美国总统奥巴马在 国家圣诞树 亮灯仪式上的讲话

第一篇：美国总统奥巴马在 国家圣诞树 亮灯仪式上的讲话

美国总统奥巴马在“国家圣诞树”亮灯仪式上的讲话 2013.12.18 Merry Christmas, everybody!Well, this show is always a great way to get in the holiday spirit.Every year, I rehearse my own little act, just in case.But it seems like, yet again, they couldn’t find space to squeeze me into the program.(Laughter.)You are lucky I’m not singing.大家圣诞快乐！亮灯活动一向是感受节日气氛的很好的方式。每年我都要排练一下我自己的小节目，以防万一。不过看起来，他们又一次无法把我安排到节目中。（笑声）我不唱歌是大家的运气。

First of all, let me thank Secretary Jewell and welcome her to her first Christmas Tree Lighting.She is doing a great job for our national parks.She used to run one of America’s biggest outdoor recreation companies, and now she’s charged with protecting the great outdoors for all of us.So we appreciate her and we want to thank Neil Mulholland and the whole National Park Foundation and National Park Service team for helping to put this beautiful production together.首先，让我感谢朱厄尔部长，并欢迎她第一次参加圣诞树亮灯活动。她为国家公园所做的工作极为出色。她过去执掌美国最大的户外休闲活动公司之一，现在她负责为我们所有人保护我们的大户外。所以，我们向她表示感谢，我们还要感谢尼尔·马尔霍兰和整个国家公园基金会及国家公园管理局团队，他们帮助组织了这场美不胜收的表演。

Let’s also give it up for Jane Lynch and all the great performers who are doing an incredible job putting us in a festive mood tonight.(Applause.)And to all Americans who are here today and watching at home, we are so glad to be part of this wonderful holiday tradition.也让我们为简·林奇和所有出色的演员们鼓掌，今晚，他们令人赞叹的表演让我们沉浸在节日气氛中（掌声）。而且我们要对今天在这里和在家里观看表演的所有美国人说，我们很高兴地参加这一精彩的节日传统活动。

For 91 years, the National Christmas Tree has stood as a beacon of light and a promise during the holiday season.During times of peace and prosperity, challenge and change, Americans have gathered around our national tree to kick off the holiday season and give thanks for everything that makes this time of year so magical--spending time with friends and family, and spreading tidings of peace and goodwill here at home and around the world.91年来，国家圣诞树始终代表着节日期间的灯塔和希望。在和平和繁荣以及挑战和变化的时代，美国人民汇聚在我们的国家圣诞树下，庆祝节日的开始，并对让每年的此时美妙无比的所有事物表达感恩——与亲朋好友共度时光，并在国内和世界各地传播和平及友善的喜讯。

And this year, we give a special measure of gratitude for Nelson Mandela, a man who championed that generosity of spirit.(Applause.)In his life, he blessed us with tremendous grace and unbelievable courage.And we are all privileged to live in a world touched by his goodness.今年，我们向倡导这一慷慨精神的纳尔逊·曼德拉致以特别的谢意（掌声）。他在一生中以高风亮节和难以置信的勇气给我们带来福祉。生活在被其美德触动的世界中是我们所有人的殊荣。

Each Christmas, we celebrate the birth of a child who came into the world with only a stable’s roof to shelter Him.But through a life of humility and the ultimate sacrifice, a life guided by faith and kindness towards others, Christ assumed a mighty voice, teaching us lessons of compassion and charity that have lasted more than two millennia.He ministered to the poor.He embraced the outcast.He healed the sick.And in Him we see a living example of scripture that we ought to love others not only through our words, but also through our deeds.每年圣诞节，我们都庆祝一位在出生时只有马厩的屋顶为他遮风挡雨的婴孩的降生。但是，通过谦卑及付出最大牺牲的一生、由信仰及善待他人引领的一生，耶稣基督发出了强有力的声音，给予我们同情和仁爱的教诲，这些教诲已持续了两千多年。他扶助穷人。他接纳被遗弃者。他治愈病人。在他身上，我们看到经文活生生的典范，教导我们不仅应当通过我们的言词，还应当通过我们的行动去关爱他人。

It’s a message both timeless and universal--no matter what God you pray to, or if you pray to none at all – we all have a responsibility to ourselves and to each other to make a difference that is real and lasting.We are our brother’s keeper.We are our sister’s keeper.这是一条永恒、普世的启示——不管具有何种信仰，亦或根本不信神——我们对自己和彼此都承担着产生切实和持久的影响的责任。我们是我们的兄弟的守护者。我们是我们的姊妹的守护者。

And so in this season of generosity, let’s reach out to those who need help the most.In this season of reflection, let’s make sure that our incredibly brave servicemembers and their families know how much we appreciate their sacrifice.And there are several military families and servicemen and women here tonight.We are so grateful to you for all that you do.(Applause.)

因此，在这慷慨助人的时节，让我们向那些最需要帮助的人伸出援手。在这反思自省的时节，让我们确保我们无比英勇的军人及其家属知道我们是多么地感谢他们所作的牺牲。今晚在场的有几家军人家庭和男女军人。我们非常感谢你们所付出的一切。（掌声）

In this season of hope, let us come together as one people, one family to ensure that we’re doing everything we can to keep America the land of endless opportunity and boundless optimism for which we’re so thankful.在这希望的时节，让我们汇集在一起，作为一国子民和一个大家庭，保证尽我们所能确保美国一直是充满无限机会和无尽乐观精神的土地，我们为此心存感激。

So on behalf of Malia, Sasha, Marian, the First Lady Michelle, plus Bo and Sunny, I want to wish everybody a Merry Christmas and a joyful holiday season.God bless you.God bless our troops.God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)

在此，我代表玛莉娅、萨莎、玛丽安、第一夫人米歇尔，还有波和桑尼，谨祝大家圣诞快乐、节日愉快！愿上帝保佑大家。愿上帝保佑我们的军队。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。（掌声）

第二篇：美国总统奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的讲话

美国总统奥巴马在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的讲话

美国总统奥巴马12月10日美国总统奥巴马在挪威首都奥斯陆市政厅发表获得诺贝尔和平奖感言，他指出，这个奖表达出人类的最高理想，并战争有时无可避免，但人类应让历史朝着正义的方向前进，以下是讲话全文：

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AT THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE Oslo City Hall, Oslo, Norway

December 10, 2009 奥巴马总统在诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上的讲话 挪威奥斯陆市政大厅 2009年12月10日

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses，distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

国王和王后陛下，各位殿下，杰出的挪威诺贝尔委员会（Norwegian Nobel Committee）委员，美国公民及全世界公民们：

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility.It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations--that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate.Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.获此殊荣，我深怀感激并深表谦恭。这个奖表达出我们的最高理想——尽管这个世界存在种种凶残困苦，但我们并不任命运摆布。我们的行动是有作用的，能够推动历史向正义方向发展。

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated.(Laughter.)In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage.Compared to some of the giants of history who‟ve received this prize--Schweitzer and King;Marshall and Mandela--my accomplishments are slight.And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice;those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering;the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics.I cannot argue with those who find these men and women--some known, some obscure to all but those they help--to be far more deserving of this honor than I.不过，如果不坦承你们这项厚爱有加的决定所引起的相当激烈的争议，那我就有失疏忽了。（笑声）其中部分原因是，我在世界舞台上的奋斗才刚刚开始，而不是接近尾声。与曾经获此殊荣的一些历史巨人相比——史怀哲（Schweitzer）和马丁·路德·金(King)；马歇尔(Marshall)和曼德拉(Mandela)——我的成就微不足道。还有全世界为追求正义而遭到监禁和欧打的男女志士；那些为减轻苦难而在人道组织中艰辛工作的人；那千百万默默无闻地以充满勇气和关爱的无声行动让最悲观的愤世嫉俗者也受到感召的人们。我绝不反驳那些认为这样的男女志士——有些知名，有些只为他们所帮助的对象所知 ——远比我有资格获此殊荣的看法。

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars.One of these wars is winding down.The other is a conflict that America did not seek;one in which we are joined by 42 other countries--including Norway--in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.但与我获奖有关的最深层的问题可能在于我是一个正打着两场战争的国家的三军统帅。其中一场战争已接近尾声。另一场并非是美国挑起的冲突；有包括挪威在内的42个国家在与我们共同努力，为的是保护我们及其他所有国家不再遭受攻击。

Still, we are at war, and I‟m responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land.Some will kill, and some will be killed.And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict--filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.然而，我们仍处在战争时期，是我派遣成千上万名美国年轻人远赴战场。有些人要杀射，有些人要被杀射。因此，我是带着对武装冲突的代价的敏锐感觉来到这里的——心中充满有关战争与和平的关系以及我们为用和平取代战争而努力的难题。

Now these questions are not new.War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man.At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned;it was simply a fact, like drought or disease--the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.而这些问题并不新鲜。战争，以这样或那样的形式，随着人类的诞生而出现。在历史初期，战争的道义性无人质疑；它是如同干旱或疾病一样的现实——是各个部落以及后来的各种文明谋求权力和解决分歧的方式。

And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war.The concept of a “just war” emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense;if the force used is proportional;and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.后来，随着旨在控制群体内部暴力的规范的出现，哲学家、宗教领袖和政治家也纷纷致力于用条文限制战争的破坏力。“正义战争”的概念由此形成，亦即认为，在符合以下几个具体条件时，战争是正义的：如果战争是最后手段或是为自我防御；如果武力程度适当；以及在一切可能的情况下不对平民使用暴力。

Of course, we know that for most of history, this concept of “just war” was rarely observed.The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God.Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations--total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred.In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent.And while it‟s hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.当然，我们都知道，在人类历史的大部分时间内，这种“正义战争”的概念鲜被理会。人类显然有无穷的能力不断想出新的方式相互残杀，同样也有无穷的能力毫不怜惜那些外貌不同或信仰不同的人。军队之间的战争变成国家间的战争——模糊了战斗人员与平民界线的全面战争。这种战争大屠杀曾在30年内两度侵吞这块大陆。虽然难以设想还有什么比击败第三帝国（Third Reich）和轴心国（Axis powers）更正义的事业，但在第二次世界大战中死亡的平民总数超过了战死疆场的军人。

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to

victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war.And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations--an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize--America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons.在这种毁灭之后，并且随着核时代的到来，战胜者与战败者同样清楚地认识到，这个世界需要有防止另一次世界大战的机制。为此，在美国参议院拒绝接受国际联盟（League of Nations）的四分之一世纪后——而伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）正因为提出成立国联的设想而荣获诺贝尔和平奖，美国带动世界建起维护和平的体制：马歇尔计划(Marshall Plan)和联合国，对发动战争的规范，以及保护人权、防止种族灭绝大屠杀和限制最危险武器的各项条约。

In many ways, these efforts succeeded.Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed.But there has been no Third World War.The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall.Commerce has stitched much of the world together.Billions have been lifted from poverty.The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced.We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.这些努力在很多方面获得了成功。不错，可怕的战争仍然发生，种种暴行依然出现，但第三次世界大战没有爆发。冷战以兴高采烈的人群推倒一堵墙而告结束；商贸将世界大片地区紧密连在了一起；数十亿人口摆脱了贫困；自由、自决、平等和法治的理想断断续续地向前推进。我们是先辈们的坚韧精神和远大目光的继承人，这是我自己的国家有理由为之感到骄傲的业绩。

And yet, a decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats.The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe.Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.然而，在进入新世纪已10年之际，这一旧有的架构正在越来越难撑新生威胁的重压。世界或许不再为两个超级核大国之间可能发生战争而颤栗，但核扩散可能会增加发生巨大灾难的危险。恐怖主义一贯是一种手段，但现代技术会使少数怒火超量的小人以可怕的规模残杀无辜。

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations.The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts;the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states--all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos.In today‟s wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers;the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred.而且，国与国的战争正在日益被国家内部的战争所取代。民族和宗派冲突的重新抬头、分离主义运动、叛乱活动和失控国家的增加，都越来越将平民困于无休止的**中。在今天的战争中，平民的死亡大大超过军人；埋下未来冲突的种子；破坏经济；摧毁公民社会；形成大批难民；使儿童遭受创伤。

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war.What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those

men and women who acted so boldly decades ago.And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.我今天没有带来对战争问题的决定性解决办法。但我确知，应对这些挑战要求具有几十年前那些英勇无畏的前辈所具有的远见、勤劳和坚韧不拔。这需要我们从新的角度思考正义战争的含义和正义和平的必备条件。

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes.There will be times when nations--acting individually or in concert--will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.我们必须首先承认这个严峻的现实：在我们的有生之年，我们不会根除暴力冲突。会有一些时候，国家——不论是单独或共同行动——发现使用武力不仅必要，而且为道义所需。

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr.said in this same ceremony years ago: “Violence never brings permanent peace.It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones.” As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr.King‟s life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence.I know there‟s nothing weak--nothing passive--nothing na?ve--in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.我说这番话时并没有忘记马丁·路德·金（Martin Luther King Jr.）多年前在这同一仪式上说过的话：“暴力永远不会带来持久和平。它解决不了社会问题：只会制造新的、更复杂的问题”。我站在这里，作为金博士毕生奋斗的直接受益者，就是对非暴力的道义力量的活见证。我知道在甘地（Gandhi）和马丁·路德·金的信念与人生中，绝无软弱——绝无消极——绝无天真。

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone.I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people.For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world.A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler‟s armies.Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda‟s leaders to lay down their arms.To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism--it is a recognition of history;the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.但是，作为宣誓保卫自己国家的一国元首，我不能只以他们的榜样为指南。我面对的世界是现实的世界，我不能面对美国人民遭到的威胁无动于衷。因为，切莫误会：邪恶在世界上确实存在。一场非暴力运动不可能阻止希特勒的军队。谈判不能说服基地（al Qaeda）组织的头目放下武器。说武力有时是必要的并不是让大家变得愤世嫉俗——这是承认历史；是人类的不完美和情理的限度。

I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause.And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world‟s sole military superpower.我说起这一点，我以这一点开头，因为今天在许多国家，对军事行动，不管出于什么理由，都存在一种深深的矛盾心理。有时候，这种矛盾又掺杂着对美国，这个世界上惟一的超级大国的一种反射性的不信任。

But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions--not just treaties and declarations--that brought stability to a post-World War II world.Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms.The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans.We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will.We have done so out of enlightened self-interest--because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others‟ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.但世人必须记住，不简单地是因为国际体制——不只是条约和宣言——才给二战后的世界带来稳定。不管我们犯了多少错误，一个明白的事实是：美利坚合众国在60 多年里，以自己公民的鲜血和军力，帮助维护和保证了世界的安全。我们的男女军人的贡献与牺牲促进了从德国到韩国的和平与繁荣，使民主能在像巴尔干这样的地方扎根。我们承受这些重负并不是因为我们谋求强加我们的意志。我们这样做是出于开化的自身利益——因为我们为我们的子子孙孙追求更美好的未来。我们相信如果别人的子子孙孙能生活在自由和繁荣中，他们的生活会更好。

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace.And yet this truth must coexist with another--that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy.The soldier‟s courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms.But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.所以，是的，战争的手段确实在保卫和平中具有作用。但这个事实必须同另一个事实共存——不管理由多么正当，战争导致人间悲剧。军人的勇敢和牺牲无比光荣，表达了对国家、事业、战友的忠诚。但战争本身决不光荣，我们决不能如此宣扬。

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths--that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly.Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago.“Let us focus,” he said, “on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions.” A gradual evolution of human institutions.因此，我们面对的挑战部分来自于调和这两个看似不可调和的事实——战争有时必要，战争在某种程度上是人类愚蠢的表现。具体说，我们必须把我们的努力放在肯尼迪总统（Kennedy）很久以前所指出的使命上。他说：“让我们把注意力，集中在更实际，更能取得的和平上，这种和平不是基于人类本性的突发革命，而是基于人类体制的逐渐演进。”

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?

这种演进可能具有何种形式？哪些可能是切实可行的步骤？

To begin with, I believe that all nations--strong and weak alike--must adhere to standards that govern the use of force.I--like any head of state--reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation.Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don‟t.首先，我认为所有国家，无论强弱，都必须遵循对使用武力的规范。与任何国家元首一样，我保留在必要时采取单边行动保卫自己国家的权利。然而，我确信遵循标准——国际标准——的国家更有力量，而那些不遵循标准的国家会陷于孤立，并且被削弱。

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in

Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense.Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait--a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.“9.11” 之后，全世界团结一致，与美国站在一起，并在今天继续支持我们在阿富汗的努力，这是滥杀无辜的残忍与公认的自卫原则使然。同样，当萨达姆·侯赛因（Saddam Hussein）入侵科威特时，世界也认识到必须与其抗衡。这一共识发出的清晰信息是：侵略必须付出代价。

Furthermore, America--in fact, no nation--can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves.For when we don‟t, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified.另外，美国──以及任何国家──都不能在自己拒绝遵守规则时要求别人遵守规则。如果我们不以身作则，我们的行动就会表现为专横武断，使未来进行干预的合理性受到影响，无论理由多么充足。

And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor.More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.当军事行动的目的超越了自卫或帮助某一国抵抗侵略者的防卫行动时，这一点变得尤其重要。我们大家都越来越多地面对棘手的问题：如何防止一国政府屠杀本国的平民？如何制止一场其暴行和所导致的痛苦会殃及整个地区的内战?

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war.Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later.That‟s why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.我认为，基于人道理由的武力是正当的，例如在巴尔干地区或饱经战乱的其他地区。不采取行动不仅折磨我们的良心，还会导致未来以更高的代价进行干预。因此，所有负责任的国家都必须相信使命明确的军事行动所能够发挥的维护和平作用。（音频至此）

America‟s commitment to global security will never waver.But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone.America alone cannot secure the peace.This is true in Afghanistan.This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering.And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.美国将矢志不渝地致力于确保全球安全。然而，在这个威胁日益蔓延、使命日趋复杂的世界里，美国不能独自行动。美国独自行动不能带来和平。在阿富汗如此，在恐怖主义和海盗伴随饥荒肆虐、人民受苦受难的索马里等政府失控的国家也是如此。不幸的是，这种状况在今后岁月里会继续存在于动荡地区。

The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries, and other friends and allies, demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they‟ve shown in Afghanistan.But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public.I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it.Peace requires responsibility.Peace entails sacrifice.That‟s why NATO continues to be indispensable.That‟s why we must strengthen U.N.and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries.That‟s why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome;to Ottawa and Sydney;to Dhaka and Kigali--we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers--but as wagers of peace.在阿富汗，北约国家以及其他友邦和盟国的领导人和军人以自身能力和勇气证实了上述论断。可是，在许多国家中，奉献者作出的努力与公众的矛盾心理之间存在脱节。我理解战争不受欢迎的原因，但我也知道：单凭向往和平的美好意愿很少能够带来和平。和平需要承担责任。和平需要作出牺牲。这是继续不能没有北约的原因。这是我们必须加强联合国及地区维和行动，不能将此重任推卸给少数几个国家的原因。因此，无论是在奥斯陆或罗马、渥太华或悉尼、达卡或基加利，我们都对那些完成维和行动与海外培训任务归来的军人给予极大的荣誉，因为他们不是战争制造者，而是和平缔造者。

Let me make one final point about the use of force.Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it.The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant--the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.请允许我对使用武力的问题最后再说明一点。即使我们对出兵参战一事作出了艰难的决定，我们还必须认真考虑我们如何参加作战。诺贝尔委员会在向亨利·杜南（Henry Dunant）颁发第一个和平奖时认识到这一点。亨利·杜南是红十字会（Red Cross）创始人、《日内瓦公约》（Geneva Conventions）的幕后推动力量。

Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct.And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war.That is what makes us different from those whom we fight.That is a source of our strength.That is why I prohibited torture.That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed.And that is why I have reaffirmed America‟s commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions.We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend.(Applause.)And we honor--we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it‟s easy, but when it is hard.凡有必要使用武力的地方，我们出于道义与战略上的考虑，需要受某些行为准则的制约。即使我们遇到不遵守任何规则的邪恶对手，我认为美利坚合众国也必须一如既往成为遵守战争规范的楷模。这就是我们区别于作战对手的地方。这就是我们力量的源泉。这就是我禁止酷刑的原因。这就是我下令关闭关塔那摩湾监狱的原因。这就是我重申美国坚决遵守《日内瓦公约》的原因。我们为保卫自己的理想而战，如果我们放弃这些理想，我们就会自取其咎。（掌声）我们维护——我们维护这些理想，不论如何顺利，也不论如何艰难，都对这些理想恪守不渝。

I have spoken at some length to the question that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war.But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.我刚才比较详细地谈到我们在选择出兵参战之际，必须深思熟虑的问题。现在让我转而谈一谈我们为避免这类悲剧性的选择进行的努力，谈一谈我们维护正义和缔造持久和平的三个途径。

First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior--for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something.Those

regimes that break the rules must be held accountable.Sanctions must exact a real price.Intransigence must be met with increased pressure--and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.首先，对于那些不遵守规则和法律的国家，我认为我们必须采取一些除武力之外的其他方式，但需要有足以改变其行为方式的强硬措施——因为如果我们希望实现持久和平，那么国际社会说的话必须算数。不遵守规则的国家必须承担责任。各种制裁必须迫使对方付出实际的代价。如果拒不悔改，则必须施加更大的压力借以抗衡 ——全世界只有通力合作才有可能施加这样的压力。

One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them.In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power;those without nuclear weapons will forsake them;and those with nuclear weapons will work towards disarmament.I am committed to upholding this treaty.It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy.And I‟m working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia‟s nuclear stockpiles.举例来说，努力防止核武器扩散，争取一个没有核武器的世界是一项迫在眉睫的工作。上世纪中叶，各国同意受一项条约的约束，其内容十分明确：各国都可以和平使用核能；没有核武器的国家将不谋求核武器；拥有核武器的国家将努力裁减核军备。我坚决支持这项条约。这是我采取的外交政策的核心。我正与梅德韦杰夫（Medvedev）总统为削减美国和俄罗斯的核军备进行合作。

But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system.Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted.Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia.Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.但我们大家也都有责任坚决不允许伊朗和北韩等国家玩弄这个制度。声称尊重国际法的人不能在这些法律遭到践踏时视而不见。关心自己安全的人无法忽视中东或东亚地区军备竞赛的危险。希望和平的人不可在一些国家为发动核战争建立军备时袖手旁观。

The same principle applies to those who violate international laws by brutalizing their own people.When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo, repression in Burma--there must be consequences.Yes, there will be engagement;yes, there will be diplomacy--but there must be consequences when those things fail.And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.同样的原则也适用于那些违反国际法，残酷压榨本国人民的人。当达尔富尔地区出现种族大屠杀，当刚果发生层出不穷的强奸事件，当缅甸采取镇压行动的时候——必然会产生后果。是的，会进行接触，也会有外交行动——但当这些做法无法奏效时，必然会产生后果。我们如果更密切地合作，就很少有必要在武装干预和纵容专制压迫之间进行选择。

This brings me to a second point--the nature of the peace that we seek.For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict.Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.这就关系到我要讲的第二点——我们所寻求的和平的性质。和平并不仅仅意味着没有可见的冲突，只有基于每个人与

生俱来的权利和尊严正义的和平才是真正的持久和平。

It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War.In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.在第二次世界大战以后，正是这种真知灼见给了《世界人权宣言》（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）的起草者们以动力。在巨大的灾难之后，他们意识到，如果人权得不到保护，那么和平只是空洞的承诺。

And yet too often, these words are ignored.For some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are somehow Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation‟s development.And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists--a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world.但是，人权宣言被漠视的状况屡见不鲜。某些国家将人权原则是西方原则、与当地文化格格不入、不符合国家发展阶段等作为不维护人权的不实借口。在美国，那些自称为现实主义者或理想主义者的人之间，长期以来也存在矛盾——它代表着在狭隘地谋求利益与无休止地在全世界推行我们的价值观之间的僵化选择。

I reject these choices.I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please;choose their own leaders or assemble without fear.Pent-up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence.We also know that the opposite is true.Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace.America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens.No matter how callously defined, neither America‟s interests--nor the world‟s--are served by the denial of human aspirations.我拒绝这些选择。我认为，在那些公民无权自由发表意见或按照自己的意愿信教、不能选择自己的领导人或自由集会的地方，和平是不稳定的。被压抑的不满情绪会激起怨恨，压制部族和宗教的认同可能引发暴力反抗。我们也知道其实相反的情况。欧洲在赢得自由之后才最终享有和平。美国从来没有同民主国家交战，我们最亲密的友邦也都是保护其公民权利的政府。不管多么苛刻地界定，压制人的理想不会有利于美国的利益，也不会有利于世界的利益。

So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal.We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi;to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings;to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran.It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation.And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements--these movements of hope and history--they have us on their side.因此，即使在我们尊重不同国家的独特文化和传统的同时，美国仍将一如既往地为这些全人类共同的理想而大声疾呼。我们将为昂山素季（Aung Sang Suu Kyi）那样具有沉静尊严的改革者见证；为不惧殴打而参加投票的津巴布韦人的勇气见证；为成千上万名在伊朗街头默默游行的人见证。这些都说明，那些政府的领导人对本国人民的理想的畏惧甚于任何其他国家的力量。全世界所有自由的人民和自由的国家都有责任明确宣告，我们站在这些行动——希望和历史的行动——的一边。

Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone.At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy.I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation.But I also know that sanctions without outreach--condemnation without discussion--can carry forward only a crippling status quo.No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.我还要这样说：促进人权不能仅限于规劝告诫。有时还必须辅以艰苦的外交努力。我知道，与压制性政权接触没有义愤填膺来得畅快。我也知道，如果一味制裁而没有主动接触，如果一味谴责而没有对话，只能保持一个有害的现状。任何压制性政权都不可能改弦易辙，除非它们有可以选择的出路。

In light of the Cultural Revolution‟s horrors, Nixon‟s meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable--and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty and connected to open societies.Pope John Paul‟s engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa.Ronald Reagan‟s efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe.There‟s no simple formula here.But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.鉴于文化大革命的种种恐怖，尼克松与毛泽东的会晤似乎不可饶恕——但是，这确实帮助中国走上了另一条道路，千百万中国人摆脱了贫困并与开放社会建立了联系。教皇约翰·保罗（Pope John Paul）与波兰的接触不仅为天主教教会，也为列赫·瓦文萨（Lech Walesa）等工会领袖拓宽了空间。罗纳德·里根（Ronald Reagan）为武器控制所作的努力以及对苏联改革的欢迎不仅与苏联改善了关系，也给整个东欧的持不同政见者增添了力量。这里并没有一个简单的公式，但我们必须尽可能在孤立与接触、施压与鼓励之间找到平衡，以使人权和尊严能够与时俱进。

Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights--it must encompass economic security and opportunity.For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.第三，正义的和平不仅包括公民和政治权利——它还必须包括经济安全保障与机会。因为真正的和平不仅摆脱恐惧，而且无乏匮之虞。

It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security;it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive.It does not exist where children can‟t aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family.The absence of hope can rot a society from within.无可置疑，如果没有安全保障，发展难以扎根；同样肯定的是，在人们缺少生存所需的衣食，净水、医药和住所的地方，不会有安全。在孩子没有希望受到良好教育或人们没有可能得到工作养家的地方，不会有安全。无望会使社会从内部恶化。

And that‟s why helping farmers feed their own people--or nations educate their children and care for the sick--is not mere charity.It‟s also why the world must come together to confront climate change.There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement--all of which will fuel more conflict for decades.For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and

forceful action--it‟s military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance.因此，帮助农民养活本国人民——或帮助一个国家教育本国儿童并照顾病患——不仅仅是慈善之举。这也是全世界必须共同应对气候变化的原因。几乎毫无争议的科学事实是，如果我们无所行动，我们将面临更多的干旱、更多的饥荒、更大规模的流离失所——所有这一切都将在未来几十年引发更大冲突。为此，不仅是科学家和环保人士呼吁采取迅速和有力的行动——我国和其他国家的军事领袖也都知道，我们的共同安全处在紧要关头。

Agreements among nations.Strong institutions.Support for human rights.Investments in development.All these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about.And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more--and that‟s the continued expansion of our moral imagination;an insistence that there‟s something irreducible that we all share.各国间的协议。强有力的机制。对人权的支持。投资于发展。所有这一切都是实现肯尼迪总统所说的逐渐演进的至关重要的要素。然而，我认为，如果没有另一个要素，我们就不会有意志、决心、持久力去完成这项工作——而这便是我们不断扩展的道德想象力；一个对我们共同享有某种无法削弱的东西的坚定信念。

As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are;to understand that we‟re all basically seeking the same things;that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.随着世界越来越小，人们可能认为，人类会更容易认识到我们是多么相似；懂得我们基本上都在追求同样的东西；我们都希望在我们一生中，给我们自己和我们的家人带来某种程度的幸福感和满足感。

And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities--their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion.In some places, this fear has led to conflict.At times, it even feels like we‟re moving backwards.We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden.We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.但是，由于全球化令人眩目的进程以及现代化带来的文化趋同，人们担心丧失他们所珍视的自身特征——他们的种族、部族，以及也许最强有力的，他们的宗教。在有些地方，这种担心导致冲突。有时，我们甚至好像在倒退。在中东，随着阿拉伯人与犹太人之间的冲突似乎深化，我们看到了这种情形。我们在因部族间的冲突而四分五裂的国家看到这种情形。

And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan.These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God;the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded.But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war.For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint--no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or the Red Cross worker, or even a person of one‟s own faith.Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it‟s incompatible with the very purpose of

faith--for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.最危险的是，我们看到，宗教是怎样被那些歪曲并玷污伟大的伊斯兰教，以及那些从阿富汗向我国发动攻击的人当作谋杀无辜的借口。这些极端分子不是第一批以上帝名义进行屠杀的人；对十字军（Crusades）的暴行有大量记录。但是这些提醒我们，圣战绝不会是正义的战争。因为如果当人真的认为自己是在替天行道时，就根本不必有所收敛——不必对孕妇、对医务人员、对红十字会工作者、甚或有自身宗教信仰的人留情。这样一种扭曲的宗教观不仅与和平的理念不相容，而且我认为它与信仰的目的本身不相容——因为每一个主要宗教的核心教义都是，己所不欲，勿施于人。

Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature.For we are fallible.We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil.Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.坚持爱的法则常常是人性挣扎的主要内容。人难免要犯错误，我们会做错事，我们会受自负、权力、有时甚至邪念所诱。即使是我们中那些最怀善意的人们有时也未能改斜纠偏。

But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected.We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place.The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached--their fundamental faith in human progress--that must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.然而，即使我们知道人性不是完美的，我们仍然可以相信，人类的状态是可以改善的；即使我们生活其中的世界不是个理想世界，我们仍然能够追求让它变得更美好的理想。甘地与马丁·路德·金等人所实践的非暴力也许不是在所有情形下都切合实际或者可行，但他们所宣扬的爱——即他们对于人类进步的基本信念——必须永远是指引我们前行的北斗星。

For if we lose that faith--if we dismiss it as silly or na?ve;if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace--then we lose what‟s best about humanity.We lose our sense of possibility.We lose our moral compass.因为，如果我们丧失了那个信念——如果我们觉得它愚蠢或过于天真而不屑一顾；如果我们在就战争与和平问题决策时抛开了它——那么我们就丧失了人性中最美好的东西，我们就失去了能为的信念，我们就失去了道德指南针。

Like generations have before us, we must reject that future.As Dr.King said at this occasion so many years ago, “I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history.I refuse to accept the idea that the „isness‟ of man‟s present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal „oughtness‟ that forever confronts him.”

和以往世世代代的人们一样，我们必须拒绝接受这样的未来。多年前，金博士在同样的场合曾经说道：“我拒绝接受以绝望作为对历史含糊性的最后反应。我拒绝接受所谓反映人类现实状况的‘实然’(isness)使其无法从道义上达到永远需要面对的终极‘应然’（oughtness）。”

Let us reach for the world that ought to be--that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls.(Applause.)

让我们努力达到世界应该达到的境界——神圣的火花仍然在我们每一个人的灵魂中激荡。（掌声）

Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he‟s outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace.Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on.Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, scrapes together what few coins she has to send that child to school--because she believes that a cruel world still has a place for that child‟s dreams.今天，在某一个地方，此时此刻，在现实的世界上，一名士兵知道自己势薄力单，但仍然坚定地维护和平。今天，在某一个地方，在这个世界上，一位年轻的示威者知道将受到政府的残酷镇压，但她仍然有勇气大步前进。今天，在某一个地方，一位母亲受尽贫困的折磨，但仍然不惜花时间教育自己的孩子，凑集仅有的一些零钱送孩子上学——因为她相信，在这个残酷的世界上，仍然有一线空间可以实现孩子的梦想。

Let us live by their example.We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice.We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity.Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace.We can do that--for that is the story of human progress;that‟s the hope of all the world;and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.让我们以他们为榜样生活。我们可以承认，压迫将经常伴随着我们，但我们仍奋力争取正义。我们可以认为，腐化难以消除，但我们仍积极要求获得尊严。保持清醒的头脑，我们可以知道，战争将会爆发，但我们仍努力争取和平。我们可以做到——因为这是人类进步的历程；这是全世界的希望；在当前面临挑战的时刻，这必须是我们在全球从事的工作。

Thank you very much.(Applause.)

多谢诸位。（掌声）

第三篇：美国总统奥巴马在联合国大会上的讲话

2009年9月3日，在第64届联合国大会开始一般性辩论之际，美国总统奥巴马出席会议并发表讲话。以下是讲话全文： Remarks by the U.S.President to the United Nations Gerneral Assembly United Nations Headquarters September 23, 2009

美国总统奥巴马在联合国大会上的讲话 联合国总部 2009年9月23日

Good morning.Mr.President, Mr.Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen, it is my honor to address you for the first time as the 44th President of the United States.(Applause.)I come before you humbled by the responsibility that the American people have placed upon me, mindful of the enormous challenges of our moment in history, and determined to act boldly and collectively on behalf of justice and prosperity at home and abroad.早上好。主席先生、秘书长先生、各位代表，女士们、先生们：我荣幸地作为美国第44任总统首次在这里发表讲话。（掌声）站在各位面前，美国人民赋予我的重任令我不胜荣幸；我深知我们这个历史时期所面临的巨大挑战；并决意为了国内外的正义和繁荣而采取大胆的集体行动。

I have been in office for just nine months--though some days it seems a lot longer.I am well aware of the expectations that accompany my presidency around the world.These expectations are not about me.Rather, they are rooted, I believe, in a discontent with a status quo that has allowed us to be increasingly defined by our differences, and outpaced by our problems.But they are also rooted in hope--the hope that real change is possible, and the hope that America will be a leader in bringing about such change.我就任总统只有9个月——但在有些日子里这段时间却显得漫长。我深知全世界对我就任总统的瞩望。在我看来，这些瞩望并非针对我个人，而是植根于一种对现状的不满，因为我们越来越被分歧所左右，疲于应付种种问题。但这些瞩望亦植根于希望——希望真正的变革有可能实现，希望美国在推动这种变革的过程中走在前面。

I took office at a time when many around the world had come to view America with skepticism and distrust.Part of this was due to misperceptions and misinformation about my country.Part of this was due to opposition to specific policies, and a belief that on certain critical issues, America has acted unilaterally, without regard for the interests of others.And this has fed an almost reflexive anti-Americanism, which too often has served as an excuse for collective inaction.在我就任总统时，全世界有很多人用怀疑和不信任的眼光看待美国，其中部分原因是对我国的误解和信息失实，还有一部分原因是对具体政策的反对，认为美国在某些关键问题上采取单边行动，不考虑他人的利益。这滋长了一种几乎是反射性的反美主义，而这种情绪又往往成为我们不采取集体行动的借口。

Now, like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and I will never apologize for defending those interests.But it is my deeply held belief that in the year 2009--more than at any point in human history--the interests of nations and peoples are shared.The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people, or they can tear us apart.The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken it.The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it.What happens to the hope of a single child--anywhere--can enrich our world, or impoverish it.同各位一样，我的职责是采取符合本国和本国人民利益的行动，我绝不会为捍卫这些利益而道歉。但我深深感到，与人类历史上任何一个时期相比，在 2009年各个国家及其人民之间都更具有共同的利益。我们心中怀有的宗教信念能够在人民之间缔结新的纽带，也能在我们之间制造隔阂。我们掌控的技术能够照亮通向和平的道路，也能永远将其笼罩在黑暗之中。我们使用的能源能够维持我们这个星球的生存，也能造成它的毁灭。如何对待每一个儿童心中的希望——无论在任何地方——能使我们的世界变得富饶，也能使之变得贫瘠。

In this hall, we come from many places, but we share a common future.No longer do we have the luxury of indulging our differences to the exclusion of the work that we must do together.I have carried this message from London to Ankara;from Port of Spain to Moscow;from Accra to Cairo;and it is what I will speak about today--because the time has come for the world to move in a new direction.We must embrace a new era of engagement based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and our work must begin now.在这个大厅里，我们来自四面八方，却拥有一个共同的未来。我们再也不能沉溺于分歧之中，以至于延误我们必须共同从事的工作。从伦敦（London）到安卡拉（Ankara），从西班牙港（Port of Spain）到莫斯科（Moscow），从阿克拉（Accra）到开罗（Cairo），我到处传播一个信息，并将在今天予以重申——因为现在是全世界向一个新方向迈进的时候了。我们必须迎接一个在共同利益和相互尊重的基础上进行接触的新纪元，我们的工作必须现在开始。

We know the future will be forged by deeds and not simply words.Speeches alone will not solve our problems--it will take persistent action.For those who question the character and cause of my nation, I ask you to look at the concrete actions we have taken in just nine months.我们知道，开创未来不能仅凭言词，还要有行动。光靠演说不能解决我们的问题——必须要有坚持不懈的行动。因此，对那些质疑我国的品格和事业的人，我请你们看一看我们在短短9个月中所采取的具体行动。

On my first day in office, I prohibited--without exception or equivocation--the use of torture by the United States of America.(Applause.)I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed, and we are doing the hard work of forging a framework to combat extremism within the rule of law.Every nation must know: America will live its values, and we will lead by example.在我就任总统的第一天，我宣布美国毫无例外、坚定不移地禁止酷刑。（掌声）我下令关闭设在关塔那摩湾（Guantanamo Bay）的关押设施，我们正在从事在法治范围内制定一个打击极端主义的框架的艰巨工作。每个国家都必须明白：美国将信守其价值观，我们将发挥表率作用。

We have set a clear and focused goal: to work with all members of this body to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies--a network that has killed thousands of people of many faiths and nations, and that plotted to blow up this very building.In Afghanistan and Pakistan, we and many nations here are helping these governments develop the capacity to take the lead in this effort, while working to advance opportunity and security for their people.我们制定了坚定不移的明确目标：同联合国所有成员共同努力，打击、摧垮并击溃基地组织（al Qaeda）及其极端主义同伙——这个网络杀害了持不同信仰、来自不同国家的成千上万的民众，并曾策划炸毁这座大楼。在阿富汗（Afghanistan）和巴基斯坦（Pakistan），我们和在座的很多国家正在帮助这两个国家的政府建设主导这项行动的能力，同时努力为这两个国家的人民增进机会和安全。

In Iraq, we are responsibly ending a war.We have removed American combat brigades from Iraqi cities, and set a deadline of next August to remove all our combat brigades from Iraqi territory.And I have made clear that we will help Iraqis transition to full responsibility for their future, and keep our commitment to remove all American troops by the end of 2011.在伊拉克，我们正在负责任地结束这场战争。我们已将美国作战部队撤离伊拉克各个城市，并确定了到明年8月将我国所有作战部队撤离伊拉克领土的期限。我还明确表示，我们将帮助伊拉克人为掌握他们的未来向全面行使权力过渡，并将履行到2011年年底将全部美国军队撤离的承诺。

I have outlined a comprehensive agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons.In Moscow, the United States and Russia announced that we would pursue substantial reductions in our strategic warheads and launchers.At the Conference on Disarmament, we agreed on a work plan to negotiate an end to the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons.And this week, my Secretary of State will become the first senior American representative to the annual Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.我提出了一项综合议程，寻求实现一个没有核武器的世界的目标。在莫斯科，美国和俄罗斯共同宣布大幅度削减我们的战略弹头和发射器。在裁军会议（Conference on Disarmament）上，我们赞同一项工作计划，通过谈判终止用于制造核武器的可裂变物质的生产。这个星期，我国国务卿将成为出席性《全面禁止核试验条约》缔约国会议（Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty）的第一位高层美国代表。

Upon taking office, I appointed a Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and America has worked steadily and aggressively to advance the cause of two states--Israel and Palestine--in which peace and security take root, and the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians are respected.我在就任之初便任命了一位中东和平事务特使（Special Envoy for Middle East Peace），美国一直在稳步地、积极地推进以色列（Israel）和巴勒斯坦（Palestine）两国并存的方针——让和平与安全扎下根基，让以色列人和巴勒斯坦人的权利同时得到尊重。

To confront climate change, we have invested $80 billion in clean energy.We have substantially increased our fuel-efficiency standards.We have provided new incentives for conservation, launched an energy partnership across the Americas, and moved from a bystander to a leader in international climate negotiations.为应对气候变化，我们已投资800亿美元发展清洁能源。我们大幅度提高了燃料效率标准。我们制定了新的鼓励节能的措施，在美洲国家中发起了一项能源合作计划，并在国际气候谈判中从一个旁观者变成了一名领袖。

To overcome an economic crisis that touches every corner of the world, we worked with the G20 nations to forge a coordinated international response of over $2 trillion in stimulus to bring the global economy back from the brink.We mobilized resources that helped prevent the crisis from spreading further to developing countries.And we joined with others to launch a $20 billion global food security initiative that will lend a hand to those who need it most, and help them build their own capacity.为度过一场波及全世界各个角落的经济危机，我们与G20成员国共同制定了相互协调的国际性举措，以超过2万亿美元的刺激计划挽救了濒临崩溃的全球经济。我们调动资源，帮助阻止这场危机进一步波及发展中国家。我们还与其他一些国家共同发起了一项200亿美元的全球粮食保障计划，向最需要救助的人伸出援手，并帮助他们进行能力建设。

We've also re-engaged the United Nations.We have paid our bills.We have joined the Human Rights Council.(Applause.)We have signed the Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.We have fully embraced the Millennium Development Goals.And we address our priorities here, in this institution--for instance, through the Security Council meeting that I will chair tomorrow on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and through the issues that I will discuss today.我们还重新参与联合国事务。我们支付了会费。我们加入了理事会（Human Rights Council）。（掌声）我们签署了《残疾利公约》（Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities）。我们全面采纳了千年发展目标（Millennium Development Goals）。我们在这里，在这个机制内提出我们的重点议题——例如通过我明天将主持的有关核不扩散和裁军问题的安理会（Security Council）会议，以及通过我今天要谈到的一系列问题。

This is what we have already done.But this is just a beginning.Some of our actions have yielded progress.Some have laid the groundwork for progress in the future.But make no mistake: This cannot solely be America's endeavor.Those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world's problems alone.We have sought--in word and deed--a new era of engagement with the world.And now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a global response to global challenges.这就是我们已经做的。但只是一个开端。我们采取的一些行动已经取得进展。另外一些行动已为未来取得进展奠定了基础。但必须指出的是，这不仅仅是美国的事务。过去有人严厉抨击美国在全球单独行动，如今他们也不能袖手旁观，等待美国单独解决世界面临的问题。我们通过自己的言辞和行动，希望开辟与全世界进行接触的新时代。现在我们需要共同承担责任，做到全球一致努力应对全球性挑战。

Now, if we are honest with ourselves, we need to admit that we are not living up to that responsibility.Consider the course that we're on if we fail to confront the status quo: Extremists sowing terror in pockets of the world;protracted conflicts that grind on and on;genocide;mass atrocities;more nations with nuclear weapons;melting ice caps and ravaged populations;persistent poverty and pandemic disease.I say this not to sow fear, but to state a fact: The magnitude of our challenges has yet to be met by the measure of our actions.为此，我们如果实事求是，就必须承认我们还没有完全履行这项职责。如果我们不能扭转目前的现状，请设想一下我们今后面对的局面：极端主义分子在全世界各地制造恐怖；持续不断的冲突永无休止；种族灭绝；大规模屠杀；越来越多的国家拥有核武器；冰峰融化，人类饱受灾难；贫困持续存在，疾病蔓延。我所说的并非耸人听闻，而是说明一个事实：我们面临巨大的挑战，但我们的行动尚未能与之抗衡。

This body was founded on the belief that the nations of the world could solve their problems together.Franklin Roosevelt, who died before he could see his vision for this institution become a reality, put it this way--and I quote: “The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one nation….It cannot be a peace of large nations--or of small nations.It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world.”

联合国的建立以世界各国能够共同解决问题的信念为基础。富兰克林∙罗斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)去世前未能看到他设想的这个机构成为现实。罗斯福曾经表示——以下是我引用他的话：“世界和平的大厦不可能是一个人、一个政党或一个国家的产物„„。不能只有大国的和平——或只有小国的和平。和平必须以全世界同心协力为基础。”

The cooperative effort of the whole world.Those words ring even more true today, when it is not simply peace, but our very health and prosperity that we hold in common.Yet we also know that this body is made up of sovereign states.And sadly, but not surprisingly, this body has often become a forum for sowing discord instead of forging common ground;a venue for playing politics and exploiting grievances rather than solving problems.After all, it is easy to walk up to this podium and point figures--point fingers and stoke divisions.Nothing is easier than blaming others for our troubles, and absolving ourselves of responsibility for our choices and our actions.Anybody can do that.Responsibility and leadership in the 21st century demand more.全世界同心协力。今天,这些话语尤其重要，不仅为了实现和平，而且为了我们共同的兴旺与繁荣。然而，我们也了解，这个机构由主权国家组成。令人感到遗憾但并不意外的是，这个机构经常成为相互纷争的场所，而不是达成共识的场所；成为玩弄政治和利用不满情绪发难的场所，而不是解决问题的场所。总而言之，走上这个讲台相互指责——相互指责，助长，并不困难。将自己的问题归咎于他人，或者采取逃避责任的态度对待自己的选择和自己的行动，没有什么比这更容易。谁都能这样做。但是21世纪的责任和领导作用要求有更大的作为。

In an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero-sum game.No one nation can or should try to dominate another nation.No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will succeed.No balance of power among nations will hold.The traditional divisions between nations of the South and the North make no sense in an interconnected world;nor do alignments of nations rooted in the cleavages of a long-gone Cold War.置身于这个时代，我们的命运息息相关，权力不再依从你死我活的法则。没有哪一个国家能够或应该试图主宰另一个国家。任何将一个国家或一个群体置于他人之上的世界秩序不可能获得成功。强权的均势也不可能得到维持。在一个相互依存的世界上，传统上以南北方划分国家的方式已经毫无意义；在冷战早已结束的情况下，国家以阵营划分的格局也不再有意义。

The time has come to realize that the old habits, the old arguments, are irrelevant to the challenges faced by our people.They lead nations to act in opposition to the very goals that they claim to pursue--and to vote, often in this body, against the interests of their own people.They build up walls between us and the future that our people seek, and the time has come for those walls to come down.Together, we must build new coalitions that bridge old divides--coalitions of different faiths and creeds;of north and south, east, west, black, white, and brown.现在，应该认识到旧的惯例、旧的观点与各国人民面临的挑战已毫无关联。这些陈规陋习引导各国采取的行动往往与自身要求实现的目标背道而驰——各国采取的投票行动，包括经常在这个机构进行的投票，也往往违背了本国人民的利益。这些陈规陋习在我们与各国人民追求的未来之间筑起一道道墙，现在是拆除这些墙的时候了。我们必须同心协力建立有助于消除旧的分歧的新同盟——由不同信仰和信念组成的同盟；由南方与北方、东方与西方、黑人与白人和黄种人组成的同盟。

The choice is ours.We can be remembered as a generation that chose to drag the arguments of the 20th century into the 21st;that put off hard choices, refused to look ahead, failed to keep pace because we defined ourselves by what we were against instead of what we were for.Or we can be a generation that chooses to see the shoreline beyond the rough waters ahead;that comes together to serve the common interests of human beings, and finally gives meaning to the promise embedded in the name given to this institution: the United Nations.我们必须做出选择。我们这一代人可留给后人这样的记忆：把20世纪的争议带入21世纪，推迟做出艰难的选择，拒绝往前看，落后于时代，因为我们忙于设置障碍，而无暇创造未来。我们这一代人亦可留给后人另一种记忆：让我们的视野越过汹涌的波涛投向大洋彼岸，为了人类共同利益而走到一起，最终使联合国名称所蕴涵的希望开始变成现实。

That is the future America wants--a future of peace and prosperity that we can only reach if we recognize that all nations have rights, but all nations have responsibilities as well.That is the bargain that makes this work.That must be the guiding principle of international cooperation.这就是美国渴望的未来，一个和平与繁荣的未来，我们只有在承认所有国家拥有权利但同时又承担责任的时候才能如愿以偿。这是成功的必要条件，也必须是国际合作的指导原则。

Today, let me put forward four pillars that I believe are fundamental to the future that we want for our children: non-proliferation and disarmament;the promotion of peace and security;the preservation of our planet;and a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.今天，我谨在此提出四大要素，我认为这些要素对我们希望为后代所创造的未来至关重要：不扩散与裁军；促进和平与安全；保护我们的地球；以及为全体人民增进机会的全球经济。

First, we must stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and seek the goal of a world without them.首先，我们必须停止核武器的扩散，寻求一个没有核武器的世界。

This institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age, in part because man's capacity to kill had to be contained.For decades, we averted disaster, even under the shadow of a superpower stand-off.But today, the threat of proliferation is growing in scope and complexity.If we fail to act, we will invite nuclear arms races in every region, and the prospect of wars and acts of terror on a scale that we can hardly imagine.联合国成立于原子时代的初期，在一定程度上是为了遏制人类自相残杀的能力。几十年来，即使在超级大国对峙的阴影下，我们避免了灾难。然而，今天，扩散的威胁正在蔓延，也变得复杂化。我们如果不采取行动，就意味着鼓励各地区的核武器竞赛，战争阴影和恐怖行动蔓延的范围将超出我们的想象。

A fragile consensus stands in the way of this frightening outcome, and that is the basic bargain that shapes the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.It says that all nations have the right to peaceful nuclear energy;that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward disarmament;and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them.The next 12 months could be pivotal in determining whether this compact will be strengthened or will slowly dissolve.一个脆弱的共识防范着这一令人恐惧的结局，那就是构成《核不扩散条约》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)的基本条件。条约指出，所有国家有权发展和平用途的核能；拥有核武器的国家有责任向销毁武器迈进；没有核武器的国家有责任不发展核武器。该条约是得到加强还是被逐渐解除，今后十二个月可能至关重要。

America intends to keep our end of the bargain.We will pursue a new agreement with Russia to substantially reduce our strategic warheads and launchers.We will move forward with ratification of the Test Ban Treaty, and work with others to bring the treaty into force so that nuclear testing is permanently prohibited.We will complete a Nuclear Posture Review that opens the door to deeper cuts and reduces the role of nuclear weapons.And we will call upon countries to begin negotiations in January on a treaty to end the production of fissile material for weapons.美国愿意坚持我们的承诺。我们将寻求与俄罗斯达成新协议，大幅度削减我们的战略弹头和发射器。我们将为争取《禁止核试验条约》(Test Ban Treaty)的批准而努力，并将与其他方面合作使条约生效，永远禁止核试验。我们将完成《核态势审议》(Nuclear Posture Review)，从而为进一步削减核武器和减少其作用打开大门。我们将呼吁各国从明年一月开始谈判一项协议，以终止可用于武器的裂变材料的生产。

I will also host a summit next April that reaffirms each nation's responsibility to secure nuclear material on its territory, and to help those who can't--because we must never allow a single nuclear device to fall into the hands of a violent extremist.And we will work to strengthen the institutions and initiatives that combat nuclear smuggling and theft.我还将在明年四月主持一次高峰会议，该会议将重申各国有责任在自己国土内保障核材料安全，并为那些无法提供该保障的国家提供帮助——因为我们必须确保永远不会有一个核装置落在暴力极端分子的手中。我们将致力于加强那些打击核走私与核盗窃活动的机制和计划。

All of this must support efforts to strengthen the NPT.Those nations that refuse to live up to their obligations must face consequences.Let me be clear, this is not about singling out individual nations--it is about standing up for the rights of all nations that do live up to their responsibilities.Because a world in which IAEA inspections are avoided and the United Nation's demands are ignored will leave all people less safe, and all nations less secure.所有这一切都必须支持加强《不扩散核武器条约》的努力。凡是拒绝履行自己义务的国家必须面对各种后果。我谨在此申明，这不是要向某些个别国家兴师问罪–而是维护所有履行义务的国家的权利。因为一个逃避国际原子能机构（IAEA）核查、无视联合国要求的世界将会使所有的人更不安全和所有的国家更没有保障。

In their actions to date, the governments of North Korea and Iran threaten to take us down this dangerous slope.We respect their rights as members of the community of nations.I've said before and I will repeat, I am committed to diplomacy that opens a path to greater prosperity and more secure peace for both nations if they live up to their obligations.北韩和伊朗政府迄今为止采取的行动构成一种威胁，可能把我们推下这个危险的斜坡。我们尊重他们作为国际社会成员的权利。我以前曾经说过，¤Í在还要再说一遍：如果他们履行自己的义务，我将努力通过外交为这两个国家开辟一条通往更大繁荣和更有保障的和平的道路。

But if the governments of Iran and North Korea choose to ignore international standards;if they put the pursuit of nuclear weapons ahead of regional stability and the security and opportunity of their own people;if they are oblivious to the dangers of escalating nuclear arms races in both East Asia and the Middle East--then they must be held accountable.The world must stand together to demonstrate that international law is not an empty promise, and that treaties will be enforced.We must insist that the future does not belong to fear.但是，如果伊朗和北韩政府决意无视国际准则；如果他们把谋求核武器置于地区安全稳定和本国人民的机遇之上；如果他们将东亚和中东地区核军备竞赛升级的危险置之不顾–那么他们必须对此承担责任。全世界必须站在一起，表明国际法不是空洞的许诺，各项条约必将执行。未来不能属于恐惧，我们必须坚持这一立场。

That brings me to the second pillar for our future: the pursuit of peace.我现在谈一下我们的未来的第二项要素：追求和平。

The United Nations was born of the belief that the people of the world can live their lives, raise their families, and resolve their differences peacefully.And yet we know that in too many parts of the world, this ideal remains an abstraction--a distant dream.We can either accept that outcome as inevitable, and tolerate constant and crippling conflict, or we can recognize that the yearning for peace is universal, and reassert our resolve to end conflicts around the world.联合国的建立是基于这样一种信念：全世界人民都能够正常生活，养育子女，以和平方式消除分歧。但我们知道，这个理想在世界上太多的地方仍然是一种抽象的概念–一种遥不可及的空想。我们面临两种选择：要么接受这样的结果，把它视为不可避免的现实，容忍造成严重损害的经常性冲突；要么认识到渴望和平是普遍的愿望，并重下决心去结束世界各地的冲突。

That effort must begin with an unshakeable determination that the murder of innocent men, women and children will never be tolerated.On this, no one can be--there can be no dispute.The violent extremists who promote conflict by distorting faith have discredited and isolated themselves.They offer nothing but hatred and destruction.In confronting them, America will forge lasting partnerships to target terrorists, share intelligence, and coordinate law enforcement and protect our people.We will permit no safe haven for al Qaeda to launch attacks from Afghanistan or any other nation.We will stand by our friends on the front lines, as we and many nations will do in pledging support for the Pakistani people tomorrow.And we will pursue positive engagement that builds bridges among faiths, and new partnerships for opportunity.这种努力必须始于一种不可动摇的决心：绝不容忍对无辜的男女老少进行屠杀。关于这一点，没有人能–不可能有任何的争辩。通过扭曲信仰来加剧冲突的暴力极端分子已经败坏了自己的名声并孤立了自己。他们带来的只是仇恨和破坏。在与他们作斗争时，美国将打造持久的伙伴关系，以便把目标对准恐怖分子，分享情报，协调执法行动和保护人民。我们绝不允许“基地”组织有任何庇护所，并借此从阿富汗或任何其他国家发动袭击。我们将与我们的朋友共同站在第一线，正如明天我们和许多国家将要做的那样，保证为巴基斯坦人民提供援助。我们将寻求具有积极意义的接触，使这种接触在各种信仰之间架起桥梁，并建立带来机遇的新伙伴关系。

Our efforts to promote peace, however, cannot be limited to defeating violent extremists.For the most powerful weapon in our arsenal is the hope of human beings--the belief that the future belongs to those who would build and not destroy;the confidence that conflicts can end and a new day can begin.但是，我们促进和平的努力不能局限于战胜暴力极端分子，因为在我们的武器库内最有力的武器是人类的希望——相信未来属于从事建设而不进行破坏的人们；深信冲突能够结束、新的一天能够开始。

And that is why we will support--we will strengthen our support for effective peacekeeping, while energizing our efforts to prevent conflicts before they take hold.We will pursue a lasting peace in Sudan through support for the people of Darfur and the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, so that we secure the peace that the Sudanese people deserve.(Applause.)And in countries ravaged by violence--from Haiti to Congo to East Timor--we will work with the U.N.and other partners to support an enduring peace.因此，我们将支持–我们将增强我们对有效维和活动的支持；与此同时，在冲突形成之前竭力防止冲突发生。我们将通过支持达尔富尔地区的人民和《全面和平协议》的实施在苏丹寻求持久和平，这样我们将为苏丹人民获得应有的和平提供保障。在遭受暴力蹂躏的国家–从海地到刚果到东帝汶–我们将与联合国及其他合作伙伴协作，支持实现持久和平。

I will also continue to seek a just and lasting peace between Israel, Palestine, and the Arab world.(Applause.)We will continue to work on that issue.Yesterday, I had a constructive meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas.We have made some progress.Palestinians have strengthened their efforts on security.Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the Palestinians.As a result of these efforts on both sides, the economy in the West Bank has begun to grow.But more progress is needed.We continue to call on Palestinians to end incitement against Israel, and we continue to emphasize that America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.(Applause.)

我还将继续寻求在以色列、巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯世界之间建立公正和持久的和平。（掌声）我们将继续在这个问题上作出努力。昨天，我与内塔尼亚胡(Netanyahu)总理和阿巴斯(Abbas)主席举行了一次建设性的会议。我们取得了一些进展。巴勒斯坦人加强了他们在安全方面的努力。以色列方面则扩大了巴勒斯坦人的行动自由。在双方作出这些努力后，约旦河西岸的经济已开始增长。但是，还需要取得更大的进展。我们继续呼吁巴勒斯坦人结束针对以色列的挑衅行为，我们也继续强调美国不接受以色列继续扩大定居点这一做法的合法性。（掌声）

The time has come--the time has come to re-launch negotiations without preconditions that address the permanent status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians, borders, refugees, and Jerusalem.And the goal is clear: Two states living side by side in peace and security--a Jewish state of Israel, with true security for all Israelis;and a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967, and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people.(Applause.)

这样的时刻已经来临–不预设条件重启谈判解决以色列人与巴勒斯坦人的安全、边界、和耶路撒冷等永久性地位问题的时刻已经来临。目标很明确：两个国家在和平与安全中并存——一个是所有以色列人真正享有安全的以色列犹太国；另一个是独立的、具有生命力的巴勒斯坦国，它将重获从1967年开始被占领的大片领土，并使巴勒斯坦人民的潜能得到发挥。（掌声）

As we pursue this goal, we will also pursue peace between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its many neighbors.In pursuit of that goal, we will develop regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.当我们寻求这项目标时，我们还将寻求以色列与黎巴嫩、以色列与叙利亚、以色列与其许多邻国之间的更广泛的和平。在寻求这项目标时，我们不仅要利用双边谈判，还将制定多方参与的地区性行动计划。

Now, I am not naïve.I know this will be difficult.But all of us--not just the Israelis and the Palestinians, but all of us--must decide whether we are serious about peace, or whether we will only lend it lip service.To break the old patterns, to break the cycle of insecurity and despair, all of us must say publicly what we would acknowledge in private.The United States does Israel no favors when we fail to couple an unwavering commitment to its security with an insistence that Israel respect the legitimate claims and rights of the Palestinians.(Applause.)And--and nations within this body do the Palestinians no favors when they choose vitriolic attacks against Israel over constructive willingness to recognize Israel's legitimacy and its right to exist in peace and security.(Applause.)我并不幼稚天真。我知道这件事并非轻而易举。但我们大家–不仅是以色列人和巴勒斯坦人，而是我们大家–必须决定我们是否真正希望实现和平，还只是口惠而实不至。为了打破旧有的模式，打破不安全和绝望的循环，我们大家必须公开说出我们私下承认的事实。美国如果不把对以色列的安全所作的坚定承诺与坚持要求以色列尊重巴勒斯坦人民的合法诉求与权利这两者结合在一起，就等于没有向以色列提供任何帮助。（掌声）如果联合国的成员国只是对以色列猛烈抨击，而不是本着建设性的态度承认以色列的合法性及其在和平与安全中生存的权利，这些国家也就没有向巴勒斯坦人提供任何帮助。（掌声）

We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us.It's not paid by politicians.It's paid by the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the middle of the night.It's paid for by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to call his own.These are all God's children.And after all the politics and all the posturing, this is about the right of every human being to live with dignity and security.That is a lesson embedded in the three great faiths that call one small slice of Earth the Holy Land.And that is why, even though there will be setbacks and false starts and tough days, I will not waver in my pursuit of peace.(Applause.)

我们必须记住，为这场冲突付出最大代价的并不是我们，也不是政客们，而是住在斯德洛特（Sderot）的以色列女孩，她惊恐万分，闭上自己的眼睛，害怕会被半夜袭来的火箭弹夺走生命。付出代价的还有加沙（Gaza）地带的巴勒斯坦男孩，他喝不上干净的水，也没有自己的祖国。他们都是上帝的子民。在种种政治较量和种种姿态背后，最根本的是每个人都有权过有尊严和安全无虞的生活。这是将地球上这一小块地方称为圣地（Holy Land）的三大宗教的教诲。正因为如此，尽管会面临挫折、出师不利的局面和艰难的时期，我都会毫不动摇地寻求和平。（掌声）

Third, we must recognize that in the 21st century, there will be no peace unless we take responsibility for the preservation of our planet.And I thank the Secretary General for hosting the subject of climate change yesterday.第三，我们必须认识到，在21世纪，除非我们承担起保护我们的星球的责任，否则就不会有和平。为此，我感谢秘书长昨天主持气候变化问题会议。

The danger posed by climate change cannot be denied.Our responsibility to meet it must not be deferred.If we continue down our current course, every member of this Assembly will see irreversible changes within their borders.Our efforts to end conflicts will be eclipsed by wars over refugees and resources.Development will be devastated by drought and famine.Land that human beings have lived on for millennia will disappear.Future generations will look back and wonder why we refused to act;why we failed to pass on--why we failed to pass on an environment that was worthy of our inheritance.气候变化构成的威胁不可否认。我们绝不能推诿应对这一威胁的责任。如果我们继续走现在这条道路，联大每一个会员国都将在本国境内看到无可补救的变化。我们制止冲突的努力将被因难民和争夺资源引发的战火耗尽。干旱和饥荒将断送促进发展的事业。人类世世代代生活的土地将会消失。子孙后代将回顾历史，责问我们为什么不采取行动；我们为什么没有留下——我们为什么没有留下一个值得为之骄傲的环境。

And that is why the days when America dragged its feet on this issue are over.We will move forward with investments to transform our energy economy, while providing incentives to make clean energy the profitable kind of energy.We will press ahead with deep cuts in emissions to reach the goals that we set for 2020, and eventually 2050.We will continue to promote renewable energy and efficiency, and share new technologies with countries around the world.And we will seize every opportunity for progress to address this threat in a cooperative effort with the entire world.因此，美国在这个问题上步履迟缓的时期结束了。我们将向前迈进，投资于我国能源经济的转型，同时通过鼓励措施使清洁能源变成有益的能源。我们将积极推行大幅度减排，实现我们到2020年要实现的目标，并最终实现2050年的既定目标。我们将继续提倡可再生能源和节能，并同世界各国分享新技术。我们将抓住一切寻求进展的机会，同全世界同心协力应对这一威胁。

And those wealthy nations that did so much damage to the environment in the 20th century must accept our obligation to lead.But responsibility does not end there.While we must acknowledge the need for differentiated responses, any effort to curb carbon emissions must include the fast-growing carbon emitters who can do more to reduce their air pollution without inhibiting growth.And any effort that fails to help the poorest nations both adapt to the problems that climate change have already wrought and help them travel a path of clean development simply will not work.对于所有在20世纪给环境造成了如此严重破坏的富裕国家，我们必须尽自己的义务，率先采取行动。但责任不限于此。尽管我们必须承认，应对行动应该区别对待，但任何限制碳排放的努力都必须将碳排放量增长迅速的国家包括在内，这些国家能在不阻碍发展的情况下为降低空气污染做出更多的努力。任何方案都需要一方面帮助最贫困的国家应对气候变化已经造成问题，另一方面帮助它们走上清洁发展的道路。如果无法两者兼顾，则根本无法取得成效。

It's hard to change something as fundamental as how we use energy.I know that.It's even harder to do so in the midst of a global recession.Certainly, it will be tempting to sit back and wait for others to move first.But we cannot make this journey unless we all move forward together.As we head into Copenhagen, let us resolve to focus on what each of us can do for the sake of our common future.改变我们使用能源的方式是一个基本问题，做到这一点并不容易。我知道这一点。在全球陷入衰退的时期这样做，甚至更加困难。当然，难免会有坐等他人首先采取行动的想法。但除非我们所有的人共同行动，否则就无法踏上这一征程。在我们准备出席哥本哈根（Copenhagen）会议之际，让我们痛下决心，集中精力去做我们每个人能为我们共同的未来所做的事情。And this leads me to the final pillar that must fortify our future: a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.现在，我将谈到支撑我们的未来的最后一个要素：为所有的人增进机会的全球经济。

The world is still recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.In America, we see the engine of growth beginning to churn, and yet many still struggle to find a job or pay their bills.Across the globe, we find promising signs, but little certainty about what lies ahead.And far too many people in far too many places live through the daily crises that challenge our humanity--the despair of an empty stomach;the thirst brought on by dwindling water supplies;the injustice of a child dying from a treatable disease;or a mother losing her life as she gives birth.全世界经历了自大萧条（Great Depression）以来最严重的一场经济危机，目前还在复苏之中。在美国，我们看到增长的引擎开始转动，但很多人仍然找不到工作，入不敷出。在全球各地，我们看到了可喜的迹象，但前景仍无定数。在太多的地方，有太多的人每天都生活在挑战人生的艰辛之中——饥肠辘辘，顿生绝望；供水短缺，干渴难熬；疾病可治，但患病儿童却死于不公正；或者出现产妇在生育过程中死亡的惨剧。

In Pittsburgh, we will work with the world's largest economies to chart a course for growth that is balanced and sustained.That means vigilance to ensure that we do not let up until our people are back to work.That means taking steps to rekindle demand so that global recovery can be sustained.And that means setting new rules of the road and strengthening regulation for all financial centers, so that we put an end to the greed and the excess and the abuse that led us into this disaster, and prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.在匹兹堡（Pittsburgh），我们将同全世界最大的经济体共同开辟一条均衡的、可持续增长的道路。这意味着高度负责，毫不松懈，直到我们的人民获得重新就业。意味着采取措施重新促进需求，保证全球复苏持续进行。这还意味着确立新的行为准则，并增强对所有金融中心的监管，以便铲除将我们带进这场灾难的贪婪、无节制和渎职行为，杜绝这样的危机再度发生。

At a time of such interdependence, we have a moral and pragmatic interest, however, in broader questions of development--the questions of development that existed even before this crisis happened.And so America will continue our historic effort to help people feed themselves.We have set aside $63 billion to carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS, to end deaths from tuberculosis and malaria, to eradicate polio, and to strengthen public health systems.We are joining with other countries to contribute H1N1 vaccines to the World Health Organization.We will integrate more economies into a system of global trade.We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year's summit with a global plan to make them a reality.And we will set our sights on the eradication of extreme poverty in our time.然而，在这个如此相互依存的时代，我们在更宽泛的发展问题上有着道义上和实际的利益——有关发展的种种问题在这场危机爆发前就已经存在。因此，美国将继续发扬历史传统，帮助人民吃饱穿暖。我们已拨款630亿美元继续进行防治艾滋病病毒/艾滋病（HIV/AIDS）的工作，挽救结核病和疟疾患者的生命，根治小儿麻痹症，并增强公共医疗体制。我们同其他国家共同向世界卫生组织（World Health Organization）捐赠H1N1疫苗。我们将帮助更多的经济体加入全球贸易体系。我们将支持千年发展目标，并将在明年的峰会上提出一项实现这些目标的全球计划。我们还将力争在我们这个时代根除极端贫困的现象。

Now is the time for all of us to do our part.Growth will not be sustained or shared unless all nations embrace their responsibilities.And that means that wealthy nations must open their markets to more goods and extend a hand to those with less, while reforming international institutions to give more nations a greater voice.And developing nations must root out the corruption that is an obstacle to progress--for opportunity cannot thrive where individuals are oppressed and business have to pay bribes.That is why we support honest police and independent judges;civil society and a vibrant private sector.Our goal is simple: a global economy in which growth is sustained, and opportunity is available to all.现在是我们所有的人尽力而为的时候了。只有所有国家都承担起责任，才能实现可持续增长或共同增长。这意味着富裕国家必须向更多的商品开放市场，并向不太富裕的国家伸出援手，同时改革国际机制，使更多的国家拥有更大的发言权。发展中国家必须根除阻碍进步的腐败现象——因为在人民遭受压迫、工商企业不得不行贿的地方不会出现机遇。这因为如此，我们支持廉正的警察和独立的法官；支持公民社会和一个欣欣向荣的民营部门。我们的目标简单明了：全球经济实现可持续增长，让所有的人都享有机会。

Now, the changes that I've spoken about today will not be easy to make.And they will not be realized simply by leaders like us coming together in forums like this, as useful as that may be.For as in any assembly of members, real change can only come through the people we represent.That is why we must do the hard work to lay the groundwork for progress in our own capitals.That's where we will build the consensus to end conflicts and to harness technology for peaceful purposes, to change the way we use energy, and to promote growth that can be sustained and shared.然而，实现我今天谈到的种种变革不可能一蹴而就。这些变革也不可能仅仅因为我们这些领导人在这里举行会议就能实现，尽管这些会议能发挥有益的作用。因为不论什么组织举行什么样的会议，真正的变革只能通过我们代表的人民才能得到实现。这也是为什么我们必须艰苦努力，在我们各国首都为取得进展奠定基础。这就构成了我们达成共识的基础，从而可以结束冲突，从而可以为和平的目的利用技术，从而可以改变我们使用能源的方式，从而可以促进可持续的共同增长。

I believe that the people of the world want this future for their children.And that is why we must champion those principles which ensure that governments reflect the will of the people.These principles cannot be afterthoughts--democracy and human rights are essential to achieving each of the goals that I've discussed today, because governments of the people and by the people are more likely to act in the broader interests of their own people, rather than narrow interests of those in power.我相信，全世界人民都希望为自己的孩子争取这样的未来。这也是我们必须捍卫上述原则的原因，因为这些原则要求各国政府必须体现人民的意志。这些原则并非可有可无—民主和对于实现我今天谈到的各项目标必不可少，因为民有和民治的政府更有可能根据本国人民更广泛的利益采取行动，不必屈从于当权者狭隘的利益。

The test of our leadership will not be the degree to which we feed the fears and old hatreds of our people.True leadership will not be measured by the ability to muzzle dissent, or to intimidate and harass political opponents at home.The people of the world want change.They will not long tolerate those who are on the wrong side of history.对我们领导能力的检验不表现于助长人民的恐惧感和深仇宿怨。衡量真正领导能力的尺度不是压制异己或恫吓骚扰国内政治反对派的力量。世界人民希望变革。他们不会长期忍耐与历史背道而驰的人。

This Assembly's Charter commits each of us--and I quote--“to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women.” Among those rights is the freedom to speak your mind and worship as you please;the promise of equality of the races, and the opportunity for women and girls to pursue their own potential;the ability of citizens to have a say in how you are governed, and to have confidence in the administration of justice.For just as no nation should be forced to accept the tyranny of another nation, no individual should be forced to accept the tyranny of their own people.(Applause.)

大会宪章责成我们每个成员——我在此引述——“重申他们对基本、人格尊严和价值以及男女平等权利的信念”。这些权利包括，表达自己观点的自由和信仰自由；种族平等的保证；妇女和女童发展潜力的机会；公民对自身管理的发言权以及对司法公正的信心。正如任何国家都不应被迫接受另一国家的专制一样，任何人都不应被迫接受对本国人民的专制。（掌声）

As an African American, I will never forget that I would not be here today without the steady pursuit of a more perfect union in my country.And that guides my belief that no matter how dark the day may seem, transformative change can be forged by those who choose to side with justice.And I pledge that America will always stand with those who stand up for their dignity and their rights--for the student who seeks to learn;the voter who demands to be heard;the innocent who longs to be free;the oppressed who yearns to be equal.作为一个非洲裔美国人，我决不会忘记，若不是我的国家对一个更加完美的联邦的坚定追求，我今天不会站在这里。它使我相信，无论眼前看似多么黑暗，选择站在正义一边的人们是能够促成变革的。我保证，美国将永远同捍卫自身尊严与权利的人们在一起——同努力求学的学生；同要求发出声音的选民；同渴望自由的无辜者；同期盼平等的受压迫人。Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside.Each society must search for its own path, and no path is perfect.Each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people and in its past traditions.And I admit that America has too often been selective in its promotion of democracy.But that does not weaken our commitment;it only reinforces it.There are basic principles that are universal;there are certain truths which are self-evident--and the United States of America will never waver in our efforts to stand up for the right of people everywhere to determine their own destiny.(Applause.)

民主不可能从外部强加给任何国家。每个社会必须寻求自身的道路，而没有一条路会尽善尽美。每个国家都将谋求一条基于自身民族文化和历史传统的道路。我承认，美国在推动民主时曾过于经常地带有选择性。但这并不减少我们的承诺，而是使之更加坚定。一些基本原则是举世皆准的；一些真理是不言而喻的——美利坚合众国将永远毫不动摇地支持各地人民决定自己命运的权利。（掌声）

Sixty-five years ago, a weary Franklin Roosevelt spoke to the American people in his fourth and final inaugural address.After years of war, he sought to sum up the lessons that could be drawn from the terrible suffering, the enormous sacrifice that had taken place.“We have learned,” he said, “to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.”

６５年前，忧心忡忡的富兰克林•罗斯福向美国人民发表了他的第四次，也是最后一次就职演说。他对多年战争造成的可怕苦难和人们作出的巨大牺牲所能带来的教训作了如此概括：“我们学会了做世界公民，做人类社会的成员。”

The United Nations was built by men and women like Roosevelt from every corner of the world--from Africa and Asia, from Europe to the Americas.These architects of international cooperation had an idealism that was anything but naïve--it was rooted in the hard-earned lessons of war;rooted in the wisdom that nations could advance their interests by acting together instead of splitting apart.从非洲到亚洲、从欧洲到美洲——联合国是由世界各地像罗斯福这样的男女志士创建起来的。这些国际合作建筑师们的理想绝非天真，而是基于来之不易的战争教训和这样一个智慧，即各国可以通过一道行动而不是来促进自己的利益。

Now it falls to us--for this institution will be what we make of it.The United Nations does extraordinary good around the world--feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, mending places that have been broken.But it also struggles to enforce its will, and to live up to the ideals of its founding.如今此任降临于我们——这个机构的作用将取决于我们。联合国在全球功绩卓著——解饥救病，修复创伤。但是，联合国也在贯彻自身意愿和实践奠基理念的过程中步履艰难。

I believe that those imperfections are not a reason to walk away from this institution--they are a calling to redouble our efforts.The United Nations can either be a place where we bicker about outdated grievances, or forge common ground;a place where we focus on what drives us apart, or what brings us together;a place where we indulge tyranny, or a source of moral authority.In short, the United Nations can be an institution that is disconnected from what matters in the lives of our citizens, or it can be an indispensable factor in advancing the interests of the people we serve.我相信，这些缺憾不能构成背弃这个机构的理由，而是一个要求我们加倍努力的呼唤。联合国这个地方，既能够使我们为宿怨争吵不休，也可以让我们奠定共同基础；既能够使我们盯住分歧不放，也可以让我们携手共进；既能够使人纵容专制，也可以产生道义权威。总之，联合国既可以与事关我们公民性命的事务不相干，也可以成为推动我们为之服务的人民的利益所不可或缺的因素。

We have reached a pivotal moment.The United States stands ready to begin a new chapter of international cooperation--one that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations.And so, with confidence in our cause, and with a commitment to our values, we call on all nations to join us in building the future that our people so richly deserve.我们已到达一个关键时刻。美国为打开国际合作的新篇章作好了准备——这种合作认识到所有国家的权利与责任。因此，满怀对我们事业的信心和对我们价值观的信念，我们呼呼所有国家与我们一道建设一个我们的人民应充分享有的未来。

Thank you very much, everybody.(Applause.)

非常感谢你们，所有各位。（掌声）

第四篇：美国总统奥巴马2014年父亲节讲话

美国总统奥巴马2014年父亲节讲话

Hi, everybody.Sunday is Father’s Day.If you haven’t got Dad a gift yet, there’s still time.Just barely.But the truth is, what we give our fathers can never match what our fathers give us.大家好。周日是父亲节。如果你还没有给爸爸准备礼物，现在还来得及。大大方方地。但是事实上，我们给父亲们的永远比不上父亲们给我们的。

I know how important it is to have a dad in your life, because I grew up without my father around.I felt the weight of his absence.So for Michelle and our girls, I try every day to be the husband and father my family didn’t have when I was young.And every chance I get, I encourage fathers to get more involved in their children’s lives, because what makes you a man isn’t the ability to have a child – it’s the courage to raise one.我深知你们一生中有个父亲是何等重要，因为我从小到大没有父亲。我深知没有他我们的艰难。所以对米切尔和我们的两个女儿，我每天都努力做一个好丈夫和好爸爸，这是我这时候家里没有的。我总是利用一切机会鼓励父亲们更多地融入孩子们的生活，因为这使你成为一个不止是有能力生孩子的男人，而是有抚养孩子的勇气的男人。

Still, over the past couple years, I’ve met with a lot of young people who don’t have a father figure around.And while there’s nothing that can replace a parent, any of us can do our part to be a mentor, a sounding board, a role model for a kid who needs one.Earlier this year, I launched an initiative called My Brother’s Keeper – an all-hands-on-deck effort to help more of our young men reach their full

potential.And if you want to be a mentor to a young man in your community, you can find out how at WhiteHouse.gov/MyBrothersKeeper.还有，在过去的几年里，我遇到很多没有父亲的年轻人。尽管没有什么可以取代一个家长，我们中的任何人都可以尽自己的努力成为导师，一个倾听者和孩子需要的任何角色。今年早些时候，我推出了一个叫做―弟弟的监护人‖的动议--一个人人尽责的努力旨在帮助我们的年轻人发挥他们的潜能。如果你想成为你们社区的任何一个年轻人的导师，你可以在WhiteHouse.gov/MyBrothersKeeper网站得知如何做。

Now, when I launched this initiative, I said that government can’t play the

primary role in a young person’s life.Taking responsibility for being a great parent or mentor is a choice that we, as individuals, have to make.No government program can ever take the place of a parent’s love.Still, as a country, there are ways we can help support dads and moms who make that choice.当我推出这个动议的时候，我说政府不能在任何年轻人的生活中起主导作用。担起作为伟大的父母或导师的责任是我们作为个人必须做出的选择。没有一 1

个政府项目可以取代父母的爱。还有，作为一个国家，我们有很多方式帮助父亲们和母亲们做出这个选择。

That’s why, earlier this week, we brought working dads from across America to the White House to talk about the challenges they face.And in a few weeks, I’ll hold the first-ever White House Working Families Summit.We’ve still got too many workplace policies that belong in the 1950s, and it’s time to bring them up to date for today’s families, where oftentimes, both parents are working.Moms and dads deserve affordable child care, and time off to care for a sick parent or child without running into hardship.Women deserve equal pay for equal work – and at a time when more women are breadwinners for a family, that benefits men, too.And because no parent who works full-time should have to raise a family in poverty, it’s time for Congress to follow the lead of state after state, get on the bandwagon, and give America a raise.这就是为什么本周早些时候，我们邀请了一些来自全美各地的工薪父亲们来到白宫讨论我们面对的挑战。在今后几周里，我将在白宫举办白宫工薪家庭峰会。我们现在有很多职场政策还是1950年代的，现在是使它们跟上今天的家庭的时候了，这些家庭通常是双亲都工作。母亲们和父亲们理应得到可承受的儿保，可以请假照顾生病的父母或孩子而不至于陷入困境。妇女理应得到同工同酬待遇--当更多妇女成为家庭支柱时，男人也从中受益。因为我们不允许任何全职父母支撑一个家庭就要陷入贫困，所以现在是国会紧跟一个又一个州的潮流，给美国一个提升。

Dads work hard.So our country should do what we can to make sure their hard work pays off;to make sure life for them and their families is a little less stressful, and a little more secure, so they can be the dads their kids need them to be.Because there’s nothing more precious in life than the time we spend with our

children.There’s no better feeling than knowing that we can be there for them, and provide for them, and help give them every shot at success.父亲们勤奋工作。所以我们的国家应该尽力让他们的努力得到回报；们和他们的家庭的生活更加成功一点，更加安全一点，以使他们成为他们的孩子们想要的父亲们。因为人生中没有什么比他们花在孩子们身上的时间更加珍贵了。没有什么比知道我们就在他们的身边，为他们提供他们需要的，给他们任何成功的机会更加幸福的感觉了。

Let’s make sure every dad who works hard and takes responsibility has the chance to know that feeling, not just on one Sunday, but every day of the year.让我们保证每个辛勤工作承担责任的父亲有机会不仅在一个周日，而是年年月月日日有这种感觉。

Thanks everybody, happy Father’s Day, and have a great weekend.谢谢，父亲节快乐，周末快乐。

美国总统奥巴马2013年父亲节讲话

Hi, everybody.This Sunday is Father’s Day, and so I wanted to take a moment to talk about the most important job many of us will ever have – and that’s being a dad.大家好，周日是父亲节，所以我想花一点儿时间谈谈那许多我们都有的重要工作——当一个爸爸。

Today we’re blessed to live in a world where technology allows us to connect instantly with just about anyone on the planet.But no matter how advanced we get, there will never be a substitute for the love and support and, most importantly, the presence of a parent in a child’s life.And in many ways, that’s uniquely true for fathers.今天，我们有幸生活在这样一个世界，何人即时地保持联络。不管我们多么地先进，都没有什么可以把孩子生命中的爱、支持、最重要的是父母的存在，进行替代。在许多情况下，对父亲来说这尤为正确。

I never really knew my own father.I was raised by a single mom and two wonderful grandparents who made incredible sacrifices for me.And there are single parents all across the country who do a heroic job raising terrific kids.But I still wish I had a dad who was not only around, but involved;another role model to teach me what my mom did her best to instill – values like hard work and integrity;responsibility and delayed gratification – all the things that give a child the foundation to envision a brighter future for themselves.我从没真正地了解我自己的父亲，我由单亲母亲和两位优秀的祖父母抚养成人，他们为我做出了巨大的牺牲。全国各地都有单亲父母，例如，只有妈妈，做着英勇伟大的工作，抚养着优秀的孩子。但我仍然希望，我有一个爸爸，他不仅在我的周围，而是在我的生命中，以另一个角色来教导我妈妈也尽力灌输给我的东西，努力工作和正直的价值观，有责任心而不贪图享受，所有给孩子预想自己光明未来基础的东西。

That’s why I try every day to be for Michelle and my girls what my father was not for my mother and me.And I’ve met plenty of other people – dads and uncles and men without a family connection – who are trying to break the cycle and give more of our young people a strong male role model.这也就是我每天尽力为米歇尔和我的女儿们去做一些事情的原因，因为我父亲没能为我母亲和我做的这些。我也遇见过大量其他的人，爸爸们，叔伯们和其他没有完整家庭的男人们。他们也尽力去打破这个怪圈，给予我们更多的年轻人强大的男性的榜样。

Being a good parent – whether you’re gay or straight;a foster parent or a

grandparent – isn’t easy.It demands your constant attention, frequent sacrifice, and a healthy dose of patience.And nobody’s perfect.To this day, I’m still figuring out how3

to be a better husband to my wife and father to my kids.作为好的父母亲——，养父母或是祖父母——都是不易的。这需要你持续地关注，频繁地做出牺牲，很健康耐心的心态。没有人是完美的，至今，我仍在努力想着如何去做一个妻子的好丈夫和孩子的好父亲。And I want to do what I can as President to encourage marriage and strong families.We should reform our child support laws to get more men working and engaged with their children.And my Administration will continue to work with the faith and other community organizations, as well as businesses, on a campaign to encourage strong parenting and fatherhood.，去鼓励稳定的婚姻和和谐的家庭。我们应该修订我们的未成年人抚育法，让更多的人获得工作，为他们的孩子而忙碌。我的政府也将继续真诚地和其他社会组织，也包括企业，打赢更好地抚养孩子和传递父爱的战役。

Because if there’s one thing I’ve learned along the way, it’s that all our personal successes shine a little less brightly if we fail at family.That’s what matters most.When I look back on my life, I won’t be thinking about any particular legislation I passed or policy I promoted.I’ll be thinking about Michelle, and the journey we’ve been on together.I’ll be thinking about Sasha’s dance recitals and Malia’s tennis matches – about the conversations we’ve had and the quiet moments we’ve shared.I’ll be thinking about whether I did right by them, and whether they knew, every day, just how much they were loved.这就是如果我们在家庭上失败了，我们所有个人的成功都少了一点儿明亮的光泽，这才是最重要的。当我回忆我的一生，我不会想到任何我通过的待定法案，或是我力促的政策，我将会想到的是米歇尔和我们一起走过的岁月，我将会想到的是萨沙的舞蹈演出和玛丽亚的网球比赛，我们在一起的对话和我们一起共享的静谧时光。我会想是否我做对了，是否他们知道每一天，我是如此的爱着她们。

That’s what I think being a father is all about.And if we can do our best to be a source of comfort and encouragement to our kids;if we can show them unconditional love and help them grow into the people they were meant to be;then we will have succeeded.这就是我认为作为一个父亲应该关心的，如果我们可以尽自己的全力来安慰和鼓励我们的孩子。如果我们可以付出我们无条件地爱，帮助他们成为应该成为的人，那么我们就都成功了。

Happy Father’s Day to all the dads out there, and have a great weekend.因此祝所有爸爸们父亲节快乐，周末快乐。

第五篇：奥巴马在911纪念仪式上的讲话

9月12日讯 据美国媒体报道，当日上午，美国总统奥巴马在华盛顿肯尼迪中心举行的“9·11”纪念音乐会上发表讲话，意在使美国民众在遭受9·11恐怖袭击十年后重新燃起对美国价值观念的信心。昨晚，奥巴马携夫人米歇尔访问了9·11事件中的三处遇难地，并参加了悼念活动。

奥巴马在911纪念仪式上的讲话

《圣经》告诉我们，哭泣可能会持续整夜，但欢乐会在清晨到来。

十年前，美国经历了最黑暗的一个夜晚。雄伟的高楼坍塌了，五角大楼升起滚滚黑烟，飞机残骸在宾夕法尼亚州燃烧。好友近邻们，兄弟姐妹们，父亲母亲们，孩子们，他们从我们身边被带走了，如此迅速和残酷地离开了我们，让我们悲痛万分。2001年9月12日，当我们醒来时，面对的是一个新的世界，邪恶离我们更近，对未知的恐惧笼罩着我们的未来。

之后的十年，美国人民改变了很多。我们懂得了战争和衰退，我们懂得了激烈的争辩和政治分歧。我们永远无法唤回那天逝去的生命，或是那些在后来的战争中英勇献身的美国人。

但是在今天，我们应该铭记的是那些未曾改变的东西。我们

国家的性格没有改变。我们的信念并没有变，我们始终相信上帝、并彼此信任。我们这个国家抱着永恒的理想，我们坚信人人都应该自律，人人生来平等并享有同等的决定自己命运的自由。这一信念经受住了无数考验，现在更是坚不可摧。

过去的十年表明，美国没有向恐惧妥协。救援人员赶往现场，消防员冲上大楼，机上乘客与歹徒搏斗，这些爱国者们证明了什么叫做勇敢。十年来，我们也看到了英雄主义更低调的一种表现形式：失去那么多战友的消防队依然每天整装待发挽救生命，被摧毁的企业得到重建，受伤的幸存者重新振作起来，遇难者家属开始了新的生活。

今年春天，我收到了一位叫苏珊娜•斯万（Suzanne Swaine）的女士的来信。她在双子塔的灾难中失去了丈夫和兄弟。她说，“那么多骄傲的瞬间被剥夺了，父亲原本可以看到孩子们毕业，看到她们在长曲棍球比赛中得分，看到她们在学业上取得佳绩”。这位女士有两个女儿在上大学，还有一个女儿在上高中并且表现很好。她在信中写道，“十年来，我一直一个人养育三个女儿；她们的自强和坚韧让我无比骄傲”。这一家人的精神就是所有美国家庭的写照。这些女孩充满希望的未来就是对杀害她们父亲的可恶凶手最有力的回击。

过去这十年展示了美国保护公民、维护美国生活方式的决心。外交官们背井离乡驻守远方，情报人员默默无闻不知疲倦地工作。911后有200万美国人参与了战争。这些人证明，那些伤害了我们的人无法逃脱正义的审判，不论他们藏在何处。事实上，保卫美国的并不是征召的士兵，而是自愿服役的公民，他们是毕业便直接入伍的年轻人，他们是国民警卫队士兵和后备役军人，他们是工人和商人，他们是移民和第四代士兵。他们放弃舒适的生活，坚持两期、三期、四期或五期超期服役。他们中的很多人从此再也没有回来。即便是平安回来的人，他们也背负着远方的黑暗记忆，以及对逝去战友的永恒怀念。

这些军人及其家属所做的牺牲提醒我们，战争的代价是巨大的，虽然他们对国家的贡献充满荣耀，战争本身却绝不光荣。十年间，我们的军队被派到了很多美国人闻所未闻的地方：坎大哈和喀布尔，摩苏尔和巴士拉。但我们的强大并不是用驻军能力来衡量的，而是体现在我们把这些地方留给自由人民和主权政府的决心上，以及我们要结束十年战争、迎接和平未来的愿望上。

这十年表明，我们一直在坚持各项自由权利。没错，对威胁我们的人我们提高了警惕，而我们的一般性防御也带来了种

种麻烦。有关战争与和平、安全与公民自由的讨论常常是激烈的。但正是这些讨论的激烈程度和以符合我们价值观的方式化解这些争论的能力才是我们的力量所在。此外，美国开放的市场仍向创新者提供发明创造的机会，美国人仍可以自由地直抒胸臆，我们的灵魂仍在教堂、佛教寺院、犹太教堂和清真寺中得到净化和提升。

过去的这十年凸显出全体美国人之间的凝聚力。我们没有陷入猜忌和怀疑中不可自拔。911发生后，小布什总统曾明确表示过：美国永远不会向伊斯兰教或任何其它宗教发动战争。这也是我们今天要重申的观点。人们从世界各地移民来到美国。无论是在美国的大都市还是小城镇，无论是在学校还是在工作场所，仍然可以看到肤色、宗教和种族各不相同的人们汇聚在这里，大家都宣誓忠于一面国旗，所有人都为了实现共同的美国梦──合众为一。

过去这十年讲述了一个关于不屈不挠精神的故事。五角大楼得到了修复，爱国者在那里为了共同的目标而努力工作。在尚克斯维尔，当地居民和那些在这里失去了自己至亲的家庭结下了友谊。纽约仍是一个生机勃勃的艺术、工业、时尚和商业之都。在世界贸易中心曾经屹立的地方，一座新建大厦拔地而起，在阳光下熠熠生辉。美国人仍在摩天大楼中工作，体育场里挤满了运动爱好者，公园里到处都是玩球的孩童。我们的机场呈现出一片繁忙景象，我们的巴士和地铁运送数百万旅客奔赴目的地。到了周日晚上，全家人一起坐下来享受晚餐，孩子们则为第二天上学做准备。在这片土地上，既有人们准备奔赴远途的乐观，也有为了人类自由而牺牲的勇气。

几十年后，美国人会来参观这些纪念碑以悼念那些911的遇难者。他们的手指会掠过那些我们曾经深爱着的、现如今被刻入大理石和石碑的亲友的名字，并对这些人的生活感到好奇。站在阿灵顿国家公墓白色的墓碑前，在美国各地小城镇的广场上举办的宁静的纪念仪式上，他们会向那些在阿富汗和伊拉克战争中阵亡的人致敬，他们会在桥梁和雕塑上、在花园和学校里看到逝者的名字。

他们会知道，没有什么可以击垮真正代表美利坚合众国的意志。他们会记得，我们一路走过了奴隶制和南北战争，见证了排队领面包的队伍和法西斯主义，经历了经济衰退和**，也征服了共产主义和恐怖主义。有人会提醒他们说，美国并不完美，但美国的民主是久经考验的，这种民主反映出人类的不完美，但同时也让我们有机会改善我们的国家。在举国悼念的日子里，我们引以为荣的就是这些永不磨灭的美

国历史和推动我们合众为

一、向前迈进的决心。

911遗产不止于纪念碑，还有那些走向火海的消防员、报名参军的士兵、合力建造新楼的工人、临危不惧的公民以及实现了父母梦想的子女。我们坚守信仰、遭到沉重打击并变得更为坚强的故事将流传给后人。

“哭泣可能会持续整夜，但欢乐会在清晨到来。”

以公正的上帝作为我们的向导，让我们向那些逝者致敬，努力为实践那些令我们国家卓尔不群的精神而奋斗，让我们满怀希望畅想未来。愿上帝保佑我们对逝者的追忆，保佑美利坚合众国。