansionist，and they still waged proxy wars in Africa，Asia，and Latin America.Well，this time，so far，it's different.President Gorbachev has brought about some internal democratic reforms and begun the withdrawal from Afghanistan.He has also freed prisoners whose names I've given him every time we've met.But life has a way of reminding you of big things through small incidents.Once，during the heady days of the Moscow summit，Nancy and I decided to break off from the entourage one afternoon to visit the shops on Arbat Street —— that's a little street just off Moscow's main shopping area.Even though our visit was a surprise，every Russian there immediately recognized us and called out our names and reached for our hands.We were just about swept away by the warmth.You could almost feel the possibilities in all that joy.But within seconds，a KGB detail pushed their way toward us and began pushing and shoving the people in the crowd.It was an interesting moment.It reminded me that while the man on the street in the Soviet Union yearns for peace，the government is Communist.And those who run it are Communists，and that means we and they view such issues as freedom and human rights very differently.We must keep up our guard，but we must also continue to work together to lessen and eliminate tension and mistrust.My view is that President Gorbachev is different from previous Soviet leaders.I think he knows some of the things wrong with his society and is trying to fix them.We wish him well.And we'll continue to work to make sure that the Soviet Union that eventually emerges from this process is a less threatening one.What it all boils down to is this： I want the new closeness to continue.And it will，as long as we make it clear that we will continue to act in a certain way as long as they continue to act in a helpful manner.If and when they don't，at first pull your punches.If they persist，pull the plug.It's still trust but verify.It's

still play，but cut the cards.It's still watch closely.And don't be afraid to see what you see.I've been asked if I have any regrets.Well，I do.The deficit is one.I've been talking a great deal about that lately，but tonight isn't for arguments，and I'm going to hold my tongue.But an observation： I've had my share of victories in the Congress，but what few people noticed is that I never won anything you didn't win for me.They never saw my troops； they never saw Reagan's regiments，the American people.You won every battle with every call you made and letter you wrote demanding action.Well，action is still needed.If we're to finish the job，Reagan's regiments will have to become the Bush brigades.Soon he'll be the Chief，and he'll need you every bit as much as I did.Finally，there is a great tradition of warnings in Presidential farewells，and I've got one that's been on my mind for some time.But oddly enough it starts with one of the things I'm proudest of in the past 8 years： the resurgence of national pride that I called，“The New Patriotism.” This national feeling is good，but it won't count for much，and it won't last unless it's grounded in thoughtfulness and knowledge.An informed patriotism is what we want.And are we doing a good enough job teaching our children what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world？ Those of us who are over 35 or so years of age grew up in a different America.We were taught，very directly，what it means to be an American.And we absorbed，almost in the air，a love of country and an appreciation of its institutions.If you didn't get these things from your family you got them from the neighborhood，from the father down the street who fought in Korea or the family who lost someone at Anzio.Or you could get a sense of patriotism from school.And if all else failed you could get a sense of patriotism from the popular culture.The movies celebrated democratic values and implicitly reinforced the idea that America was special.TV was like that，too，through the mid-sixties.But now，we're about to enter the nineties，and some things have changed.Younger parents aren't sure that an unambivalent appreciation of America is the right thing to teach modern children.And as for those who create the popular culture，well-grounded patriotism is no longer the style.Our spirit is back，but we haven't reinstitutionalized it.We've got to do a better job of getting across that America is freedom —— freedom of speech，freedom of religion，freedom of enterprise.And freedom is special and rare.It's fragile； it needs production [protection].So，we've got to teach history based not on what's in fashion but what's important —— why the Pilgrims came here，who Jimmy Doolittle was，and what those 30 seconds over Tokyo meant.You know，4 years ago on the 40th anniversary of D-day，I read a letter from a young woman writing to her late father，who had fought on Omaha Beach.Her name was Lisa Zanatta Henn，and she said，“we will always remember，we will never forget what the boys of Normandy did.” Well，let's help her keep her word.If we forget what we did，we won't know who we are.I'm warning of an eradication of that —— of the American memory that could result，ultimately，in an erosion of the American spirit.Let's start with some basics： more attention to American history and a greater emphasis on civic ritual.And let me offer lesson number one about America： All great change in America begins at the dinner table.So，tomorrow night in the kitchen I hope the talking begins.And children，if your parents haven't been teaching you what it means to be an American，let 'em know and nail 'em on it.That would be a very American thing to do.And that's about all I have to say tonight，except for one thing.The past few days when I've been at that window upstairs，I've thought a bit of the 'shining city upon a hill.' The phrase comes from John Winthrop，who wrote it to describe the America he imagined.What he

imagined was important because he was an early Pilgrim，an early freedom man.He journeyed here on what today we'd call a little wooden boat； and like the other Pilgrims，he was looking for a home that would be free.I've spoken of the shining city all my political life，but I don't know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it.But in my mind it was a tall，proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans，windswept，God-blessed，and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace； a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity.And if there had to be city walls，the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here.That's how I saw it，and see it still.And how stands the city on this winter night？ More prosperous，more secure，and happier than it was 8 years ago.But more than that： After 200 years，two centuries，she still stands strong and true on the granite ridge，and her glow has held steady no matter what storm.And she's still a beacon，still a magnet for all who must have freedom，for all the pilgrims from all the lost places who are hurtling through the darkness，toward home.We've done our part.And as I walk off into the city streets，a final word to the men and women of the Reagan Revolution，the men and women across America who for 8 years did the work that brought America back.My friends： We did it.We weren't just marking time.We made a difference.We made the city stronger； we made the city freer； and we left her in good hands.All in all，not bad —— not bad at all.And so，goodbye，God bless you，and God bless the United States of America.

里根总统关于战略防御计划(星球大战)的讲话

第一篇：里根总统关于战略防御计划(星球大战)的讲话

第二篇：里根总统演讲稿

第三篇：你或许不信,《星球大战》塑造了里根总统乃至整个时代

第四篇：里根总统演讲中英文

第五篇：里根总统的离职演说

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